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UNIVERSITY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 
LIBRARY 


JK 
2263 
1900 
M8 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2010  with  funding  from 

Boston  Library  Consortium  IVIember  Libraries 


http://www.archive.org/details/votersguideforca192025morr 


THE  VOTER'S  GUIDE  FOR  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  t900. 


/ 


GREAT  ISSUES 


— and — 


NATIONAL  LEADERS 


LIVE  QUESTIONS 

—of  fhe — 

DAY  DISCUSSED 

Including  Imperialism,  Expansion,  Trusts,  The  Government  of  our  New  Territories, 
Nicaraguan  Canal,  Open  Door  in  the  East,  etc. 


Party  Platforms  in  full  and  Lives  of  Candidates  and  Noted  Men  of  the  Day. 

One  Hundred  Years  of   Political  History  and  the 

Great  Campaigns  of  the  Century. 

By  CHARLES  MORRIS,  LX.D.,  and  EDWARD  S.  ELLIS,  A.M., 
Mssisted  by  L  T.  JOHNSON,  A.M. 

With  a  Presentation  of  the  Views  and  Arguments  of  the  Great  Leaders 
in  the  Opposing  Parties,  including 

HON.  LYMAN  J.  GAGE,  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN,  HON.  BURKE  COCHRAN 
SENATORS   HOAR,  FORAKER,  PRYE  AND  OTHERS. 


R.  E.  WHITMAN  &  CO. 

ELMIRA,  N.  Y. 


LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF 
MASSACHUSEHS 

AMHERST,  MASS. 


OOPYRIGHT,    1900 

BY 

"W.  E.  Sottm:. 


MANY  OF  THE  ILXiUSTHATIONS  IN  THIB  BOOK  ARB  SXADX]  VKOM:  OOPXRIGUT 
PHOTOGRAPHS,  AND  ALL  PERSONS  ARE  "WARNED  NOT  TO  REPRODTTCTH  TmiM 
WITHOUT    PERMISSION. 


\ 


X 

\ 


PREFACE 

THIS  will  be  the  last  Presidential  campaign  of  the  centui-y,  and 
in  many  respects  it  bids  fair  to  be  one  of  the  most  interesting 
and    important.     The  result    of   the    Spanish  War  was  to 
involve     the    United     States    in    new    and    vast     responsibilities. 
Whether  rightly  or  wrongly,  we  have  the  Philippines,  Cuba,  Porto 
Rico  and  Hawii  on  our  hands.     What  shall  we  do  with  them  ? 

Four  years  ago  the  issues  was  upon  the  adoption  of  a  gold  or 
silver  standard.  The  tariff  question  also  entered  then  into  consider- 
ation. In  the  four  years  that  have  passed.  Congress  has  by  law  made 
gold  the  standard,  and  although  some  may  call  into  question  the  wis- 
dom of  this  policy,  yet  the  subject  of  finance  will  not  occupy  as  • 
prominent  a  place  in  the  campaign  of  1900  as  the  newer  issues, 
trusts,  the  government  of  our  New  Possessions,  imperialism  and 
expansion.  At  such  a  time  it  is  helpful  to  review  carefully  the 
history  of  our  past,  to  have  at  hand  a  connected  and  interesting 
account  of  the  development  of  our  Government  and  the  policies 
which  have  been  pursued  since  its  formation.  Are  we  about  to 
change  and  enter  upon  new  lines  of  political  development?  In 
fact,  we  can  find  that  in  our  history  many  of  the  problems  of 
to-day  have  appeared  in  one  or  more  forms  in  the  past.  Therefore, 
we  have  before  us  in  this  volume,  a  chapter  which  covers  the  lives 
of  the  Presidents  and  the  issues  of  the  campaigns  of  the  past  100 
years. 

There  is  given  also  in  an  interesting  and  concise  form  an 
account  of  our  New  Possession,  the  Philippines,  Hawaii,  Cuba, 
Porto  Rico,  and  also  the  story  of  the  war,  as  a  result  of  which 
we  came  into  oossession  of  these  foreigfn  lands.  The  beautiful 
illustrations  which  are  found  in  these  pages  add  to  their  interest 
by  appealing  to  the  eye  and  giving  a  truthful  representation  of 
the  islands  and  peoples.     Much  has  been  said  and  written  on  these 

iii 


iv  PREFACr. 

subjects  which  is  confusing  and  rut  .  lutui  n>  one  who  desires  to 
form  his  own  opinion.  Therefore,  in  th^  volume  an  effort  has  been 
made  to  give  exact  facts  on  all  the  questions,  and  to  give  also 

the  views  of  leading  statesmen.     "J  ii  1  find  data  enabling 

him  to  decide  for  himself  the  issues  upoi;  '.  ;iich  he  is  expected  to 
vote.  Here  will  be  found  discuss!  n^;  hy  mf!n  of  the  highest 
authority  who  have  given  express-  v  )n   the  great  ques- 

tions of  the  hour.      Among  thes*"  oi  ^   utterances  and  ex- 

pressions of  Hon.  Burke  Corhran,  \A<  .  ,  Lyman  J.  Gage,  Hon. 
George  F.  Hoar,  Hon.  W'"  '^  ^  '  '"'"  -nd  others  which  the 
f^Hitor   has  here   collected  -      As   only  a  few  of   the 

millions  of  voters  have  had  an  or  portunicy  to  attend  the  conven- 
tions held  in  Philadelphia  and  Kansas  City,  an  extended  report  of 
the  speeches  and  reports  of  the  cor  mittees  are  here  given.  The 
platforms  adopted  bv  i-  ti  several  parties  are  carefully  reported. 
The  editor  has  also  t  only  of  the  interest  of  those  who 

listen  to  discussions,  bu:  also  those  who  take  part  in  them.  Abun- 
dant material  has  been  eollected  and  conveniently  arranged  for 
those  interested  in  preparing  for  public  addresses. 

Biographical  sketches  and  recent  portraits  of  the  prominent 
men  )f  the  day  whose  names  will  appear  in  public  press  or  who 
v/ill  oe  heard  from  the  platform,  will  appear  in  this  volume, 
to  be  :;ome  familiar  and  inspiring  companions  of  the  family  circle. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I 
Four  Centuries  of  American  History 

PAGE 

The  Stock  from  which  the  American  People  are  Descended — The  United 
Colonies  of  New  England — How  the  Republic  was  Formed — Growth  in 
Population — In  Territory — In  Industrial  Enterprise — Its  Interest  in 
Foreign  Affairs  and  the  Monroe  Doctrine — The  Grand  Union  of  Anglo- 
Saxon  People ,       17 

CHAPTER  II 

A  Hundred  Years  of  Political  History  and  the  Great 

Campaigns  of  the  Century 

The  Origin  of  the  Caucus — The  First  Presidential  Election,  1789 — The 
Country  Divided  into  Parties — Improvement  of  the  Method  of  Nomin- 
ating Presidential  Candidates  —  Exciting  Scenes — "Old  Hickory" — 
"Log  Cabin  and  Hard  Cider" — Campaign  of  1840 — A  Tragic  Period 
— The  Democratic  Party  Divided — The  Beginning  of  the  Republican  Party 
— The  Great  Presidential  Campaign  of  1896 — Conventions,  Platforms  and 
Elections  of  the  Past  One  Hundred  Years 38 

CHAPTER  III 
The  Leading  Issues  of  the  Campaign :  "What  Are  They 

Open  Door  in  the  East — Trusts  as  a  Political  Issue — Imperialism  and  Expan- 
sion— Financial  Legislation — Colonial  Possessions — The  Problem  of  Their 
Government — The  Canteen  Law — Alaska  Boundary — Ship  Subsidy  Bill — 
Nicaragua  Canal — The  Cost  of  the  War — Sympathy  for  the  Boers    ...       69 

CHAPTER  IV 

The  Leading  Issues  of  the  Campaign — Continued 

Cuba  and  its  Proposed  Independence — The  Pledges  of  the  United  States  and 

Their  Fulfillment — The  Philippines  and  its  Civil  Government — Difficulties 

in  the  Way — Hawaii  as  a  New  Territory — The  New  Government  and  its 

Officers — Samoa 85 


vi  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  V 

Financial  Legislation  Since  1870  and  the  Gold  Bill  of 

March  14,   1900 

Discussed  by  Hon.   Lyman  J.    Gage,   Secretary  of  the  Treasury 

PAGI 

The  Currency  Problem — The  Greenback — Trade  Conditions — Panic  of  1873 — 
Revision  of  Coinage  Laws — The  McKinley  Tariff — Changes  in  the  Bank- 
ing Laws 100 

CHAPTER  VI 
The  Money  Question 

Discussed  by  Hon.   William  Jennings  Bryan 
The  Gold  Standard  and  How  it  May  Fail — Wage -earners'  Rights — Bankers* 

Privileges — Bimetallism  Defined 12c 

CHAPTER  Vn 
Trusts 

Discussion  by  Hon.   Burke  Cochran  and  Hon.   William 
Jennings  Bryan 
Why  They  Enter  into  the  Political  Campaign — Means  of  Regulation — State 
and  National  Legislation  Regulated  by  Supply  and  Demand — Influenced 
by  Public  Opinion 131 

CHAPTER  VIII 
Imperialism  and  Expansion 

Discussed  by  Hon.   A.   T.   Beveridge,  Senator  from  Indiana 
Tendencies  of  the  Race  Toward  Imperialism — No  Time  for  Retreat — American 
Duty  Demands  Sovereignty  in  the  Philippines — Is  our  Country  Adapted 
to  Work  of  Expansion 144 

CHAPTER  IX 
Anti-Imperialism 

Discussed  by  Hon.  George  F.   Hoar,  Senator  From  Massachusetts 
A  Proper  Interpretation  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence — The  Constitu- 
tion Applied — An  Unholy  War — Another  PoUcy  Recommended    ....     156 

CHAPTER  X 
Porto  Rico  and  Its  Government 

Discussed  by  Senator  J.   B.  Foraker  and  Hon.   George 
F.   Edmunds 
The  President's  Proclamation — Our  Plain  Duty — The  Needs  of  the  People — 
Not  Yet  Ready  for   Self-government — Is  the  Porto    Rico   Law   Constitu- 
tional?— Self-interest  too  Strong  a  Motive  in  Passing  this  Law  ,    ,    ,    ,     169 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS  viJ 

CHAPTER  XI 
Shall  the  American  Marine  be  Subsidized 

PAGE 

The  Condition  of  our  Shipping  Interests — The  Advantages  of  the  Proposed 
Subsidy — ^The  Views  of  Hon.  Marcus  A.  Hanna — The  Pohcy  a 
Failure  and  a  Menace  to  Our  Government — The  Views  of  President 
Arthur  T.  Hadly,  of  Yale  University i8i 

CHAPTER  XII 
Future  Growth  of  the  American  Trade 

Discussed  by  Hon.   William  P.   Frye,  Senator  From  Maine 

How  Trade  Follows  the  Flag — Our  New  Possessions  Open  New  Avenues  for 
Trade — What  the  Policy  of  the  Present  Administration  is — Discussed  by 
Hon.  William  P.  Frye,  Senator  from  Maine .     192 

CHAPTER  XIII 
The    Presidential    Administrations    of  the    Century 

Questions  at  Issue  and  Great  Measures  Adopted 
The  Twenty-four  Statesmen  who  have  been  Elected — The  Great  Issues  Each 
had  to  Meet — Important  Events  in  our  Political,   Social  and   Industrial 
History 199 

CHAPTER  XIV 
The  People's  Party.     Their  Platform  and  Candidates 

The  Convention  at  Sioux  Falls,  S.  D. ,  May  9,  1900 — ^William  J.  Bryan  and 
Charles  A.  Towne  the  Candidates — The  Platform  Affirms  the  "  16  to  i  " 
Issue — The  Middle  of  the  Road  Party  Meets  at  Cincinnati,  on  same 
date — Similarity  in  Platform — Wharton  Barker  and  Ignatius  Donelly  the 
Candidates   ...:.. 230 

CHAPTER  XV 
The  Life  and  Early  Public  Services  of  ^A^illiam  McKinley 

Early  Life — War  Services — In  Congress — His  Tariff  Measure — Powers  of 
Leadership — Governor  of  Ohio — For  Honest  Money — His  Conduct  of 
the  War — Financial  Legislation — Government  of  the  New  Territories — 
New  Questions  to  Meet — Attitude  Toward  the  Boers 243 

CHAPTER  XVI 
The  War  With  Spain 

Its  Cause — The  Maine  Tragedy — The  Resolutions  of  Congress — War  Declared 
The  Rough  Riders — Hobson's  Heroism — Santiago — Manilla — Destruction 
of  Cervera's  Fleet — Collapse  of  Spanish  Resistance — The  Treaty  of  Peace  260 


viii  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  XVII 
Our  New  Possessions 


PAGE 


The  Islands  of 'Hawaii — Their  Inhabitants  and  Products — City  of  Honolulu — 
Cuba — The  Insurrection  of  1895-96 — Geography  and  Products  of  Cuba — 
Its  Chmate — History  of  Porto  Rico — Its  People  and  Productions — San 
Juan  and  Ponce 286 

CHAPTER  XVIII 
Our  New  Possessions — Continued 

History  of  the  Philippines — Insurrections  of  the  Filipinos — City  of  Manila — 
Commerce — Climate  and  Volcanoes — Dewey  at  Manila — The  Ladrone 
Islands       .    .    .^  .    . 306 

CHAPTER   XIX 

The  Republican   Party's  Convention  Held  at  Philadel- 
phia, June   19,   1900 

How  the  Large  Assembly  was  Organized — -Temporary  and  Permanent 
Officers — Their  Speeches — The  Enthusiasm  of  the  Day — Committees 
Announced — The  Nominating  Speeches — The  Nominations  Made   ...     321 

CHAPTER  XX 
"The  Party  of  Live  Issues" 
Address  of  Hon.    Henry  Cabot  Lodge — Permanent  Chairman  of  Republican 

Covention,  Philadelphia,  June  20,  1900 357 

CHAPTER  XXI 
The   Republican   Platform 

Adopted  at  Philadelphia,  June   19 
The  Leading  Issues  of  the  Day  Plainly  Stated — The  Administration  Endorsed  368 

CHAPTER    XXII 

Life  and  Public  Services  of  Theodore   Roosevelt,   Republican 
Candidate  for  Vice  President 

His  Parentage — Of  a  Sturdy  Stock — Early  Education  and  Training — His 
Services  to  His  Native  Slate — Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy — Leader  of 
the  "  Rough  Riders  " — Personal  Characteristics 375 

CHAPTER  XXIII 
The  Political  Leaders  and  Statesmen  of  the  Day 
James    K.  Jones,    from   Arkansas — Chairman   of  the    National   Democratic 

Committee,  and  an  Ardent  Friend  of  William  J.  Bryan 381 

John  Hay,  Secretary  of  State — Literary  Career — Lincoln's  Secretary — Ser- 
vices Abroad — A  Distinguished  Career 383 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS  ix 

PAGE 

Lyman  Judson    Gage,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury — His  Distinguished  Finan- 
cial Career 385 

Benjamin  Ryan  Tillman,  Senator  from  South  Carolina 387 

A.  J.  Beveridge — The  Young  Indiana  Senator — His  Rapid  Rise  into  Public 

Notice 391 

Henry  Cabot   Lodge — A   Distinguished  Public  Speaker,   and   a  Leader  in 

the  United  States  Senate 392 

Chauncey  M.  Depew — -The  Distinguished  President  of  the  New  York  Rail- 
road— Noted    for    His   Wit,    Logic    and    Eloquence — New    Member   of 

the  Senate , 393 

Joseph   Welden    Bailey — Congressman   and    Democratic    Leader  of  the 

Southwest 394 

Ethan  Allen  Hitchcock — Diplomat  and  Secretary  of  the  Interior  ....     395 
William  P.  Frye — Distinguished  Senator  from  Maine,  and  President  of  the 

United  States  Senate  ... 396 

Marcus   A.  Hanna — His  Services  in  the  Great  Campaign  of  1896,  and  as 

Chairman  of  the  National  Republican  Committee 398 

Cornelius  N.  Bliss — Financier  and  Statesman 401 

Thomas  B.  Reed — The  Great  ''Speaker"  and  Debater 402 

Grover  Cleveland — Successful  Lawyer,  Governor  and  President 404 

Marion  Butler — Senator  from  North  Carolina — Chairman  of  Populist  Con- 
vention, and  a  Leader  in  the  Senate     .    .    .    .    , 406 

Stephen  B.  Elkins — His  Successful  Career  in  Law,  Business  and  Politics  .     408 
William   B.    Allison — His    Services    in    Congress    and    Independence  in 

Politics 409 

Jonathan  P.  Dolliver — Orator  and  Statesman  from  Iowa 410 

David  B.  Hill — His  Distinguished  Services  as  Governor  of  New  York,  and 

Senator  of  United  States — His  Political  Aspirations 411 

George  Dewey — The  Hero  of  the  Battle  of  Manila 412 

William   C.  "Whitney — His  Public  Services  in  Cleveland's  Cabinet — Public 

Spirit  in  Municipal  and  National  Affairs 413 

John    D.    Long,    Secretary  of  Navy — His  Able   Management  of  the   Navy 

Department  During  the  Late  War 414 

John  T.  Morgan — Democratic  Statesman  from  Alabama 415 

Shelby  M.  Cullom — His  Courage  and  Strength   as  a  Public  Servant — His 

Services  as  Governor  of  Illinois,  and  as  United  States  Senator  .    .    ...     416 
Henry  Moore  Teller — The  Silver  Repubhcan  from  Colorado — Why  He  is 

a  Leader  Among  Men      .    .    , 417 

Ignatius  Donnelly — Candidate  for  Vice  President  on  Cincinnati  Platform  .     418 
Wharton  Barker — PopuHst  Candidate  for  President 419 


X  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


PAGE 


David  B.  Henderson— Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress 421 

Charles  Emory  Smith — Post-master  General,  and  Distinguished  Editor  of 

the  Philadelphia  Press 422 

John  D.  Richardson — Democratic  Leader  and  Congressman  from  Ten- 
nessee  422 

Fitzhugh  Lee — His  Heroism  as  Consul  at  Havanna — Popularity  as  a  Soldier 

and  Leader 423 

Nelson  A.  Miles — In  Command  of  the  United  States  Army — His  Distin- 
guished Services  in  the  Late  War — His  Prominence  in  Social  and  Political 

Life 424 

General  Joseph  W^heeler — The  Hero  of  Two  Wars 426 

^Villiam  Bourke  Cockran — Orator,  Statesman  and  Democratic  Leader  .  427 
Thomas  C.  Piatt — Leader  of  the  Republican  Party  in  New  York  State  .  .  428 
Arthur  P.  Gorman — The  Leader  of  the  Democratic  Party  in  Maryland  .  .  428 
Joseph  B.    Foraker — His  Services  as  Governor  of  Ohio,  and  Defender  of 

the  Present  Administration  in  the  United  States  Senate      429 

John   W.   Daniel — The   Upholder  of  Democracy,    and   the   Distinguished 

Senator  from  Virginia      .    , ■ 429 

Matthew  S.  Quay — Ex-Senator  and  Republican  Leader  from  Pennsylvania  430 
Cushman    K.    Davis — His    Rare    Qualities    as  a   Statesman    and   Political 

Leader      430 

George  F.  Hoar — Senator  from  Massachusetts — His  Anti-Imperialism  .  .  431 
Charles    Arnette    Towne — Nominated   by  People's   Party,    Sioux    Falls, 

South  Dakota,  for  Vice  President 432 

CHAPTER  XXIV 
Prohibition   Party.     Their  Platform  and  Candidates 

The  Party  Maintains  its  Standard  Against  the  Liquor  Traffic — The  Canteen 

Law — The  Candidates  and  Their  Record 433 

CHAPTER  XXV 
Prohibition   Candidates 

John    G.    Wolley,   of  lUinois — Henry   B.    Metcalf,    of  Rhode   Island — Their 

Public  Services  and  Home  Life 454 

CHAPTER  XXVI 
'William  Jennings  Bryan — His  Life  and  Public  Success 

His  Struggles  in  Early  Life — Education — Natural  Gift  in  Speaking — Early 
Interest  in  Pubhc  Affairs — Work  in  Congress — Candidate  for  Presidency 
in  1896     . 457 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS  xi 

PAGE 

CHAPTER  XXVII 

The  Life  and  Public  Services  of  Adlai  E.  Stevenson,  the 

Democratic  Candidate  for  Vice  President 

Influences  which  Caused  His  Selection — Early  Career  in  Law  and  Politics — 

An  Honorable  Life — PersonaHty  and  Influences       477 

CHAPTER  XXVIII 
The  Democratic   National  Convention 

Held  at  Kansas  City,  July  4,   1900 
The  Selection  of  Temporary  and  Permanent  Chairman — Governor  Thomas' 
Address  Outlining  Party  Principles — Report  of  Committee  on  Resolutions 
— The  Nominating  Speeches,  and  the  Men  who  Made  Them 481 

CHAPTER  XXIX 
Platform  of  the  Democratic  Party 

Adopted  at  Kansas  City,  1900 
The  Issues  Plainly  Defined — The  Trust  Problem   and    Its    Regulation — The 
Government  for  the  New  Possessions  Considered — Position  of  the  Party 
on  the  Money  Question — Free  Coinage,  16  to  i 507 

CHAPTER  XXX 
Convention  of  Silver  Republicans 

Held  at   Kansas   City,  July   4,    1900 
Platform  Adopted — Democratic  Nominees  Endorsed       514 

The  Declaration  of  Independence 
Text  in  Full      517 

Constitution  of  the  United  States 
Text  in  Full 519 


CHAPTER  I. 
Four  Centuries  of  American  History 

FOUR  hundred  years  is  a  brief  interval  in  the  long  epoch  of 
human  history,  yet  within  that  short  period,  including  nearly 
a  century  of  discovery  and  adventure  on  an  unknown  shore, 
the  United  States  has  developed  from  a  handful  of  hardy  men 
and  women,  thinly  scattered  along  our  Atlantic  coast,  into  a 
vast  and  mighty  country,  peopled  by  not  less  than  seventy-five 
millions  of  human  beings,  the  freest,  richest,  most  industrious, 
and  most  enterprising  of  any  people  upon  the  face  of  the  earth. 
It  began  as  a  dwarf ;  it  has  grown  into  a  giant.  It  was  des- 
pised by  the  proud  nations  of  Europe ;  it  has  become  feared 
and  respected  by  the  proudest  of  these  nations.  For  a  long  time 
they  have  claimed  the  right  to  settle  among  themselves  the 
affairs  of  the  world ;  they  have  now  to  deal  with  the  United  States 
in  this  self-imposed  duty.  And  it  is  significant  of  the  high  moral 
attitude  occupied  by  this  country,  that  one  of  the  first  enterprises 
in  which  it  is  asked  to  join  these  ancient  nations  has  for  its  end 
to  do  away  with  the  horrors  of  war,  and  substitute  for  the  drawn 
sword  in  the  settlement  of  national  disputes  a  great  Supreme  Court 
of  arbitration. 

This  is  but  one  of  the  lessons  to  be  drawn  from  the  history 
of  the  great  republic  of  the  West.  It  has  long  been  claimed  that 
this  history  lacks  interest,  that  it  is  devoid  of  the  romance  which  we 
find  in  that  of  the  Eastern  world,  has  nothing  in  it  of  the  striking 
and  dramatic,  and  is  too  young  and  new  to  be  worth  men's  attention 
when  compared  with  that  of  the  ancient  nations,  which  has  come 
down  from  the  mists  of  prehistoric  time.  Yet  we  think  those  who 
familiarize  themselves  with  story  of  hardship,  deprivation  and 
heroic  defence  of  God-given  liberty  will  not  be  ready  to  admit  this 

2  17 


1 8  FOUR  CENTURIES  OF  AMERICAN  HISTORY 

claim.  They  will  find  in  the  history  of  the  United  States  an  abun- 
dance of  the  elements  of  romance.  It  has,  besides,  the  merit  of 
being  a  complete  and  fully  rounded  history.  We  can  trace  it  from 
its  birth,  and  put  upon  record  the  entire  story  of  the  evolution  of  a 
nation,  a  fact  which  it  would  be  difficult  to  affirm  of  any  of  the 
older  nations  of  the  world. 

From  the   Best  Stock  of   Europe 

If  we  go  back  to  the  origin  of  our  country,  it  is  to  find  it  made 
up  of  a  singular  mixture  of  the  best  people  of  Europe.  The  word 
best  is  used  here  in  a  special  sense.  The  settlers  in  this  country 
were  not  the  rich  and  titled.  They  came  not  from  that  proud 
nobility  which  claims  to  possess  bluer  blood  than  the  common  herd, 
but  from  the  plain  people  of  Europe,  from  the  workers,  not  the 
idlers,  and  this  rare  distinction  they  have  kept  up  until  the  present 
day.  But  of  this  class  of  the  world's  workers,  they  were  the  best 
and  noblest.  They  were  men  who  thought  for  themselves,  and 
refused  to  be  bound  in  the  trammels  of  a  State  religion  ;  men  who 
were  ready  to  dare  the  perils  of  the  sea  and  the  hardships  of  a 
barren  shore  for  the  blessings  of  liberty  and  free-thought ;  men  of 
sturdy  thrift,  unflinching  energy,  daring  enterprise,  the  true  stuff 
out  of  which  alone  a  nation  like  ours  could  be  built. 

Such  was  the  character  of  the  Pilgrims  and  the  Puritans,  the 
hardy  empiris-builders  of  New  England,  of  the  Quakers  of  New  Jer- 
sey and  Pennsylvania,  the  Catholics  of  Maryland,  the  Huguenots  of 
the  South,  the  Moravians  and  other  German  Protestants,  the  sturdy 
Scotch-Irish,  and  the  others  who  sought  this  country  as  a  haven  of 
refuge  for  free-thought.  We  cannot  say  the  same  for  the  Hollanders 
of  New  Amsterdam,  the  Swedes  of  Delaware,  and  the  English  of  Vir- 
ginia, so  far  as  their  purpose  is  concerned,  yet  they,  too,  proved  hardy 
and  industrious  settlers,  and  the  Cavaliers  whom  the  troubles  in 
England  drove  to  Virginia  showed  their  good  blood  by  the  promi- 
nent part  which  their  descendants  played  in  the  winning  of  our 
independence  and  the  making  of  our  government.  While  the 
various  peoples  named  took  part  in  the  settlement  of  the  colonies, 


FOUR  CENTURIES  OF  AMERICAN  HISYORY  19 

the  bulk  of  the  settlers  were  of  English  birth,  and  Anglo-Saxon 
thrift  and  energy  became  the  foundation  stones  upon  which  our 
nation  has  been  built.  Of  the  others,  nearly  the  whole  of  them 
were  of  Teutonic  origin,  while  the  Huguenots,  whom  oppression 
drove  from  France,  were  of  the  very  bone  and  sinew  of  that  despot- 
ridden  land.  It  may  fairly  be  said,  then,  that  the  founders 
of  our  nation  came  from  the  cream  of  the  populations  of  Europe, 
born  of  sturdy  Teutonic  stock,  and  comprising  thrift,  energy, 
endurance,  love  of  liberty,  and  freedom  of  thought  to  a  degree 
never  equaled  in  the  makers  of  any  other  nation  upon  the  earth. 
They  were  of  solid  oak  in  mind  and  frame,  and  the  edifice  they 
built  had  for  its  foundation  the  natural  rights  of  man,  and  for  its 
superstructure  that  spirit  of  liberty  which  has  ever  since  throbbed 
warmly  in  the  American  heart. 

A  Common  Aspiration  For  Liberty 

It  was  well  for  the  colonies  that  this  underlying  unity  of  aim 
existed,  for  aside  from  this  they  were  strikingly  distinct  in  character 
and  aspirations.  Sparsely  settled,  strung  at  intervals  along  the 
far-extended  Atlantic  coast,  silhouetted  against  a  stern  background 
of  wilderness  and  mountain  range,  their  sole  bond  of  brother- 
hood was  their  common  aspiration  for  liberty,  while  in  all 
other  respects  they  were  unlike  in  aims  and  purposes.  The 
spirit  of  political  liberty  was  strongest  in  the  New  England 
colonies,  and  these  held  their  own  against  every  effort  to  rob 
them  of  their  rights  with  an  unflinching  boldness,  which  is  worthy 
of  the  highest  praise,  and  which  set  a  noble  example  for  the 
remaining  colonists.  Next  to  them  in  bold  opposition  to  tyranny 
were  the  people  of  the  Carolinas,  who  sturdily  resisted  an  effort  to 
make  them  the  enslaved  subjects  of  a  land-holding  nobility.  In 
Pennsylvania  and  Maryland  political  rights  were  granted  by  high- 
minded  proprietors,  and  in  these  colonies  no  struggle  for  self-gov- 
ernment was  necessary.  Only  in  Virginia  and  New  York  was 
autocratic  rule  established,  and  in  both  of  these  it  gradually  yielded 
to  the  steady  demand  for  self-government. 


20  FOUR  CENTURIES  OF  AMERICAN  HISTORY 

On  the  other  hand,  New  England,  while  politically  the  freest 
was  religiously  the  most  autocratic.  The  Puritans,  who  had  crossed 
the  ocean  in  search  of  freedom  of  thought,  refused  to  grant  a 
similar  freedom  to  those  who  came  later,  and  sought  to  found  a 
system  as  intolerant  as  that  from  which  they  had  fled.  A  natural 
revulsion  from  their  oppressive  measures  gave  rise  in  Rhode  Island 
to  the  first  government  on  the  face  of  the  earth  in  which  absolute 
religious  liberty  was  established.  Among  the  more  southern 
colonies,  a  similar  freedom,  so  far  as  liberty  of  Christian  worship 
is  concerned,  was  granted  by  William  Penn  and  Lord  Baltimore. 
But  this  freedom  was  maintained  only  in  Rhode  Island  and  Penn- 
sylvania, religious  intolerance  being  the  rule  to  a  greater  or  less 
degree,  In  all  the  other  colonies  ;  the  Puritanism  of  New  England 
being  replaced  elsewhere  by  the  Church  of  England  autocracy. 

The  diversity  in  political  condition,  religion,  and  character  of 
the  settlers  tended  to  keep  the  colonies  separate,  while  a  like 
diversity  in  commercial  interests  created  jealousies  which  built  up 
new  barriers  between  them.  The  unity  that  might  have  been 
looked  for  between  these  feeble  and  remote  communities,  spread 
like  links  of  a  broken  chain  far  along  an  ocean  coast,  had  these 
and  other  diverse  conditions  to  contend  with,  and  they  promised  to 
develop  into  a  series  of  weak  and  separate  nations  rather  than  into 
a  strong  and  single  commonwealth. 

First  Steps  Toward  Union 

The  influences  that  overcame  this  tendency  to  disunion  were 
many  and  important.  We  can  only  glance  at  them  here.  They 
may  be  divided  into  two  classes,  warlike  hostility  and  industrial 
oppression.  The  first  step  toward  union  was  taken  in  1643,  when 
four  of  the  New  England  colonies  formed  a  confederation  for 
defense  against  the  Dutch  and  Indians.  "The  United  Colonies  of 
New  England  "  constituted  in  its  way  a  federal  republic,  the  proto- 
type of  that  of  the  United  States.  The  second  step  of  importance 
in  this  connection  was  taken  in  1754,  when  a  convention  was  held 


THE  HEROOFTHE  STRIKE,  COAL  CREEK,  TEN  N. 

In  1892  a  period  of  great  labor  agitation  began,  lasting  for  several  years.    One  of  the  most  beroic  figures  of  those 
troublesome  times  is  Colonel  Anderson,  under  a  flag  of  truce,  meeting  the  infuriated  miners  at  Coal  Creek. 


FOUR  CENTURIES  OF  AMERICAN  HISTORY  23 

at  Albany  to  devise  measures  of  defense  against  the  French.  Ben- 
jamin Franklin  proposed  a  plan  of  colonial  union,  which  was 
accepted  by  the  convention.  But  the  jealousy  of  the  colonies 
prevented  its  adoption.  They  had  grown  into  communities  of 
some  strength  and  with  a  degree  of  pride  in  their  separate  freedom, 
and  were  not  ready  to  yield  to  a  central  authority.  The  British 
Government  also  opposed  it,  not  wishing  to  see  the  colonies  gain 
the  strength  which  would  have  come  to  them  from  political  union. 
As  a  result,  the  plan  fell  to  the  ground. 

The  Declaration  of    Independence. 

The  next  important  influence  tending  toward  union  was  the 
oppressive  policy  of  Great  Britain.  The  industries  and  commerce 
of  the  colonies  had  long  been  seriously  restricted  by  the  measures 
of  the  mother-country,  and  after  the  war  with  France  an  attempt 
was  made  to  tax  the  colonists,  though  they  were  sternly  refused 
representation  in  Parliament,  the  tax-laying  body.  Community 
in  oppression  produced  unity  in  feeling ;  the  colonies  joined  hands, 
and  in  1765  a  congress  of  their  representatives  was  held  in  New 
York,  which  appealed  to  the  King  for  their  just  political  rights. 
Nine  years  afterward,  in  1774,  a  second  congress  was  held,  brought 
together  by  much  more  imminent  common  dangers.  In  the  follow- 
ing year  a  third  congress  was  convened.  This  continued  in  session 
for  years,  its  two  most  important  acts  being  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  from  Great  Britain  and  the  Confederation  of  States, 
the  first  form  of  union  which  the  colonies  adopted.  This  Confed- 
eration was  in  no  true  sense  a  Union.  The  jealousies  and  fears 
of  the  colonies  made  themselves  apparent,  and  the  central  govern- 
ment was  given  so  little  power  that  it  threatened  to  fall  to  pieces 
of  its  own  weight.  It  could  pass  laws,  but  could  not  make  the 
people  obey  them.  It  could  incur  debts,  but  could  not  raise  money 
by  taxation  to  pay  them.  The  States  kept  nearly  all  the  power  to 
themselves,  and  each  acted  almost  as  if  it  were  an  independent 
nation,  while  the  Congress  and  the  Confederation  was  left  without 
money  and  almost  without  authority. 


24  FOUR  CENTURIES  OF  AMERICAN  HISTORY 

This  state  of  affairs  soon  grew  intolerable.  "We  are,"  said 
Washington,  "one  nation  to-day,  and  thirteen  to-morrow,"  Such  a 
union  it  was  impossible  to  maintain.  It  was  evident  that  the  com- 
pact must  give  way  ;  that  there  must  be  one  strong  government  or 
thirteen  weak  ones.  This  last  alternative  frightened  the  States. 
None  of  them  was  strong  enough  to  hold  its  own  against  foreign 
governments.  They  must  form  a  strong  union  or  leave  themselves 
at  the  mercy  of  ambitious  foes. 

The  Constitutional  Convention  of   1787. 

It  was  this  state  of  affairs  that  led  to  the  Constitutional  Con- 
vention of  1787,  by  whose  wisdom  the  National  Union  which  has 
proved  so  solid  a  bond  was  organized.  The  Constitution  made  by 
this  body  gave  rise  to  the  Republic  of  the  United  States.  A  subse- 
quent act,  which  in  1898  added  a  number  of  distant  island  posses- 
sions to  our  Union,  and  vastly  widened  its  interests  and  its  impor- 
tance in  the  world's  councils,  made  of  it  a  "  Greater  Republic,"  a 
mighty  dominion  whose  possessions  extended  half  round  the  globe. 

While  the  changes  here  briefly  outlined  were  taking  place,  the 
country  was  growing  with  phenomenal  rapidity.  From  all  parts  of 
northern  and  western  Europe,  and  above  all  from  Great  Britain, 
new  settlers  were  crowding  to  our  shores,  while  the  descendants 
of  the  original  settlers  were  increasing  in  numbers.  How  many 
people  there  were  here  is  in  doubt,  but  it  is  thought  that  in  1700 
there  were  more  than  200,000,  in  1750  about  1,100,000,  and  in  1776 
about  2,500,000.  The  first  census,  taken  in  1790,  just  after  the 
Federal  Union  was  formed,  gave  a  population  of  nearly  4,000,000. 

A  people  growing  at  this  rate  could  not  be  long  confined  to 
the  narrow  ocean  border  of  the  early  settlements.  A  rich  and 
fertile  country  lay  back,  extending  how  far  no  one  knew,  and  soon 
there  was  a  movement  to  the  West,  which  carried  the  people  over 
the  mountains  and  into  the  broad  plains  beyond.  A  war  was 
fought  with  France  for  the  possession  of  the  Ohio  country. 
Boone  and  other  bold  pioneers  led  hardy  settlers  into  Kentucky 
and  Tennessee,  and  George  Rogers  Clark  descended  the  Ohio  and 


FOUR  CENTURIES  OF  AMERICAN  HISTORY  25 

drove  the  British  troops  from  the  northwest  territory,  gaining  that 
vast  region  for  the  new  Union. 

After  the  War  for  Independence  the  movement  westward 
went  on  with  rapidity.  The  first  settlement  in  Ohio  was  made  at 
Marietta  in  1788;  Cincinnati  was  founded  in  1790;  in  1803  St. 
Louis  was  a  Httle  village  of  log-cabins;  and  in  1831  the  site  of 
Chicago  was  occupied  by  a  dozen  settlers  gathered  round  Fort 
Dearborn.  But  while  the  cities  were  thus  slow  in  starting,  the 
country  between  them  was  rapidly  filling  up,  the  Indians  giving 
way  step  by  step  as  the  vanguard  of  the  great  march  pressed  upon 
them  ;  here  down  the  Ohio  in  bullet-proof  boats,  there  across  the 
mountains  on  foot  or  in  wagons.  A  great  national  road  stretched 
westward  from  Cumberland,  Maryland,  which  in  time  reached  the 
Mississppi,  and  over  whose  broad  and  solid  surface  a  steady  stream 
of  emigrant  wagons  poured  into  the  great  West.  At  the  same 
time  steamboats  were  beginning  to  run  on  the  Eastern  waters,  and 
soon  these  were  carrying  the  increasing  multitude  down  the  Ohio 
and  the  Mississippi  into  the  vast  Western  realm.  Later  came  the 
railroad  to  complete  this  phase  of  our  history,  and  provide  a  means 
of  transportation  by  whose  aid  millions  could  travel  with  ease 
where  a  bare  handful  had  made  their  way  with  peril  and  hardship 
of  old. 

Remarkable  Expansion  of  Territory. 

Up  to  1803  our  national  domain  was  bounded  on  the  west  by 
the  Mississippi,  but  in  that  year  the  vast  territory  of  Louisiana 
was  purchased  from  France  and  the  United  States  was  extended 
to  the  summit  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  its  territory  being  more 
than  doubled  in  area.  Here  was  a  mighty  domain  for  future 
settlement,  across  which  two  daring  travelers,  Lewis  and  Clark, 
journeyed  through  tribes  of  Indians  never  before  heard  of,  not 
ending  their  long  route  until  they  had  passed  down  the  broad 
Columbia  to  the  waters  of  the  Pacific. 

From  time  to  time  new  domains  were  added  to  the  great 
republic.     In   18 19  Florida  was  purchased  from  Spain.     In   1845 


26  FOUR  CENTURIES  OF  AMERICAN  HISTORY 

Texas  was  added  to  the  Union.  In  1846  the  Oregon  country  was 
made  part  of  the  United  States.  In  1848,  as  a  resuh  of  the 
Mexican  War,  an  immense  tract  extending  from  Texas  to  the 
Pacific  was  acquired,  and  the  land  of  gold  became  part  of 
the  republic.  In  1853  another  tract  was  purchased  from  Mexico, 
and  the  domain  of  the  United  States,  as  it  existed  at  the  begin^ 
ning  of  the  Civil  War,  was  completed.  It  constituted  a  great 
section  of  the  North  American  continent,  extending  across  it  from 
the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  and  north  and  south  from  the  Great 
Lakes  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  a  fertile,  well-watered,  and  prolific 
land,  capable  of  becoming  the  nursery  of  one  of  the  greatest 
nations  on  the  earth.  Beginning,  at  the  close  of  the  Revolution, 
with  an  area  of  827,844  square  miles,  it  now  embraced  3,026,484 
square  miles  of  territory,  having  increased  within  a  century  to 
nearly  four  times  its  original  size. 

Still  Further  Expansion 

In  1867  a  new  step  was  taken,  in  the  addition  to  this  country 
of  a  region  of  land  separated  from  its  immediate  domain.  This 
was  the  territory  of  Alaska,  of  more  than  577,000  square  miles  in 
extent,  and  whose  natural  wealth  has  made  it  a  far  more  valuable 
acquisition  than  was  originally  dreamed  of.  In  1898  the  Greater 
Republic,  as  it  at  present  exists,  was  completed  by  the  acquisition 
of  the  island  of  Porto  Rico  in  the  West  Indies,  and  the  Hawaiian 
and  Pilippine  Island  groups  in  the  Pacific  Ocean.  These,  while 
adding  not  greatly  to  our  territory,  may  prove  to  possess  a  value 
in  their  products,  fully  justifying  their  acquisition.  At  present, 
however,  their  value  is  political  rather  than  industrial,  as  bringing 
the  United  States  into  new  and  important  relations  with  the  other 
great  nations  of  the  earth. 

The  growth  of  population  in  this  country  is  shown  strikingly 
in  the  remarkable  development  of  its  cities.  In  1790  the  three 
largest  cities  were  not  larger  than  many  of  our  minor  cities  to-day. 
Philadelphia  had  42,000  population ;  New  York,  33,000,  and 
Boston,  18,000.     Charleston  and  Baltimore  were  still  smaller,  and 


FOUR  CENTURIES  OF  AMERICAN  HISTORY  27 

Savannah  was  quite  small.  There  were  only  five  cities  with  over 
10,000  population.  Of  inland  towns,  Lancaster,  Pennsylvania, 
with  something  over  6,000  population,  was  the  largest.  In  1890, 
100  years  afterwards.  New  York  and  Philadelphia  had  over  1,000,- 
000  each,  and  Chicago,  a  city  not  sixty  years  old,  shared  with  them 
this  honor.  As  for  cities  surpassing  those  of  a  century  before, 
they  were  hundreds  in  number.  A  similar  great  growth  has  taken 
place  in  the  States.  From  the  original  thirteen,  hugging  closely 
the  Atlantic  coast,  we  now  possess  forty-five,  crossing  the  conti- 
nent from  ocean  to  ocean,  and  have  besides  a  vast  territorial  area. 

Resourses  of  the  Greater  Repubeic 

The  thirteen  original  States,  sparsely  peopled,  poor  and  strug- 
gling for  existence,  have  expanded  into  a  great  galaxy  of  States, 
rich,  powerful  and  prosperous,  with  grand  cities,  flourishing  rural 
communities,  measureless  resources,  and  an  enterprise  which  no 
difihculty  can  baf^e  and  no  hardship  can  check.  Our  territory 
could  support  hundreds  of  millions  of  population,  and  still  be  much 
less  crowded  than  some  of  the  countries  of  Europe.  Its  products 
include  those  of  every  zone  ;  hundreds  of  thousands  of  square 
miles  of  its  soil  are  of  virgin  richness  ;  its  mineral  Avealth  is  so 
great  that  its  precious  metals  have  affected  the  monetary  standards 
of  the  world,  and  its  vast  mineral  and  agricultural  wealth  is  as  yet 
only  partly  developed.  Vast  as  has  been  the  production  of  gold  in 
California,  its  annual  output  is  of  less  value  than  that  of  wheat. 
In  wheat,  corn  and  cotton,  indeed,  the  product  of  this  country  is 
simply  stupendous  ;  while,  in  addition  to  its  gold  and  silver,  it  is  a 
mighty  storehouse  of  coal,  iron,  copper,  lead,  petroleum,  and  many 
other  products  of  nature  that  are  of  high  value  to  mankind. 

In  its  progress  towards  its  present  condition,  our  country 
has  been  markedly  successful  in  two  great  fields  of  human  effort, 
in  war  and  in  peace.  A  brief  preliminary  statement  of  its  success 
in  the  first  of  these,  and  of  the  causes  of  its  several  wars,  may  be 
desirable.  The  early  colonists  had  three  enemies  to  contend  with  : 
the  original  inhabitants  of  the  land,  the   Spanish  settlers  in   the 


28  FOUR  CENTURIES  OF  AMERICAN  HISTORY 

South,  and  the  French  in  the  North  and  West.  Its  deaHngs  with 
the  aborigines  has  been  one  continuous  series  of  conflicts,  the 
red  man  being  driven  back  step  by  step  until  to-day  he  holds  but 
a  small  fraction  of  his  once  great  territory.  Yet  the  Indians 
are  probably  as  numerous  to-day  as  they  were  originally,  and  are 
certainly  better  off  in  their  present  peaceful  and  partly  civilized 
condition  than  they  were  in  their  former  savage  and  war-like  state. 

Wars    For  Anglo-Saxon   Supremacy 

The  Spaniards  were  never  numerous  in  this  country,  and  were 
forced  to  retire  after  a  few  conflicts  of  no  special  importance.  Such 
was  not  the  case  with  the  French,  who  were  numerous  and 
aggressive,  and  with  whom  the  colonists  were  at  war  on  four 
successive  occasions,  the  last  being  that  fierce  conflict  in  which  it 
was  decided  whether  the  Anorlo-Saxon  or  the  French  race  should 
be  dominant  in  this  country.  The  famous  battle  on  the  Plains  of 
Abraham  settled  the  question,  and  with  the  fall  of  Quebec  the 
power  of  France  in  America  fell,  never  to  rise  again. 

A  direct,  and  almost  an  immediate  consequence  of  this  struggle 
for  dominion  was  the  struggle  for  liberty  between  the  colonists  and 
the  mother-country.  The  oppressive  measures  of  Great  Britain 
led  to  a  war  of  seven  years'  duration,  in  which  more  clearly  and 
decisively  than  ever  before  the  colonists  showed  their  warlike  spirit 
and  political  genius,  and  whose  outcome  was  the  independence  of 
this  country.  At  its  conclusion  the  United  States  stepped  into 
line  with  the  nations  of  the  world,  a  free  community,  with  a  mission 
to  fulfill  and  a  destiny  to  accomplish — a  mission  and  a  destiny 
which  are  still  in  process  of  development,  and  whose  final  outcome 
no  man  can  foresee. 

The  next  series  of  events  in  the  history  of  our  wars  arose  from 
the  mighty  struggle  in  Europe  between  France  and  Great  Britain 
and  the  piratical  activity  of  the  Barbary  States.  The  latter  were 
forced  to  respect  the  power  of  the  United  States  by  several  naval 
demonstrations  and  conflicts  ;  and  a  naval  war  with  France,  in 
which  our  ships  were  strikingly  successful,  induced  that  country  to 


FOUR  CENTURIES  OF  AMERICAN  HISTORY  29 

show  us  greater  respect.  But  the  wrongs  which  we  suffered  from 
Great  Britain  were  not  to  be  so  easily  settled,  and  led  to  a  war  of 
three  years'  continuance,  in  which  the  honors  were  fairly  divided 
on  land,  but  in  which  our  sailors  surprised  the  world  by  their 
prowess  in  naval  conflict.  The  proud  boast  that  "  Brittania  rules 
the  waves  "  lost  its  pertinence  after  our  two  striking  victories  on 
Lake  Erie  and  Lake  Champlain,  and  our  remarkable  success  in  a 
dozen  conflicts  at  sea.  Alike  in  this  war  and  in  the  Revolution  the 
United  States  showed  that  skill  and  courage  in  naval  warfare 
which  has  recently  been  repeated  in  the  Spanish  War. 

Wars  from  Political  and  Social  Causes 

The  wars  of  which  we  have  spoken  had  a  warrant  for  their 
being.  They  were  largely  unavoidable  results  of  existing  conditions. 
This  cannot  justly  be  said  of  the  next  struggle  upon  which  the 
United  States  entered,  the  Mexican  War,  since  this  was  a  politician's 
war  pure  and  simple,  one  which  could  easily  have  been  avoided, 
and  which  was  entered  into  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  acquiring 
territory.  In  this  it  succeeded,  the  country  gaining  a  great  and 
highly  valuable  tract,  whose  wealth  in  the  precious  metals  is 
unsurpassed  by  any  equal  section  of  the  earth,  and  which  is  still 
richer  in  agricultural  than  in  mineral  wealth. 

The  next  conflict  that  arose  was  the  most  vital  and  important 
of  all  our  wars,  with  the  exception  of  that  by  which  we  gained  our 
independence.  The  Constitution  of  1787  did  not  succeed  in 
forming  a  perfect  Union  between  the  States,  An  element  of 
dissension  was  left,  a  "rift  within  the  lute,"  then  seemingly  small 
and  unimportant,  but  destined  to  grow  to  dangerous  proportions. 
This  was  the  slavery  question,  disposed  of  in  the  Constitution  by  a 
compromise,  which,  like  every  compromise  with  evil,  failed  in  its 
purpose.  The  question  continued  to  exist.  It  grew  threatening, 
portentious,  and  finally  overshadowed  the  whole  political  domain. 
Every  efl"ort  to  settle  it  peacefully  only  added  to  the  strain  ;  the 
union  between  the  States  weakened  as  this  mighty  hammer  of 
discord    struck   down    their    combining    links ;    finally    the    bonds 


30  FOUR  CENTURIES  OF  AMERICAN  HISTORY 

yielded,  the  slavery  question  thrust  itself  like  a  great  wedge 
between,  and  a  mighty  struggle  began  to  decide  whether  the 
Union  should  stand  or  fall.  While  the  war  was  fought  for  the 
preservation  of  the  Union,  it  was  clearly  perceived  that  this  union 
could  never  be  stable  while  the  disorganizing  element  remained, 
and  the  war  led  inevitably  to  the  abolition  of  slavery,  the  apple  of 
discord  which  had  been  thrown  between  the  States.  The  oreatness 
of  the  result  was  adequate  to  the  greatness  of  the  conflict.  With 
the  end  of  the  Civil  War,  for  the  first  time  in  their  history,  an 
actual  and  stable  Union  was  established  between  the  States. 

We  have  one  more  war  to  record,  the  brief  but  important 
struggle  of  1898,  entered  into  by  the  United  States  under  the 
double  impulse  of  indignation  against  the  barbarous  destruction  of 
the  Maine,  and  of  sympathy  for  the  starving  and  oppressed  people 
of  Cuba.  It  yielded  results  undreamed  of  in  its  origin.  Not 
only  was  Cuba  wrested  from  the  feeble  and  inhuman  hands  of 
Spain,  but  new  possessions  in  the  oceans  of  the  east  and  west  were 
added  to  the  United  States,  and,  for  the  first  time,  this  country  took 
its  predestined  place  among  the  nations  engaged  in  shaping  the 
destiny  of  the  world,  and  rose  to  imperial  dignity  in  the  estimation 
of  the  rulers  of  Europe. 

The  Victories  of  Peace 

Such  has  been  the  record  of  this  country  in  war.  Its  record 
in  peace  has  been  marked  by  as  steady  a  career  of  victory,  and  with 
results  stupendous  almost  beyond  the  conception  of  man,  when  we 
consider  that  the  most  of  them  have  been  achieved  within  a  little 
more  than  a  century.  During  the  colonial  period  the  energies  of 
the  American  people  were  confined  largely  to  agriculture.  Great 
Britain  sternly  prohibiting  any  progress  in  manufacture  and  any 
important  development  of  commerce.  It  need  hardly  be  said  that 
the  restless  and  active  spirit  of  the  colonist  chafed  under  these 
restrictions,  and  that  the  attempt  to  clip  the  expanding  wings  of 
the  American  eagle  had  as  much  to  do  with  bringing  on  the  war  of 
the    Revolution  as    had  Great  Britain's  futile  efforts  at  taxation. 


;>/^^-.7/i\^ 


FOUR  CENTURIES  OF  AMERICAN  HISTORY  33 

The  genius  of  a  great  people  cannot  thus  be  cribbed  and  .confined, 
and  American  enterprise  was  bound  to  find  a  way,  or  carve  itself  a 
way  through  the  barriers  raised  by  British  avarice  and  tyranny. 

It  was  after  the  Revolution  that  the  progress  of  this  country 
first  fairly  began.  The  fetters  which  bound  its  hands  thrown  off, 
it  entered  upon  a  career  of  prosperity  which  broadened  with  the 
years,  and  extended  until  not  only  the  whole  continent,  but  the 
whole  world  felt  its  influence  and  was  embraced  by  its  results. 
Manufacture,  no  longer  held  in  check,  sprang  up  and  spread  with 
marvelous  rapidity.  Commerce,  now  gaining  access  to  all  seas  and 
all  lands,  expanded  with  equal  speed.  Enterprise  everywhere  made 
itself  manifest,  and  invention  began  its  long  and  wonderful  career. 

Industrial  and  Commercial  Development 

In  fact,  freedom  was  barely  won  before  our  inventors  were 
actively  at  work.  Before  the  Constitution  was  formed  John  Fitch 
was  experimenting  with  his  steamboat  on  the  Delaware,  and  Oliver 
Evans  was  seeking  to  move  wagons  by  steam  in  the  streets  of 
Philadelphia.  Not  many  years  elapsed  before  both  were  successful, 
and  Eli  Whitney  with  his  cotton-gin  had  set  free  the  leading 
industry  of  the  South  and  enabled  it  to  begin  that  remarkable 
career  which  proved  so  momentous  in  American  history,  since  to  it 
we  owe  the  Civil  War  with  all  its  great  results. 

With  the  opening  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  development 
of  the  industries  and  of  the  inventive  faculty  of  the  Americans 
went  on  with  enhanced  rapidity.  The  century  was  but  a  few  years 
old  when  Fulton,  with  his  improved  steamboat,  solved  the  question 
of  inland  water  transportation.  By  the  end  of  the  first  quarter  of 
the  century  this  was  solved  in  another  way  by  the  completion  of 
the  Erie  Canal,  the  longest  and  hitherto  the  most  valuable  of  arti- 
ficial water-ways.  The  railroad  locomotive,  though  invented  in 
England,  was  prefigured  when  Oliver  Evans'  steam  road-wagon  ran 
sturdily  through  the  streets  of  Philadelphia.  To  the  same  inventor 
we  owe  another  triumphant  of  American  genius,  the  grain  elevator, 
which  the  development  of  agriculture  has  rendered  of  incomparable 


34  FOUR  CENTURIES  OF  AMERICAN  HISTORY 

value.  The  railroad,  though  not  a  native  here,  has  had  here  its 
greatest  development,  and  with  its  more  than  180,000  miles  of 
length  has  no  rival  in  any  country  upon  the  earth.  To  it  may  be 
added  the  Morse  system  of  telegraphy,  the  telephone  and  phono- 
graph, the  electric  light  and  electric  motor,  and  all  that  wonderful 
series  of  inventions  in  electrical  science  which  has  been  due  to 
American  genius. 

We  cannot  begin  to  name  the  multitude  of  inventions  in  the 
mechanical  industries  which  have  raised  manufacture  from  an  art  to 
a  science  and  filled  the  world  with  the  multitude  of  its  products. 
It  will  suffice  to  name  among  them  the  steam  hammer,  the  sewing 
machine,  the  cylinder  printing-press,  the  type-setting  machine,  rub- 
ber vulcanizer,  and  the  innumerable  improvements  in  steam  engines 
and  labor-saving  apparatus  of  all  kinds.  These  manufacturing 
expedients  have  been  equaled  in  number  and  importance  by  those 
applied  to  agriculaure,  including  machines  .for  plowing,  reaping, 
sowing  the  seed,  threshing  the  grain,  cutting  the  grass,  and  a  hun- 
dred other  valuabe  processes,  which  have  fairly  revolutionized  the 
art  of  tilling  the  earth,  and  enabled  our  farmers  to  feed  not  only 
our  own  population  but  to  send  millions  of  bushels  of  grain  annu- 
ally abroad. 

Marvels  of  This  Closing  Century 

In  truth,  we  have  entered  here  upon  an  interminable  field,  so 
full  of  triumphs  of  invention  and  ingenuity,  and  so  stupendous  in 
its  results,  as  to  form  one  of  the  chief  marvels  of  this  wonderful 
century,  and  to  place  our  nation,  in  the  field  of  human  industry  and 
mechanical  achievement,  foremost  among  the  nations  of  the  world. 
Its  triumphs  have  not  been  confined  to  manufacture  and  agricul- 
ture ;  it  has  been  as  active  in  commerce,  and  now  stands  first  in  the 
bulk  of  its  exports  and  imports.  In  every  other  direction  of  in- 
dustry it  has  been  as  active,  as  in  fisheries,  in  forestry  in  great  works 
of  engineering,  in  vast  mining  operations  ;  and  from  the  seas,  the 
earth,  the  mountain  sides,  our  laborers  are  wresting  annually  from 
nature  a  stupendous  return  in  wealth. 


FOUR  CENTURIES  OF  AMERICAN  HISTORY  35 

Our  progress  in  the  industries  has  been  aided  and  inspired  by 
an  equal  progress  in  educational  facilities,  and  the  intellectual 
development  of  our  people  has  kept  pace  with  their  material 
advance.  The  United  States  spends  more  money  for  the  educa- 
tion of  its  youth  than  any  other  country  in  the  world,  and  among 
her  institutions  the  school-house  and  the  college  stand  most 
prominent.  While  the  lower  education  has  been  abundantly 
attended  to,  the  higher  education  has  been  by  no  means  neglected, 
and  amply  endowed  colleges  and  universities  are  found  in  every 
State  and  in  almost  every  city  of  the  land.  In  addition  to  the 
school-house,  libraries  are  multiplying  with  rapidity,  art  galleries 
and  museums  of  science  are  rising  everywhere,  temples  to  music 
and  the  drama  are  found  in  all  our  cities,  the  press  is  turning  out 
books  and  newspapers  with  almost  abnormal  energy,  and  in  every- 
thing calculated  to  enhance  the  intelligence  of  the  people  the 
United  States  has  no  superior,  if  any  equal,  among  the  nations  of 
the  earth. 

The  Greatness  of  the  Republic 

It  may  seem  unnecessary  to  tell  the  people  of  the  United 
States  the  story  of  their  growth.  The  greatness  to  which  this 
nation  has  attained  is  too  evident  to  need  to  be  put  in  words.  It 
has,  in  fact,  been  made  evident  in  two  great  and  a  multitude  of 
smaller  exhibitions  in  which  the  marvels  of  American  progress 
have  been  shown,  either  by  themselves  or  in  contrast  with  those  of 
foreign  lands.  The  first  of  these,  the  Centennial  Exposition  of 
1876,  had  a  double  effect:  it  opened  our  eyes  at  once  to  our 
triumphs  and  our  deficiencies,  to  the  particulars  in  which  we 
excelled  and  those  in  which  we  were  inferior  to  foreign  peoples. 
In  the  next  great  exhibition,  that  at  Chicago  in  1893,  we  had  the 
satisfaction  to  perceive,  not  only  that  we  had  made  great  progress 
in  our  points  of  superiority,  but  had  worked  nobly  and  heartily  to 
overcome  our  defects,  and  were  able  to  show  ourselves  the  equal 
of  Europe  in  almost  every  field  of  human  thought  and  skill.  In 
architecture  a  vision  of  beauty  was  shown   such  as  the  world  had 


36  FOUR  CENTURIES  OF  AMERICAN  HISTORY 

never  before  seen,  and  in   the  general   domain  of  art  the  United 
States  no  longer  had  need  to  be  ashamed  of  what  it  had  to  show. 

And  now,  having  briefly  summed  up  the  steps  of  progress  of 
the  United  States,  I  may  close  with  some  consideration  of  the 
problem  which  we  confront  in  our  new  position  as  the  Greater 
Republic,  the  lord  of  islands  spread  widely  over  the  seas.  Down 
to  the  year  1898  this  country  held  a  position  of  isolation,  so  far  as 
its  political  interests  were  concerned.  Although  the  sails  of  its 
merchant  ships  whitened  every  sea  and  its  commerce  extended  to 
all  lands,  its  boundaries  were  confined  to  the  North  American 
continent,  its  political  activities  largely  to  American  interests. 
Jealous  of  any  intrusion  by  foreign  nations  upon  this  hemisphere, 
it  warned  them  off,  while  still  in  its  feeble  youth,  by  the  stern 
words  of  the  Monroe  doctrine,  and  has  since  shown  France  and 
England,  by  decisive  measures,  that  this  doctrine  is  more  than  an 
empty  forrn  of  words. 

Is  This  Imperialism  or  Expansion 

Such  was  our  position  at  the  beginning  of  1898.  At  the 
opening  of  1899  we  had  entered  into  new  relations  with  the  world. 
The  conclusion  of  the  war  with  Spain  had  left  in  our  hands  the 
island  of  Porto  Rico  in  the  West  Indies  and  the  great  group  of 
the  Philippines  in  the  waters  of  Asia,  while  the  Hawaiian  Islands 
had  become  ours  by  peaceful  annexation.  What  shall  we  do  with 
them  ?  is  the  question  that  follows.  We  have  taken  hold  of  them 
in  a  way  in  which  it  is  impossible,  without  defeat  and  disgrace,  to 
let  go.  Whatever  the  ethics  of  the  question,  the  Philippine 
problem  has  assumed  a  shape  which  admits  of  but  one  solution. 
These  islands  will  inevitably  become  ours,  to  hold,  to  develop,  to 
control,  and  to  give  their  people  an  opportunity  to  attain  civiliza- 
tion, prosperity  and  political  manumission  which  they  have  never 
yet  possessed.  That  they  will  be  a  material  benefit  to  us  is  doubt- 
ful. That  they  will  give  us  a  new  position  among  the  nations  of 
the  earth  is  beyond  doubt.  We  have  entered  formally  into  that 
Eastern   question  which   in   the  years  to  come  promises  to  be  the 


FOUR  CENTURIES  OF  AMERICAN  HISTORY  37 

leading  question  before  the  world,  and  which  can  no  longer  be 
settled  by  the  nations  of  Europe  as  an  affair  of  their  own,  with 
which  the  United  States  has  no  concern. 

New  Duties  and  Grave  Responsibilities 

This  new  position  taken  by  the  United  States  promises  to  be 
succeeded  by  new  alliances,  a  grand  union  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
peoples,  which  will  give  them  a  dominant  position  among  the 
powers  of  the  world.  In  truth,  it  may  not  cease  with  the  union  of 
the  Anorlo-Saxons,  The  ambition  and  vast  designs  of  Russia  are 
forcing  the  other  nations  to  combine  for  protection,  and  a  close 
alliance  of  all  the  Teutonic  peoples  is  possible,  combined  to  resist 
the  Slavic  outgrowth,  and  eventually  perhaps  to  place  the  destinies 
of  the  world  in  the  hands  of  these  two  great  races,  the  Teutonic 
and  the  Slavic. 

All  this  may  be  looking  over  far  into  the  future  All  that  can 
be  said  now  is  that  our  new  possessions  have  placed  upon  us  new 
duties  and  new  responsibilities,  and  may  effectually  break  that 
policy  of  political  isolation  which  we  have  so  long  maintained,  and 
throw  us  into  the  caldron  of  world  politics  to  take  our  part  in 
shaping  the  future  of  the  uncivilized  races.  For  this  we  are  surely 
strong  enough,  enterprising  enough,  and  moral  enough  ;  and  what- 
ever our  record,  it  is  not  likely  to  be  one  of  defeat,  of  injustice 
and  oppresion,  or  of  forgetfulness  of  the  duty  of  nations  and  the 
rights  of  man 


CHAPTER    II. 

A   Hundred  Years    of  Political    History    and 
the  Great  Campaigns  of  the  Century 

The  Origin  of  the  "  Caucus  " 

THE  presidential  nominating  convention  is  a  modern  Institution, 
In  the  early  days  of  the  Repubhc  a  very  different  method 
was  pursued  In  order  to  place  the  candidates  for  the  highest 
office  in  the  land  before  the  people. 

In  the  first  place  as  to  the  origin  of  the  "  caucus  ".  In  the 
early  part  of  the  eighteenth  century  a  number  of  caulkers  connected 
with  the  shipping  business  in  the  North  End  of  Boston  held  a 
meeting  for  consultation.  The  meeting  was  the  germ  of  the 
political  caucuses  which  have  formed  so  prominent  a  feature  of  our 
government  ever  since  Its  organization. 

The  Constitution  of  our  country  was  framed  and  signed  in 
the  month  of  September,  1787,  by  the  convention  sitting  in 
Philadelphia,  and  then  sent  to  the  various  Legislatures  for  their 
action.  It  could  not  become  binding  until  ratified  by  nine  States. 
On  the  2d  of  July,  1788,  Congress  was  notified  that  the  necessary 
nine  States  had  approved,  and  on  the  13th  of  the  following 
September  a  day  was  appointed  for  the  choice  of  electors  for 
President.  The  day  selected  was  the  first  Wednesday  of  January, 
1789.  The  date  for  the  beginning  of  proceedings  under  the  new 
Constitution  was  postponed  to  the  first  Wednesday  In  March, 
which  happened  to  fall  on  the  4th.  In  that  way  the  4th  of  March 
became  fixed  as  the  date  of  the  inauguration  of  each  President, 
except  when  the  date  is  on  Sunday,  when  it  becomes  the  5th. 

Congress  met  at  that  time  in  the  city  of  New  York.  It  was 
not  until  the  ist  of  April  that  a  quorum  for  business  appeared  in 
the  House  of   Representatives,  and  the  Senate  was  organized  on 

38 


THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY  39 

the  6th  of  that  month.  The  electors  who  were  to  choose  the 
President  were  selected  by  the  various  State  Legislatures,  each 
elector  being  entitled  to  cast  two  votes.  The  rule  was  that  the 
candidate  receiving  the  highest  number  became  President,  while 
the  next  highest  vote  elected  the  Vice-President.  The  objection 
to  this  method  was  that  the  two  might  belong  to  different  political 
parties,  which  very  condition  of  things  came  about  at  the  election 
of  the  second  President,  -  when  John  Adams  was  chosen  to  the 
highest  office  and  Thomas  Jefferson  to  the  second.  The  former 
was  a  Federalist,  while  Jefferson  was  a  Republican,  or,  as  he  would 
have  been  called  later,  a  Democrat.  Had  Adams  died  while  in 
office,  the  policy  of  his  administration  would  have  been  changed. 

There  could  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  first  choice.  While  Washing- 
ton lived  and  was  willing  thus  to  serve  his  country,  what  other 
name  could  be  considered?  So,  when  the  electoral  vote  was 
counted  on  the  6th  of  April,  1789,  every  vote  of  the  ten  States 
which  took  part  in  the  election  was  cast  for  him.  He  received  69 
(all)  ;  John  Adams,  34  ;  John  Jay,  9  ;  R.  H.  Harrison,  6  ;  John 
Rutledge,  6;  John  Hancock,  4;  George  Clinton,  3;  Samuel  Hunt- 
ingdon, 2  ;  John  Milton,  2  ;  James  Armstrong,  Benjamin  Lincoln, 
and  Edward  Telfair  i  each. 

The  Election  of    1792 

At  the  next  election,  in  1792,  the  result  was  :  Washington,  132 
(all)  votes;  John  Adams,  ']^  \  George  Clinton,  50;  Thomas 
Jefferson,  4 ;  Aaron  Burr,  i  ;  vacancies,  3.  It  would  have  been 
the  same  at  the  third  election  had  the  illustrious  Father  of  his 
Country  consented  to  be  a  candidate  ;  but  he  was  growing  feeble, 
and  had  already  sacrificed  so  much  for  his  country,  that  his  yearn- 
ing for  the  quiet,  restful  life  at  Mount  Vernon  could  not  be  denied 
him.    So  he  retired,  and,  less  than  three  years  later,  passed  from  earth. 

Thr  First  Stormy  Election 

What  may  be  looked  upon  as  the  first  stormy  election  of  a 
President  took  place  in  1800.     When  the  electoral  votes  came  to 


40  THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY 

be  counted,  they  were  found  to  be  distributed  as  follows  :  Thomas 
Jefferson,  73 ;  Aaron  Burr,  73  ;  John  Adams,  65  ;  Charles  C. 
Pinckney,  64;  John  Jay,  i.  Jefferson  and  Burr  being  tied,  the 
election  was  thrown  into  the  House  of  Representatives,  where  the 
contest  became  a  memorable  one.  The  House  met  on  the  nth  of 
February,  1801,  to  decide  the  question.  On  the  first  ballot, 
Jefferson  had  eight  States  and  Burr  six,  while  Maryland  and 
Vermont  were  equally  divided.      Here  was  another  tie. 

Meanwhile,  one  of  the  most  terrific  snow-storms  ever  known 
swept  over  Washington,  Mr.  Nicholson  of  Maryland  was  seriously 
ill  in  bed,  and  yet,  if  he  did  not  vote,  his  State  would  be  given  to  Burr, 
who  would  be  elected  President.  Nicholson  showed  that  he  had 
the  "courage  of  his  convictions  "  by  allowing  himself  to  be  bundled 
up  and  carried  through  the  blizzard  to  one  of  the  committee 
rooms,  where  his  wife  stayed  by  his  side,  day  and  night.  On  each 
ballot  the  box  was  brought  to  his  bedside,  and  he  did  not  ,miss  one. 
The  House  remained  in  continuous  session  until  thirty-five  ballots 
had  been  cast  without  any  change. 

It  was  clear  by  that  time  that  Burr  could  not  be  elected,  for  the 
columns  of  Jefferson  were  as  immovable  as  a  stone  wall.  The 
break,  when  it  came,  must  be  in  the  ranks  of  Burr.  On  the  thirty- 
sixth  ballot,  the  Federalists  of  Maryland,  Delaware  and  South 
Carolina  voted  blank,  and  the  Federalist  of  Vermont  stayed  away. 
This  gave  the  friends  of  Jefferson  their  opportunity,  and, 
fortunately  for  the  country,  Thomas  Jefferson  was  elected  instead 
of  the  miscreant  Burr. 

The  Constitution  Amended 

As  a  result  of  this  noted  contest,  the  Constitution  was  so 
amended  that  each  elector  voted  for  a  President  and  a  Vice- 
President,  instead  of  for  two  candidates  for  President.  It  was  a 
needed  improvement,  since  it  insured  that  both  should  belong  to 
the  same  political  party. 

During  the  first  term  of  Washington,  the  country  was  divided 
into   two   powerful   political  parties.      Men  who,  like  Washington, 


THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY  43 

Hamilton,  Adams  and  others,  believed  in  a  strong  central  govern- 
ment, with  only  such  political  power  as  was  absolutely  necessary 
distributed  among  the  various  States,  were  Federalists.  Those 
who  insisted  upon  the  greatest  possible  power,  for  the  States, 
yielding  nothing  to  Congress  beyond  what  was  distinctly  specified 
in  the  Constitution,  were  Republicans,  of  whom  Thomas  Jefferson 
was  the  foremost  leader.  Other  points  of  difference  developed  as 
the  years  passed,  but  the  main  distinction  was  as  given.  After  the 
election  of  John  Adams,  the  Federalist  party  gradually  dwindled, 
and,  in  the  war  of  181 2,  its  unpatriotic  course  fatally  weakened  the 


oro-anization. 


The  Country   Divided  into  Parties 


The  Republican  party  took  the  namfe  of  Democratic  Republi- 
can, which  is  its  official  title  to-day.  During  Monroe's  administra- 
tion, when  almost  the  last  vestige  of  the  Federalist  vanished,  their 
opponents  gradually  acquired  the  name  of  Democrats,  by  which 
they  are  now  knowm.  After  a  time,  the  Federalists  were  succeeded 
by  the  Whigs,  who  held  well  together  until  the  quarrel  over  the 
admission  of  Kansas  and  the  question  of  slavery  split  the  party 
into  fragments.  From  these,  including  Know  Nothings,  Aboli- 
tionists, Free  Soilers  and  Northern  Democrats  was  builded,  in  1856, 
the  present  Republican  party,  whose  foundation  stone  was  opposi- 
tion to  the  extension  to  slavery.  Many  minor  parties  have  sprung 
into  ephemeral  life  from  time  to  time,  but  the  Democrats  and  Re- 
publicans will  undoubtedly  be  the  two  great  political  organizations 
for  many  years  to  come,  as  they  have  been  for  so  many  years  past. 

Improvement  in  the  Method  of  Nominating  Candidates 

It  will  be  noted  that  the  old-fashioned  method  of  nominatino- 
presidential  candidates  was  clumsy  and  frequently  unfair.  Candidates 
sometimes  announced  themselves  for  offices  within  the  gift  of  the 
people,  but  if  that  practice  had  continued  to  modern  times,  the  num- 
ber of  candidates  thus  appealing  for  the  suffrages  of  their  fellow-citi- 
zens might,  have  threatened  to  equal  the  number  of  voters  themselves. 


44  THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY 

The  more  common  plan  was  for  the  party  leaders  to  hold  private 
or  informal  caucuses.  The  next  method  was  for  the  legislative 
caucus  to  name  the  man.  The  unfairness  of  this  system  was  that 
it  shut  out  from  representation  those  whose  districts  had  none  of 
the  opposite  political  party  in  the  Legislature.  To  adjust 
the  matter,  the  caucus  rule  was  so  modified  as  to  admit 
delegates  specially  sent  up  from  districts  that  were  not  repre- 
sented in  the  Legislature.  This,  it  will  be  seen,  was  an  important 
step  in  the  direction  of  the  present  system,  which  makes  a  nominat- 
ing convention  to  consist  of  delegates  from  every  part  of  a  State, 
chosen  for  the  sole  purpose  of  making   nominations. 

The  perfected  method  appeared  in  New  Jersey  as  early  as 
1812;  Pennsylvania  in  1817,  and  New  York  in  1825.  There  was 
no  clearly  defined  plan  followed  in  making  the  presidential  nomina- 
tions for  1824,  and  four  years  later  the  legislative  caucus  system 
was  almost  universally  followed.  After  that,  the  system  which  had 
been  applied  in  various  States  was  applied  to  national  matters. 

The  First  Presidential  Convention 

In  the  year  1826,  William  Morgan,  a  worthless  character, 
living  in  Batavia,  New  York,  attempted  to  expose  the  secrets  of 
the  order  of  Free  Masons,  of  which  he  had  become  a  member. 
While  he  was  engaged  in  printing  his  book,  he  disappeared  and 
was  never  afterward  seen.  The  Masons  were  accused  of  making 
way  with  him,  and  a  wave  of  opposition  swept  over  the  country 
which  closed  many  lodges  and  seemed  for  a  time  to  threaten  the 
extinction  of  the  order.  An  anti-Masonic  party  was  formed  and 
became  strong  enough  to  carry  the  election  in  several  States.  Not 
only  that,  but  in  September,  1831,  the  anti-Masons  held  a  National 
nominating  convention  in  Baltimore  and  put  forward  William 
Wirt,  former  Attorney-General  of  the  United  States,  as  their 
nominee  for  the  Presidency,  with  Amos  Ellmaker,  candidate  for 
the  Vice-Presidency.  The  ticket  received  seven  electoral  votes. 
The  noteworthy  fact  about  this  almost  forgotten  matter  is  that  the 
convention  was  the  first  presidential  one  held  in  this  country. 


THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY  45 

The  system  was  now  fairly  launched,  for  in  December  of  the 
same  year  the  National  Republicans  met  in  convention  in  Balti- 
more and  nominated  Henry  Clay,  and  in  May,  1832,  Martin  Van 
Buren  was  nominated  by  a  Democratic  convention.  He  was 
renominated  at  the  same  place  and  in  the  same  manner  in  1835, 
but  the  Whigs  did  not  imitate  their  opponents.  In  1840,  however, 
the  system  was  adopted  by  both  parties,  and  has  been  followed 
ever  since. 

Exciting  Scenes 

Our  whole  country  seethes  with  excitement  from  the  hour 
when  the  first  candidate  is  hinted  at  until  his  nomination  is  made, 
followed  by  his  election  or  defeat  a  few  months  later.  Some  per- 
sons see  a  grave  peril  in  this  periodic  convulsion,  which  shakes  the 
United  States  like  an  earthquake,  but  it  seems  after  all  to  be  a 
sort  of  political  thunder-storm  which  purifies  the  air  and  clarifies 
the  ideas  that  otherwise  would  become  sodden  or  morbid.  It  is 
essentially  American,  and  our  people's  universal  love  of  fair  play 
leads  them  to  accept  the  verdict  at  the  polls  with  philosophy  and 
good  nature. 

And  yet  there  have  been  many  exciting  scenes  at  the  nomin- 
ating conventions  of  the  past,  as  there  doubtless  will  be  in  many 
that  are  yet  to  come.  Coming  down  to  later  times,  how  often  has 
it  proved  that  the  most  astute  politicians  were  all  at  sea  in  their 
calculations.  The  proverbial  "  dark  horse  "  has  become  a  potent 
factor  whom  it  is  not  safe  to  forget  in  making  up  political 
probabilities. 

The  Presidential  Campaign  of  1820 

Probably  the  most  tranquil  presidential  campaign  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  was  that  of  1820,  when  James  Monroe  was  elected 
for  the  second  time.  He  was  virtually  the  only  candidate  before 
the  country  for  the  exalted  office.  When  the  electoral  college 
met,  the  astounding  fact  was  revealed  that  he  had  every  vote — the 
first  time  such  a  thino^  had  occurred  since  Washington's  election. 

But  there  was  one  elector  who  had  the  courage  to  do  that 
which  was  never  done  before  and  has  never  been  done  since  :  he 


46  THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY 

voted  contrary  to  his  instructions  and  in  opposition  to  the  ticket 
on  which  he  was  elected.  Blumer,  of  New  Hampshire,  explained 
that,  as  he  viewed  it,  no  President  had  the  right  to  share  the  honor 
of  a  unanimous  election  with  Washington,  and  though  an  ardent 
friend  of  Monroe,  he  deliberately  cast  one  vote  for  Adams,  in  order 
to  preserve  Washington's  honor  distinct,  His  motive  was  appreci- 
ated, and  Blumer  was  aplauded  for  the  act,  Monroe  himself  being 
pleased  with  it. 

"Old  Hickory.  " 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  repeat  that  this  incident  has  not  been 
duplicated  since  that  day.  Andrew  Jackson,  "  Old  Hickory,"  was 
probably  the  most  popular  man  in  the  country  when  the  time  came 
for  naming  the  successor  of  Monroe.  It  may  sound  strange,  but  it 
is  a  fact  that  when  the  project  of  running  him  for  the  Presidency 
was  first  mentioned  to  Jackson,  he  was  displeased.  It  had  never 
entered  his  head  to  covet  that  exalted  office. 

"  Don't  think  of  it,"  he  said  ;  "  I  haven't  the  first  qualification  ; 
I  am  a  rough,  plain  man,  fitted  perhaps  to  lead  soldiers  and  fight 
the  enemies  of  our  country,  but  as  for  the  Presidency,  the  idea  is 
too  absurd  to  be  held." 

But  what  American  cannot  be  convinced  that  he  is  pre- 
eminently fitted  for  the  office  ?  It  did  not  take  long  for  the  ambi- 
tion to  be  kindled  in  the  breast  of  the  doughty  hero.  His  friends 
flattered  him  into  the  conviction  that  he  was  the  man  of  all  others 
to  assume  the  duties  and  the  "  bee  "  buzzed  as  loudly  in  Jackson's 
bonnet  as  it  ever  has  in  that  of  any  of  his  successors. 

Andrew  Jackson's  Popularity 
It  cannot  be  denied  that  "  Old  Hickory  "  was  a  great  man,  and 
though  he  was  deficient  in  education,  lacking  in  statesmanship  and 
obstinate  to  the  last  degree,  he  was  the  possessor  of  those  rugged 
virtues  which  invaribly  command  respect.  He  was  honest,  clean  in 
his  private  life,  a  staunch  friend,  an  unrelenting  enemy  and  an  intense 
patriot — one  who  was  ready  to  risk  his  life  at  any  hour  for  his  coun- 
try.    In  addition,  he  never  knew  the  meaning  of  personal  fear.     No 


THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY  47 

braver  person  ever  lived.  When  the  sheriff  in  a  court-room  was 
afraid  to  attempt  to  arrest  a  notorious  desperado,  Jackson  leaped 
over  the  chairs,  seized  the  ruffian  by  the  throat,  hurled  him  to  the 
floor  and  cowed  him  into  submission.  When  a  piece  of  treachery 
was  discovered  on  a  Kentucky  race-course,  Jackson  faced  a  mob  of 
a  thousand  infuriated  men,  ruled  off  the  dishonest  official  and  car- 
ried his  point.  He  challenged  the  most  noted  duellist  of  the  south- 
west, because  he  dared  to  cast  a  slur  upon  Jackson's  wife.  It 
mattered  not  that  the  scoundrel  had  never  failed  to  kill  his  man, 
and  that  all  Jackson's  friends  warned  him  that  it  was  certain  death 
to  meet  the  dead-shot.  At  the  exchange  of  shots,  Jackson  was  fright- 
fully wounded,  but  he  stood  as  rigid  as  iron,  and  sent  a  bullet 
through  the  body  of  his  enemy,  whom  he  did  not  let  know  he  was 
wounded  until  the  other  had  breathed  his  last. 

Above  all,  had  not  "Old  Hickory"  won  the  battle  of  New 
Orleans,  the  most  brilliant  victory  of  the  war  of  1812?  Did  not 
he  and  his  unerring  riflemen  from  the  backwoods  of  Tennessee 
and  Kentucky  spread  consternation,  death  and  defeat  among  the 
red-coated  veterans  of  Waterloo  ?  No  wonder  that  the  anniver- 
sary of  that  glorious  battle  is  still  celebrated  in  every  part  of  the 
country,  and  no  wonder,  too,  that  the  American  people  demanded 
that  the  hero  of  all  these  achievements  should  be  rewarded  with 
the  highest  office  in  the  gift  of  his  countrymen. 

Jackson  Nominated 

Jackson,  having  "placed  himself  in  the  hands  of  his  friends," 
threw  himself  into  the  struggle  with  all  the  unquenchable  ardor  of 
his  nature.  On  July  22,  1822,  the  Legislature  of  Tennessee  was 
first  in  the  field  by  placing  him  in  nomination.  On  the  22d  of 
February,  1824,  a  Federalist  convention  at  Harrlsburg,  Pa.,  nomin- 
ated him,  and,  on  the  4th  of  March  following,  a  Republican  conven- 
tion did  the  same.  It  would  seem  that  he  was  now  fairly  before 
the  country,  but  the  regular  Democratic  nominee,  that  is,  the  one 
named  by  the  congressional  caucus,  was  William  H.  Crawford,  of 
Georgia.     The  remaining   candidates    were  John   Ouincy  Adams 


48  THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY 

and  Henry  Clay,  and  all  of  them  belonged  to  the  Republican 
party,  which  had  retained  the  Presidency  since  1800.  Adams  and 
Clay  were  what  was  termed  loose  constructionists,  while  Jackson 
and  Crawford  were  strict  constructionists. 

"Old   Hickory"  Defeated 

The  canvass  was  a  somewhat  jumbled  one  in  which  each 
candidate  had  his  ardent  partisans  and  supporters.  The  contest 
was  carried  out  with  vigor  and  the  usual  abuse,  personalities  and 
vituperation  until  the  polls  were  closed.  Then  when  the  returns 
came  to  be  made  up  it  was  found  that  Jackson  had  received  99 
electoral  votes,  Adams  84,  Crawford  41  and  Clay  37.  "  Old 
Hickory"  was  well  ahead,  but  his  strength  was  not  sufficient  to 
make  him  President,  even  though  on  the  popular  vote  he  led 
Adams  by  more  than  50,000.  Consequently  the  election  went  to 
the  House  of  Representatives,  where  the  supporters  of  Clay  com- 
bined with  those  of  Adams  and  made  him  President.  Thus  came 
the  singular  result  that  the  man  who  had  the  largest  popular  and 
electoral  vote  was  defeated. 

It  was  a  keen  disappointment  to  Jackson  and  his  friends.  The 
great  Senator  Benton,  of  Missouri,  one  of  the  warmest  supporters 
of  "  Old  Hickory,"  angrily  declared  that  the  House  was  deliber- 
ately defying  the  will  of  the  people  by  placing  a  minority  can- 
didate in  the  chair.  The  Senator's  position,  however,  was 
untenable,  and  so  it  was  that  John  Quincy  Adams  became  the 
sixth  President  of  our  country. 

Jackson's  Triumph 
But  the  triumph  of  "  Old  Hickory"  was  only  postponed.  His 
defeat  was  looked  upon  by  the  majority  of  men  as  a  deliberate 
piece  of  trickery,  and  they  "  lay  low  "  for  the  next  opportunity  to 
square  matters.  No  fear  of  a  second  chance  was  presented  to 
their  opponents.  Jackson  was  launched  into  the  canvass  of  1828 
like  a  cyclone,  and  when  the  returns  were  made  up  he  had  178 
electoral  votes  to  83  for  Adams — a  vote  which  lifted  him  safely  over 
the  edge  of  a  plurality  and  seated  him  firmly  in  the  White  House. 


THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY  49 

It  is  not  our  province  to  treat  of  the  administration  of 
AndrevxT  Jackson,  for  that  belongs  to  history,  but  the  hold  which 
that  remarkable  man  maintained  upon  the  affections  of  the  people 
was  emphasized  when,  in  1832,  he  was  re-elected  by  an  electoral 
vote  of  219  to  49  for  Clay,  11  for  Floyd,  and  7  for  Wirt.  Despite 
the  popular  prejudice  against  a  third  term,  there  is  little  doubt  that 
Jackson  would  have  been  successful  had  he  chosen  again  to  be  a 
candidate.  He  proved  his  strength  by  selecting  his  successor, 
Martin  Van  Buren. 

The  "Log-cabin  and    Hard-cider"  Campaign  of    1840 

The  next  notable  presidential  battle  was  the  "  log-cabin  and 
hard-cider"  campaign  of  1840,  the  like  of  which  was  never  before 
seen  in  this  country.  General  William  Henry  Harrison  had  been 
defeated  by  Van  Buren  in  1836,  but  on  the  4th  of  December,  1839, 
the  national  Whig  Convention,  which  met  at  Harrisburg  to  decide 
the  claims  of  rival  candidates,  placed  Harrison  in  nomination,  while 
the  Democrats  again  nominated  Van  Buren. 

General  Harrison  lived  at  North  Bend,  Ohio,  in  a  house  which 
consisted  of  a  log-cabin,  built  many  years  before  by  a  pioneer,  and 
was  afterwards  covered  with  clapboards.  The  visitors  to  the  house 
.  praised  the  republican  simplicity  of  the  old  soldier,  the  hero  of 
Tippecanoe,  and  the  principal  campaign  biography  said  that  his 
table,  instead  of  being  supplied  by  costly  wines,  was  furnished  with 
an  abundance  of  the  best  cider. 

"  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  Too  " 

The  canvass  had  hardly  opened,  when  the  Baltimore  Republican 
slurred  General  Harrison  by  remarking  that,  if  some  one  would 
pension  him  with  a  few  hundred  dollars,  and  give  him  a  barrel  of 
hard  cider,  he  would  sit  down  in  his  log-cabin  and  be  content  for 
the  rest  of  his  life.  That  sneer  furnished  the  key-note  of  the 
campaign.  Hard  cider  became  almost  the  sole  beverage  of  the 
Whigs  throughout  the  country.  In  every  city,  town  and  village, 
and  at  the  cross-roads,  were  erected  lo^r-cabins,  while  the  amount  of 


50  THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY 

hard  cider  drunk  would  have  floated  the  American  Navy.  The 
nights  were  rent  with  the  shouts  of  "  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too," 
and  scores  of  campaign  songs  were  sung  by  tens  of  thousands  of 
exultant,  even  if  not  always  musical  voices.  We  recall  that  one  of 
the  most  popular  songs  began  : 

"  Oh  where,  tell  me  where,  was  the  log-cabm  made  ! 

'Twas  made  by  the  boys  that  wield  the  plough  and  the  spade.' ' 

There  was  no  end  to  the  sonofs,  which  were  set  to  the  most 
popular  airs  and  sung  over  and  over  again.  You  would  hear  them 
in  the  middle  of  the  night  on  some  distant  mountain-top,  where  the 
twinkling  camp-fire  showed  that  a  party  of  Whigs  were  drinking 
hard  cider  and  whooping  it  up  for  Harrison  ;  some  singer  with  a 
strong,  pleasing  voice  would  start  one  of  the  songs  from  the  plat- 
form, at  the  close  of  the  orator's  appeal,  and  hardly  had  his  lips 
parted,  when  the  thousands  of  Whigs,  old  and  young,  and  includ- 
ing wives  and  daughters,  would  join  in  the  words,  while  the  enthus- 
iasm quickly  grew  to  a  white  heat.  The  horsemen  riding  home  late 
at  night  awoke  the  echoes  among  the  woods  and  hills  with  their 
musical  praises  of  "  Old  Tippecanoe."  The  story  is  told  that  in 
one  of  the  backwood  districts  of  Ohio,  after  the  preacher  had  an- 
nounced the  hymn,  the  leader  of  the  singing,  a  staid  old  deacon, 
struck  in  with  a  Harrison  campaign  song,  in  which  the  whole  con- 
gregation, after  the  first  moment's  shock,  heartily  joined,  while  the 
aghast  preacher  had  all  he  could  do  to  restrain  himself  from  "  com- 
ing in  on  the  chorus."  There  was  some  truth  in  the  declaration  of 
a  disgusted  Democrat  that,  from  the  opening  of  the  canvass,  the 
whole  Whig  population  of  the  United  States  went  upon  a  colossal 
spree  on  hard  cider  which  continued  without  intermission  until 
Harrison  was  installed  in  the  White  House. 

Peculiar  Feature  of  the  Harrison  Campaign. 
And  what  did    November  tell  ?     The   electoral  vote  cast   for 
Martin  Van   Buren,  60 ;    for  General  Harrison,  234.      No   wonder 
the   supply  of  hard  cider  was    almost  exhausted  within   the   next 
three  days. 


OQ  ^  PM 

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2,0m 


THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY  53 

As  we  have  noted,  the  method  of  nominating  presidential  can- 
didates by  means  of  popular  conventions  was  fully  established 
in  1840  and  has  continued  uninterruptedly  ever  since.  One 
peculiar  feature  marked  the  Harrison  campaign  of  1840. 
The  convention  which  nominated  Martin  Van  Buren  met  in 
Baltimore  in  May  of  that  year.  On  the  same  day  the  young 
Whigs  of  the  country  held  a  mass  meeting  in  Baltimore,  at  which 
twenty  thousand  persons  were  present.  They  came  from  every 
part  of  the  Union,  Massachusetts  sending  fully  a  thousand.  When 
the  adjournment  took  place,  it  was  to  meet  again  in  Washington 
at  the  inauguration  of  Harrison.  The  railway  was  then  coming 
into  general  use,  and  this  greatly  favored  the  meeting  of  mass  con- 
ventions. 

"  Rough  and  Ready  " 

The  Democrats  swung  back  to  power  in  1844,  when  James  K. 
Polk  defeated  Henry  Clay,  nominated  for  the  third  time.  During 
his  administration  occurred  the  war  with  Mexico,  of  which  General 
Zachary  Taylor  was  the  popular  hero.  His  bluff  manner  won  for  him 
the  title  of  "  Rough  and  Ready."  He  was  a  patriot,  well  informed 
and  well  educated,  though  he  took  so  little  interest  in  politics 
that  he  had  not  cast  a  vote  for  forty  years.  He  had  no  special 
yearning  for  an  election  to  the  Presidency,  but  what  man  can 
refuse  the  honor  when  it  comes  to  him  ?  He  chose  an  able 
Cabinet,  and  would  have  made  an  excellent  record  but  for  his 
untimely  death  during  the  second  year  of  his  term.  His  nomina- 
tion and  election  were  attended  by  no  very  noteworthy  features. 

Democratic  Convention  in  Baltimore,   1852 

When  the  time  came  for  other  presidential  nominations,  the 
Democratic  convention  met  in  Baltimore,  June  12,  1852.  The 
most  prominent  candidates  were  James  Buchanan,  Stephen  A. 
Douglas,  Lewis  Cass  and  William  L,  Marcy.  Ballot  after  ballot 
was  taken  without  any  one  of  these  men  developing  sufficient 
strength  to  bring  success.     On  the  thirty-sixth   ballot,  the  Virginia 


54  THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY 

delegation  presented  the  name  of  Franklin  Pierce,  of  New  Hamp- 
shire. Many  members  of  the  convention  had  never  heard  of  him, 
and  the  puplic  at  large  were  no  better  informed,  but  on  the  forty- 
ninth  ballot  he  received  282  votes  to  11  for  all  the  others. 

"  Old  Fuss  and  Feathers." 

Pierce's  opponent  was  General  Winfield  Scott,  the  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  Mexican  war,  and  under  whom  Pierce  served. 
Scott  was  not  popular  either  in  the  North  or  South.  He  was  a 
martinet,  overbearing  in  his  manner  and  with  no  power  to  make 
friends.  It  seemed  presumptuous  to  him  for  any  one  to  think  of, 
opposing  his  nomination  or  election  to  the  Presidency.  During 
the  campaign,  the  war  with  Mexico  was  fought  over  again,  times 
without  number,  and  every  incident  of  the  old  soldier's  life  was 
lauded  to  the  skies,  until  it  seemed  that  no  greater  hero  or  military 
genius  had  ever  lived. 

But  November  told  an  astounding  story.  The  only  States 
carried  by  Scott  were  Massachusetts,  Vermont,  Kentucky  and 
Tennessee,  with  42  electoral  votes ;  while  all  the  rest,  compre- 
hending 254  votes,  went  to  pierce.  If  "Old  Fuss  and  Feathers" 
ever  met  his  Waterloo,  it  was  when  he  confronted  one  of  his 
brigadier-generals  at  the  polls. 

A  Tragic  Period 
The  presidential  campaigns,  which  hitherto  had  been  fought 
out  philosophically  and  with  abundance  of  humor  and  absurd 
incident,  now  approach  the  tragic  period.  The  baleful  shadow  of 
slavery,  which  had  hovered  over  the  political  sky,  broadened  and 
deepened  until  the  light  of  the  sun,  moon  and  stars  was  blotted 
out.  That  cloud,  at  first  no  bigger  than  a  man's  hand,  now 
darkened  the  heavens  with  its  awful  pall,  through  which  flashed 
the  red  lightning  tongues  of  civil  war.  Fremont,  the  first  Repub- 
lican candidate,  had  shown  so  much  strength  in  1856,  that  the 
South  was  startled.  Her  people  had  held  the  reins  of  government 
for  many  years,  but  they  now  saw  that  a  sentiment  was  growing  so 
fast  against  the  aggressiveness  of  slavery  that  it  was  likely  at  any 


THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY  55 

time  to  turn  the  scales  against  them.  The  Southern  leaders  loved 
slavery  more  than  the  Union ;  they  believed  the  North  was 
making-  unconstitutional  invasions  of  their  rights  ;  they  were  sure 
that  if  they  stayed  in  the  Union,  their  pet  institution  would  be 
destroyed ;  therefore  they  prepared  to  withdraw  upon  the  first 
election  of  a  candidate  on  the  platform  of  opposition  to  the  exten- 
sion of  slavery. 

The  Democratic   Party   Divided 

That  candidate  was  Abraham  Lincoln  of  Illinois,  Jefferson 
Davis  saw  that  the  only  possible  method  of  defeating  him  was  by  a 
fusing  of  all  the  elements  of  the  opposition,  and  he  urged  such 
fusion.  But,  as  was  said  of  slavery,  it  split  everything  with  which 
it  had  to  do.  It  split  most  of  the  churches,  and  now,  before  splitting 
the  country,  spht  the  Democratic  party  into  three  factions  or 
wings. 

The  Democratic  convention  assembled  in  Charleston  in  April, 
i860.  They  had  hardly  come  together  when  they  began  quarreling 
over  the  slavery  question.  Among  the  members  were  some  so 
violent  that  they  favored  the  reopening  of  the  slave  trade.  The 
North  had  refused  to  obey  the  Dred  Scott  decision  of  1857,  and, 
instead  of  surrendering  fugitive  slaves,  helped  to  conceal,  or  else  assist 
them  on  their  way  to  Canada.  Until  the  Northerners  would 
retrace  their  steps  and  allow  the  slave-owner  to  take  his  "  property  " 
wherever  he  chose  within  the  United  States,  without  losing  owner- 
ship,  these  extremists  insisted  upon  seceding  from  the  Union. 

Stephen   A.    Douglas 

But  there  were  others  in  the  convention  that  were  less  radical, 
that  still  loved  the  Union  and  were  willino-  to  make  concessions 
and  accept  compromises.  The  inevitable  consequence  was  another 
split.  Stephen  A.  Douglas  was  the  choice  of  these  men.  He  was  the 
champion  of  popular  or  squatter  sovereignty — which  means  that  he 
favored  leaving  the  question  of  slavery  to  be  settled  by  the  residents 
of  each  Territory  for  themselves.  This  did  not  suit  the  extremists, 
who,  determined  to  prevent  the  nomination  of  Douglas,  withdrew 


56  THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY 

from  the  convention.  Those  who  remained,  after  balloting  for 
a  while  without  result,  adjourned  on  the  3d  of  May  to  Baltimore, 
where,  on  the  i8th  of  June,  they  placed  Douglas  in  nomination, 
with  Herschel  V.  Johnson,  of  Georgia,  as  the  candidate  for  Vice- 
President. 

John   C.   Breckinridge 

The  platform  of  this  party  was  the  declaration  that  the  people 
of  each  Territory  should  control  slavery  in  that  Territory,  but  they 
were  willing  to  abide  by  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court. 

The  seceding  delegates  adjourned  to  Richmond  and  thence  to 
Baltimore,  where,  on  the  28th  of  June,  they  nominated  John  C. 
Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  and  Joseph  Lane,  of  Oregon.  Their 
platform  declared  it  the  right  and  duty  of  Congress  to  protect 
slavery  in  the  Territories  whenever  the  owner  chose  to  take  his 
slaves  thither. 

The  American  party,  or,  as  they  were  called,  the  Constitutional 
Unionists,  had  already  met  in  Baltimore,  where  they  nominated 
John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  and  Edward  Everett,  of  Massachusetts. 
They  favored  the  "  Constitution,  the  Union  and  the  enforcement 
of  the  laws."  This  was  vague  and  hazy,  and  the  party  might  well 
be  termed  the  milk  and  water  one,  for  it  sought  to  do  that  which 
was  now  impossible — drop  the  question  of  slavery  from  politics. 
It  may  be  said  that  the  accursed  thing  had  become  the  sole  question 
before  the  country,  and  rivers  of  blood  would  be  required  to 
extinguish  the  flames  that  were  already  kindling. 

WoFUL  Misunderstandings 
Who  that  took  part  in  those  lurid  days  can  ever  forget  them  ? 
The  country  heaved  and  swayed  as  if  with  an  earthquake.  The 
most  passionate  appeals  were  made  to  voters,  but  it  may  be  said 
that  not  one  person  in  a  thousand  really  believed  that  a  terrible 
civil  war  was  at  hand.  It  was  thought  that  the  flurry  would  soon 
blow  over,  and  even  Jefferson  Davis,  after  the  Southern  Confederacy 
was  organized,  declared  that  he  would  be  able  to  hold  all  the  blood 
that  would  be  spilled  in  the  hollow  of  his  hand. 


THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY  57 

The  two  sections  wofully  misunderstood  each  other.  The 
North  boasted  that  if  the  South  dared  raise  its  arm  agfainst  the 
Union,  the  Seventh  Regiment,  of  New  York,  or,  indeed,  any 
similar  organization,  would  march  from  the  Potomac  to  the  Rio 
Grande  and  subdue  the  rebels.  Secretary  Seward  thought  the 
trouble  would  be  over  in  ninety  days,  and  commerce,  manufactures 
and  trade  kept  right  on,  until  the  thunder  of  Sumter's  cannon 
echoed  through  the  land  and  the  people  awoke. 

•   The  Blunder  of  the  South 

The  hideous  blunder  of  the  South  was  their  belief  that  they 
had  so  many  friends  in  the  North  that  they  would  not  permit  the 
national  government  to  make  war  upon  the  secessionists  in  the 
effort  to  bring  them  back  into  the  Union.  If  war  should  be  waged 
nevertheless,  they  were  sure  that  thousands  of  the  Northerners 
would  hasten  to  enlist  on  their  side.  It  was  a  woful  blunder  we 
repeat,  for  while  the  North  was  ready  to  go  to  the  utmost  length 
that  honor  would  permit,  its  love  for  the  Union  transcended  every- 
thing else,  and,  as  her  sons  proved,  they  were  ready  to  fight  to  the 
death  to  maintain  it. 

Since  the  election  of  i860  was  unprecedented,  it  is  well  to 
recall  the  figures.  On  the  popular  vote  Abraham  Lincoln 
received  1,866,352  votes;  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  1,375,157;  John 
C.  Breckinridge,  845,763;  and  John  Bell,  589,581.  The  electoral 
votes  in  the  same  order  were  180,  12,  72  and  39. 

All  know  what  followed.  There  were  four  years  of  fearful 
civil  war,  and  then  the  Union  was  restored,  purified  of  slavery,  and 
stronger,  firmer  and  more  enduring  than  ever  before.  In  the 
furnace-blast  she  had  gone  through  the  pangs  of  transformation, 
and  who  can  doubt  that  the  Union  is  destined  to  last  as  lono^  as 
the  starry  firmament  itself  ? 

Ulysses  S.  Grant   and  Horatio  Seymour 
The  American  nation  dearly  loves  a  military  idol,  and  General 
Grant  was  the  idol  of  the   North.      He  was  the   military  genius 
developed  by  the  Civil  War,  and  he  accomplished  that  which  others 
4 


58  THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY 

had  tried  in  vain  to  do  :  he  had  conquered  General  Lee,  and  com- 
pelled the  surrender  of  the  armed  hosts  of  the  rebellion.  So 
nothing  was  more  natural  than  that  he  should  be  put  forth  as  a 
candidate  for  the  Presidency  when  the  term  of  Andrew  Johnson 
drew  to  a  close. 

It  is  not  to  be  imagined  that  so  sagacious  a  politician  as 
Horatio  Seymour  believed  there  was  an  earthly  possibility  of  his 
success  when  he  entered  the  race  against  General  Grant.  If  he 
held  such  a  hope  it  was  most  startlingly  dissipated  in  1868,  when 
he  carried  but  eight  States,  while  twenty-six  voted  for  Grant. 

Unique  Campaign  of  1872 
The  presidential  campaign  of  1872  was  unique  in  its  way. 
There  is  something  grotesque  in  the  thought  of  Horace  Greeley 
becoming  the  Democratic  candidate  in  opposition  to  Grant,  the 
Republican  nominee.  No  one  had  delivered  more  telling  blows 
against  the  Democracy  than  the  vigorous  and  talented  editor  of  the 
Tribune.  He  had  fought  them  mercilessly  for  more  than  a  gener- 
ation and  none  was  his  equal.  Naturally  an  element  of  dissatis- 
faction grew  up  under  Grant  as  his  term  went  on,  and  the  malcon- 
tents coalesced  under  the  name  of  Liberal  Republicans,  made 
Greeley  their  candidate,  and  he  was  afterwards  "  endorsed  "  by  the 
regulars.  The  dose  was  too  bitter  for  thousands  to  swallow,  and 
on  election  day  they  "went  a-fishing,"  with  the  result  that  Grant 
carried  31  States,  while  only  6  supported  Greeley.  The  pathetic 
element  was  not  lacking,  for  the  gifted  and  honest  man  succumbed 
to  the  humiliation  and  was  in  his  grave  when  the  electoral  vote 
was  counted. 

The  Most  Critical  Period  in  the  History  of  Our  Country 
Perhaps  few  will  believe  what  is  unquestionably  the  fact,  that 
the  most  critical  period  in  the  history  of  our  country  was  not  in 
the  Revolution,  nor  yet  in  the  Civil  War,  but  in  the  autumn  of  1876, 
or  more  properly,  the  opening  weeks  of  1877.  The  peril  was  an 
appalling  one,  and  the  most  thoughtful  patriots  trembled  for  the 
safety  of  their  beloved  land. 


THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY  59 

There  was  nothing  specially  noteworthy  in  the  political  cam- 
paign of  1876.  The  Democratic  candidate  was  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  of 
New  York,  one  of  the  ablest  men  in  the  Democratic  party,  and 
against  whose  character  nothing  could  be  said.  His  opponent  was 
General  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  of  Ohio,  who  had  made  a  creditable 
record  in  the  war.  Both  had  served  their  States  as  governors,  and 
both  were  men  of  unquestioned  ability.  The  campaign  was  not 
extraordinarily  exciting  and  was  marked  by  no  more  than  the  usual 
violence  of  expression.  When  the  vote  came  to  be  counted,  how- 
ever, it  was  found  that,  outside  of  several  disputed  States,  each 
candidate  had  received  about  the  same  number  of  electoral  votes. 

Charge  of  Fraud 

Naturally  each  party  charged  the  other  with  fraud.  In 
Louisiana  the  returning  board  gave  the  Republican  ticket  a 
majority  of  several  thousand  by  throwing  out  the  returns  from 
several  parishes,  on  the  ground  of  intimidation  of  voters.  The 
Democrats  insisted  that  these  returns  should  be  counted,  and  had 
that  been  done,  Tilden  would  have  carried  the  State. 

In  South  Carolina  there  were  two  bodies  claiming  to  be  the 
legal  Legislature;  One  gave  a  plurality  to  the  Republican  and 
the  other  to  the  Democratic  ticket.  The  same  state  of  affairs 
prevailed  in  Florida,  where  each  claimed  a  slight  majority. 
Another  complication  resulted  in  Oregon,  where  one  of  the 
Republican  electors  was  declared  ineligible,  because  he  held  the 
office  of  postmaster  when  appointed  elector.  The  critical  delicacy 
of  the  situation  will  be  understood  when  it  is  remembered  that  if 
the  Republicans  secured  every  point  claimed  they  would  have  only 
185  electoral  votes  to  184  of  the  Democrats. 

The  counter-charges  of  fraud  were  repeated  with  increasing 
bitterness,  and  many  partisans  began  talking  loudly  of  seating 
their  candidate  by  force  of  arms.  Had  a  collision  taken  place,  it 
would  have  been  not  a  war  of  the  North  against  the  South,  but  of 
neighbor  against  neighbor,  and  heaven  only  knows  what  the  end 
would  have  been. 


6o  THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY 

As  if  no  element  of  trouble  was  to  be  lacking,  the  Senate  was 
Republican  and  the  House  Democratic.  The  law  requires  that 
the  electoral  vote  shall  be  counted  at  a  joint  session  of  the  two 
Houses,  and  since  double  sets  of  returns  were  sure  to  come  from 
four  States,  the  dispute  would  never  end. 

The  situation  was  unparalleled.  The  peril  was  of  the  gravest 
nature.  Some  plan  must  be  devised  or  civil  war  and  anarchy  were 
certain.  Thoughtful  men  were  alarmed  and  began  to  discuss  a 
way  out  of  the  danger.  Finally,  Congress  passed  the  bill  creating 
an  electoral  commission,  to  whom  all  questions  in  dispute  were  to 
be  referred,  and  to  whose  decision  each  party  would  submit. 

A  Way  Out  of  the  Danger 
This  tribunal  consisted  of  five  Senators,  appointed  by  the 
Vice-President  (three  Republicans  and  two  Democrats,)  five 
Representatives,  appointed  by  the  Speaker  (three  Democrats  and 
two  Republicans,)  and  five  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  (three 
Repulicans  and  two  Democrats.)  The  expectation  was  that  Judge 
David  Davis  would  act  as  one  of  the  members  of  the  Commission. 
He  was  appointed  such  member,  and  the  body  could  not  have  been 
divided  more  evenly,  for  it  had  seven  Democrats,  seven  Repub- 
licans and  one  Independent  in  the  person  of  Judge  Davis.  He 
was  elected  United  States  Senator,  however,  and  Judge  Bradley, 
of  New  Jersey,  took  his  place  on  the  Commission.  Thus  con- 
stituted, eight  Republicans  to  seven  Democrats,  every  disputed 
question  was  decided  by  that  vote  in  favor  of  the  Republicans, 
and  consequently  Rutherford  B.  Hays  became  the  ninteenth 
President  of  the  United  States. 

The  Republican  National  Convention  of  1880 
Probably  no  "  unwritten  law"  has  so  tenacious  a  hold  upon  the 
American  people  as  the  one  which  forbids  a  President  to  hold  his 
offtce  more  than  two  terms.  Undoubtedly  it  is  the  same  feeling 
which  caused  Blumer,  of  New  Hampshire,  to  vote  for  John  Quincy 
Adams,  in  order  to  prevent  the  unanimous  election  of  Monroe. 
The  only  determined   effort  to  break  this  tradition  was  made  in 


PAUL    KRUGER 

President  of  the  South  African  Itepublio. 


LORD   SALISBURY 

Prime  Minister  of  England. 


THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY  63 

June,  1880,  at  the  Republican  national  convention  in  Chicago, 
when  the  imperial  Roscoe  Conkling  led  the  movement  to 
renominate  Grant.  He  nominated  him  in  a  powerful  speech,  and 
for  thirty-six  ballots  Grant  received  a  support  varying  from  302  to 
313,  but  it  was  impossible  to  rally  enough  strength  to  bring  the 
nomination  to  the  foremost  Union  leader.  On  the  thirty-sixth 
ballot  a  rush  to  Garfield  gave  him  a  majority,  and  his  nomination 
was  made  unanimous. 

The  Most  Peculiar  Political  Campaign  of  Later  Years 
The  political  campaign  which  followed  (1884)  was  the  most 
peculiar  of  those  of  later  years.  The  brilliant,  able  and  magnetic 
James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine,  was  nominated  on  the  fourth  ballot,  in 
June,  1884,  for  the  Presidency,  his  opponent  being  Grover  Cleve- 
land, whose  prodigious  majority  when  elected  Governor  of  New 
York,  attracted  national  attention  and  led  to  his  nomination  for 
the  Presidency. 

It  was  said  of  Von  Moltke,  the  great  Prussian  general,  that  he 
knew  how  to  be  silent,  and  consequently  wise,  in  eight  languages. 
Henry  Clay  would  have  been  President  had  he  refrained  from 
writing  a  certain  letter.  The  same  is  probably  true  of  General 
Hancock  but  for  his  off-hand  declaration  that  the  "tariff  is  a  local 
issue,"  and  it  is  conceded  that  Blaine  would  have  been  successful 
in  1884,  but  for  an  injudicious  expression  made,  not  by  himself,  but 
by  one  of  his  friends. 

"  Rum,  Romanism  and  Rebellion  " 
At  the  height  of  the  political  campaign  a  "  ministers' meeting" 
was  called  by  the  Republican  party  managers  in  New  York  city,  at 
which  the  Rev.  Samuel  D.  Burchard  made  a  speech,  Aiming  to 
give  a  neat  alliterative  turn  to  a  sentence,  he  referred  to  the 
Democratic  party  as  that  of  "  Rum,  Romanism  and  Rebellion." 
At  the  moment  he  uttered  the  words  Mr.  Blaine's  attention  was 
drawn  away  and  he  did  not  notice  the  expression,  or,  as  he  after- 
ward stated,  he  would  have  reproved  it.  But  it  was  caught  up  by 
the  "  Plumed  Knight's  "  opponents,  and  the  press  made  the  utmost 


64  THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY 

use  of  it.  The  injury  done  by  the  unhappy  expression  could  not 
be  recalled.  It  alienated  just  enough  Roman  Catholic  votes  to 
swing  the  State  of  New  York  over  to  Cleveland.  There  were 
1,100,000  votes  cast.  Had  524  of  those  who  voted  for  Cleveland 
voted  for  Blaine,  he  would  have  been  chosen  President,  whereas 
the  electoral  vote  by  which  he  was  defeated  was  219  to  182,  because 
by  a  plurality  of  1,047  the  vote  of  the  Empire  State  was  added  to 
the  Democratic  column. 

But  the  background  of  all  this  comedy  has  been  tragedy, -for 
where  one  is  successful,  others  must  drink  of  the  bitterness  of 
defeat.  At  the  last  moment,  the  "dark  horse"  has  bounded  ahead 
of  all  competitors  and  carried  off  the  prize,  and  not  always  has 
human  nature  been  equal  to  the  task  of  accepting  disappointment 
with  philosophy  and  good  grace, 

Henry  Clay  was  filled  with  wrath,  for  there  was  justice  in  his 
claim  that  when  the  success  of  his  party  was  certain,  some  one  else 
was  nominated,  while  when  failure  was  almost  inevitable,  he  was 
chosen  as  the  victim.  Webster  yearned  with  pathetic  longing  for 
the  Presidency  and  died  disappointed.  He  scornfully  refused  the 
nomination  for  the  Vice-Presidency  under  Harrison,  and  again 
under  Taylor,  when,  had  he  accepted  either,  he  would  have  become 
President,  since  Harrison  and  Taylor  died  in  office.  Seward 
gracefully  bowed  to  defeat  by  Lincoln,  whom  he  profoundly 
admired  and  became  the  mainstay  of  his  administration.  Blaine 
was  equally  chivalrous  until  the  crowning  disaster  of  1892,  when, 
walking  in  the  shadow  of  death,  his  proud  spirit  rebelled.  John 
Sherman,  convinced  that  he  had  been  betrayed  in  the  house  of  his 
friends,  does  not  hesitate  to  declare  the  fact,  in  scorching 
sentences,  years  after  his  overthrow.  After  all,  presidential  , 
candidates  are  like  the  majority  of  mankind. 

The  Great  Presidential  Campaign  of    1896. 

The  year  1896,  from  a  political  standpoint  was  the  most 
remarkable  in  the  history  of  America.  It  was  full  of  startling  sur- 
prises, unexpected  complications  and   strange  combinations,  which 


THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY  65 

were  as  unlocked  for  by  the  most  experienced  political  leaders  as  by 
the  public  generally.  The  year  witnessed  the  formation  of  the  three 
new  organizations  which  styled  themselves  the  National  (Prohibi- 
tion) Party,  the  National  Silver  Party  and  the  National  (Gold) 
Democratic  Party. 

Thus,  with  the  People's  and  Socialistic  parties  added,  there 
were  the  unprecedented  number  of  eight  political  parties,  with  as 
many  platforms,  before  the  people.  The  combinations  consisted 
in  a  union  of  the  regular  Democratic  organization  with  the 
People's  and  National  Silver  parties  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  har- 
monious action  of  the  Gold  Standard  Democrats  on  the  other, 
with  the  Republicans  to  accomplish  the  defeat  of  the  regular 
Democratic  nominees.  The  memorable  campaign  of  i860,  when, 
the  question  of  slavery  was  the  predominant  issue,  is  the  only  one 
in .  our  history  which  was  in  any  degree  comparable  in  point  of 
excitement  and  intensity  of  interest  to  that  of   1896. 

A  Rock  on  Which  Both  Parties  Would  Split 

As  the  time  for  holding  the  National  Conventions  approached 
it  became  evident  that  public  sentiment  in  both  of  the  great 
parties  would  demand  an  unequivocal  statement  in  regard  to  the 
financial  questions  at  issue.  There  was,  however,  a  strenuous 
effort  on  the  part  of  the  leading  managers  of  both  the  great 
parties  to  evade  this  issue,  because  it  was  seen  that  it  was  a  rock 
on  which  both  parties  would  split  if  a  definite  stand  were  taken. 
The  popular  sentiment  in  Republican  ranks  in  favor  of  the  candi- 
dacy of  Major  McKinley  clearly  indicated  that  the  Republican 
party  at  large  still  stood  for  a  protective  tariff,  and  it  was  hoped 
that  the  strong  sentiment  for  this  would  unite  the  Republican  ranks 
in  spite  of  the  difference  of  views  in  regard,  to  the  money  question. 
But  the  growing  sentiment  among  the  Republicans  of  the  West 
and  the  Democrats  and  Populists  of  both  South  and  West,  in  favor 
of  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  at  the  present  legal  ratio 
of  16  to  I,  that  is  41 2 1/2  grains  of  silver  is  equal  in  value  to  25  8-10 
grain  of  gold,  and  their  determination  to  bring  this  question  to  a 


66  THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY 

definite  issue,  gave  great  alarm  to  the  business  men  in  all  parties, 
and  forced  the  Republican  Convention  to  take  a  definite  stand  in 
favor  of  what  was  popularly  known  as  "sound  money,"  which 
meant  the  maintenance  of  the  present  gold  standard,  or  the  preser- 
vation of  the  parity  between  gold  and  silver  coin. 

The  Conventions  of  1896 

The  Eleventh  National  Republican  Convention  met,  June 
i6th,  in  St.  Louis.  Both  the  Republican  and  Democratic  parties 
had  expected  to  make  the  tariff  question  their  leading  issue,  and,  if 
possible,  avoid  the  split  in  their  ranks,  which  was  sure  to  follow  a 
definite  declaration  on  the  question  of  the  "  free  coinage  of  silver  " 
or  the  "gold  standard."  No  doubt  many  delegates  went  to  the 
St.  Louis  convention  with  the  belief  that,  as  the  Democratic 
administration  had  taken  such  a  positive  stand  against  silver  in  the 
repeal  of  the  Sherman  Law,  the  Republicans  would  become  its 
logical  champions,  and  by  adding  free  coinage  to  their  popular 
tariff  doctrine  would  command  the  strength  of  East  and  West  on 
these  two  great  questions.  To  the  discomfort  of  such  delegates, 
however,  the  majority  of  the  convention  favored  bimetallism  by 
international  agreement  only.  The  friends  of  free  coinage  pressed 
it  in  the  Committee  on  Resolutions,  where  it  was  defeated  by  a 
vote  of  41  to  10.  Senator  Teller  and  his  associates  carried  it 
before  the  convention  as  a  minority  report,  and  urged  it  by  the 
most  earnest  eloquence  and  arguments,  but  it  was  again  defeated 
by  812^  to  iio}4  votes.  The  financial  plank  as  adopted,  read: 
"  We  are  opposed  to  free  coinage  of  silver,  except  by  international 
agreement  with  the  leading  commercial  nations  of  the  world,  which 
we  pledge  ourselves  to  promote,  and  until  such  an  agreement  can 
be  obtained  the  existing  gold  standard  must  be  preserved."  After 
the  reading  of  a  vigorous  protest  by  Senator  Cannon,  signed  by 
Senator  Teller  and  others,  twenty-one  delegates  withdrew  from 
the  convention. 

After  the  withdrawal  of  Senator  Teller  and  his  followers  the  con- 
vention proceeded  to  the  work  of  nominations.     Mr.  McKinley  was 


THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY  67 

nominated  on  the  first  ballot  by  a  vote  of  661^ — more  than  three 
times  the  combined  vote  cast  for  all  the  other  candidates.  Garrett 
A.  Hobart,  of  New  Jersey,  was  nominated  for  Vice-President. 

The  Democratic  Party  held  its  Seventeenth  National  Conven- 
tion in  Chicago,  commencing  July  17th,  The  delegates  were  from 
the  start  divided  into  two  factions  ;  but,  unlike  the  Republicans, 
the  free  coinage  element  predominated.  The  Committee  on  Plat- 
form reported  in  favor  of  independent  bimetallism.  Senator  Hill, 
of  New  York,  backed  by  sixteen  other  members  of  the  committee, 
presented  a  minority  report  practically  recommending  the  Repub- 
lican position  on  the  coinage  question,  and  suggesting  the  endorse- 
ment of  President  Cleveland's  administration.  The  most  stormy 
and  exciting  debate,  perhaps,  ever  witnessed  in  a  national  party 
convention  ensued.  Governor  Russell,  of  Massachusetts,  Senator 
Vilas  and  others  supported  Mr.  Hill.  Senator  Tillman  introduced 
a  denunciatory  resolution  condemning  the  administration,  and 
made  a  fiery  speech,  causing  intense  commotion.  Senator  Jones, 
of  Arkansas,  attempted  to  palliate  Mr.  Tillman's  radical- utterances, 
but  the  temper  of  the  convention  was  at  the  boiling  point,  and 
excited  men  moved  about  among  the  delegations. 

At  this  juncture  the  man  for  the  hour  appeared.  William 
Jennings  Bryan,  of  Nebraska,  a  young  man  of  thirty-six  years,  who 
had  won  distinction  as  an  orator,  ascended  the  platform.  The  con- 
ditions which  Webster  declared  necessary  for  a  great  oration — 
"the  man,  the  audience,  the  occasion  " — were  present.  The  speech 
he  delivered  has  been  regarded  as  a  masterpiece.  The  burning 
eloquence,  earnestness,  zeal  and  magnetic  presence  of  the  man 
were  irresistible.  When  he  closed  he  was  borne  from  the  stage 
amid  the  wildest  enthusiasm.  The  report  of  the  minority  was  laid 
on  the  table.  Senator  Tillman's  resolution  was  also  defeated. 
The  platform  as  reported  by  the  majority  was  adopted.  The 
financial  clause  read :  "  We  demand  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage 
of  both  silver  and  gold  at  the  present  legal  ratio  of  16  to  i,  with- 
out waiting  for  the  aid  or  consent  of  any  other  nation."  They 
also  declared  against  injunction  proceedings  on    the    part  of   the 


68  THE  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS  OF  THE  CENTURY 

Government  in  settling  labor  troubles,  as  interfering  with  State 
sovereignty.  This  clause  was  no  doubt  instigated  by  a  disapproval 
of  President  Cleveland's  course  in  quelling  the  Chicago  riot  in 
1894.  Other  radical  departures  from  previous  Democratic  plat- 
forms were  also  introduced. 

Prior  to  this  speech  Mr.  Bryan  had  not  been  considered  as 
a  presidential  possibility;  but  from  that  moment  he  became  the 
most  popular  candidate.  Five  ballots  were  cast  duly  complimenting 
such  "silver"  leaders  as  Hon.  Richard  P.  Bland,  of  Missouri,  Horace 
Boies,  of  Iowa,  and  others,  but  resulting  in  the  nomination  of  Mr. 
Bryan  by  a  vote  of  528  out  of  930.  Arthur  Sewall,  of  Maine,  was 
nominated  for  Vice-President. 

The  People's  Party  met  in  its  second  national  convention  at 
St.  Louis,  July  2 2d,  with  an  unprecedented  delegation  of  over 
1,300  in  attendance.  They  adopted  a  distinct  party  platform,  but 
endorsed  the  Democratic  financial  plank,  and  nominated  the  Demo- 
cratic candidate,  Mr.  Bryan,  for  President,  but  named  Thomas  E. 
Watson,  of  Georgia,  for  the  Vice-Presidency.  The  National  Silver 
Party  met  at  the  same  time  and  place,  made  a  special  platform  and 
nominated  the  full  Democratic  ticket — both  Bryan  and  Sewall, 

The  National  (Gold)  Democratic  Convention  met  in  Indian- 
apolis, September  3d.  This  party  was  composed  of  those  Demo- 
crats who  favored  the  administration,  and  would  support  neither 
the  regular  Democratic  ticket  nor  vote  for  Mr.  McKinley.  They 
made  a  platform  on  the  usual  Democratic  principles,  except  that 
they  advocated  gold  mono-metallism  pure  and  simple.  They  nomi- 
nated General  John  M.  Palmer,  of  Illinois,  for  President,  and 
General  Simon  B,  Buckner,  of  Kentucky,  for  Vice-President. 

Thus  the  lines  were  drawn  and  the  issues  clearly  defined. 
There  were  three  distinct  policies  :  The  Republicans  favored  inter- 
national bimetallism  only;  the  Regular  Democrats,  the  People's, 
the  National  Silver,  and  the  National  (Prohibition)  parties  advo- 
cated independent  free  coinage  regardless  of  the  actions  of  other 
nations ;  the  National  (Gold)  Democrats  stood  for  gold  mono- 
metallism. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Vital  Issues  of  the  Campaign 

NATIONAL  campaigns  largely  depend  for  their  issues,  either 
upon  the  condition  of  the  country,  its  commercial  or 
industrial  prosperity  or  depression,  or  else  upon  the  events 
of  stirring  character  which  have  happened  within  the  few  preceding 
years.  The  election  of  1896  followed  almost  immediately  a  very 
serious  panic  which  affected  the  whole  country.  Many  causes  for 
this  have  been  set  forth,  and  the  blame  for  it  had  been  laid  at  the 
doors  of  each  party  by  the  other.  One  party  claimed  that  the  high 
tariff,  inconsistent  in  itself  and  favoring  the  large  capitalist  was  a 
cause  for  the  trouble,  while  another  party  claimed  that  a  panacea 
for  the  troubles  would  be  in  a  radical  change  in  the  financial  system. 
Both  parties  agreed  on  the  common  ground  of  bi-metallism,  but 
the  mono-metallists  were  divided  into  two  camps,  the  gold  and 
the  silver  people.  The  result  was  that  in  our  last  campaign,  the 
battle  was  fought  largely  upon  the  financial  issue,  both  parties 
taking  decided  stands  in  their  platforms.  The  Republicans  won 
in  the  contest.  They  had  promised  legislation  on  the  money  ques- 
tion, and  have  fulfilled  their  promise  by  passing  the  gold  law  of 
March,  1900.  They  have  continued  their  policy  of  protection,  and 
have  made  no  modifications  in  the  McKinley  Tariff  Law. 

New  Issues  of  the  Present  Campaign 

Both  Houses  in  Congress  being  Republican  by  a  majority  have 
certainly  given  that  party  an  opportunity  to  legislate  on  all  the  vital 
questions  promised  in  the  last  campaign,  and  they  come  before  the 
people  this  year  to  defend  their  measures.  The  Democratic  party 
has  been  before  the  people  in  the  position  of  a  minority,  which  is 
to  criticize  all  measures  introduced  by  the  majority  and  prepare 
themselves  to  come  before  the  people  with  proposals,  which  may 

69 


70  VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN 

mean  an  entire  change  of  policy.  Unlike  the  campaign  of  1896, 
the  present  campaign  will  have  issues  which  arise  out  of  the 
unusual  and  unexpected  war  with  Spain,  and  the  acquirement  of 
new  possessions. 

While  in  this  and  the  succeeding  chapter  we  discuss  many  of 
the  leading  questions  of  the  hour,  we  reserve  the  discussion  of  the 
greater  questions,  trusts,  imperialism,  commerce  and  subsidies  for 
special  chapters,  containing  discussions  of  eminent  statesmen  and 
writers. 

In  considering  these  issues,  it  is  important  that  we  fairly 
comprehend  the  commercial  and  industrial  situation  of  to-day. 

The  Commercial  and  Industrial  Situation 

All  lines  of  industrial  enterprise  show  now  a  prosperity  almost 
unprecedented  in  former  years.  Wage-earning  and  the  consuming 
capacity  of  all  classes  show  a  remarkable  increase.  Taking 
manufacturing  interests,  the  number  of  employees  for  1900  is 
estimated  at  6,700,000,  as  against  4,500,000  for  1890,  and  the  wages 
paid  for  1900  will  approximate  $3,196,000,000,  as  against 
$2,172,000,000  of  1890.  The  value  of  the  output  product  will 
reach  $13,539,000,000  as  against  $9,057,000,000  for  1890.  During 
the  years  1894  and  1895,  the  number  of  persons  employed  and  the 
output  of  manufactured  goods,  decreased  on  account  of  the  panic 
until  it  reached  the  point  where  it  was  in  1890,  but  since  1894  and 
1895  there  has  been  a  tremendous  upward  tendency,  and  it  is  safe 
to  estimate  the  number  of  employees  is  now  more  than  2,000,000 
more  than  that  of  1890,  and  the  wages  paid  are  $1,000,000,000  more. 

While  the  conditions  in  the  United  States  are  certainly 
excellent  as  to  business  enterprise,  the  wide  distribution  of  finished 
products  and  generally  prosperous  industrial  conditions,  it  is  to  be 
noted  that  the  same  industrial  conditions  exist  abroad,  notwith- 
standing the  political  unrest  in  sorne  parts  of  Europe  on  account  of 
the  Boer  War. 

In  England  and  her  Colonies,  industry  generally  is  thriving  ; 
Russia  is  having  a  tremendous   development,   and    Germany    an 


GENERAL  AGUINALDO 

This  is  the  Filipino  chief  as  he  appeared  ia  military  uniform  in  February,  1899. 


VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  73 

unprecedented  boom.  It  is  predicted  that  within  the  next  twenty 
years  10,000  miles  of  railroad  will  no  doubt  be  constructed  in  Asia 
and  Africa,  and  the  influence  of  this  will  be  felt  in  our  country. 

United  States  has  an  export  trade  which  is  very  heavy,  and 
with  every  prospect  of  continuance.  This  will  form  a  permanent 
and  steady  outlet  for  the  surplus  American  fields  and  factories.  In 
the  year  1899  this  country  exported  merchandise  tc  the  amount  of 
$1,275,000,000,  which  was  an  increase  of  $20,000,000  over  the 
preceding  record-breaking  year.  Of  these  exports  five-eighths  were 
from  the  farm,  and  about  three-eighths  from  manufactories.  The 
prosperity  of  the  country  and  healthy  conditions  are  indicated  by 
the  fact  that  while  competition  among  distributers  was  never  more 
keen,  the  past  year  has  brought  prosperity  to  the  mercantile  world  ; 
in  fact,  all  lines  of  business  have  been  conducted  on  a  profitable  basis. 

Farm   Products  and  Wages 

In  regard  to  the  wages  of  the  laboring  and  artisan  classes  and 
the  cost  of  living,  statistics  show  that  there  has  been  a  decided 
improvement  over  previous  years.  In  fact,  not  for  many  years,  has 
so  small  a  proportion  of  the  working  world  been  idle  as  now.  Sev- 
eral hundred  thousand  operatives  in  cotton  and  woolen  mills  have 
secured  an  advance  in  wages  from  10  per  cent,  to  15  per  cent,  and 
in  other  industrials  there  has  been  a  strong  increase.  Workers 
of  iron  and  steel  are  getting  higher  wages.  Operatives  in  mines 
also  are  receiving  more,  the  advance  being  as  high  in  many  instances 
as  25  per  cent. 

The  marked  growth  in  the  value  of  farm  products  during  the 
past  year,  as  compared  with  the  values  of  four  or  five  years  ago  is 
strong  on  every  side.  The  advance  in  cotton,  wool,  tobacco  and 
flax-seed  is  to  the  direct  benefit  of  the  farmers.  The  part  which  the 
trusts  have  played  in  the  advance  in  prices,  whether  it  has  been 
beneficial  or  otherwise  is  an  important  subject  of  consideration. 
The  demands  and  aggressions  of  the  railroad  companies,  and  many 
of  the  trusts  and  strong  industrial  combinations  generally  are  such 
as  to  merit  careful  state  and  national  legislation  and  supervision. 


74  VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN 

These  co-operations  have  in  the  main  enjoyed  a  highly  profit- 
able year.  They  have  distributed  large  sums  of  money  to  opera- 
tives and  wage-men.  These  in  turn  are  heavy  consumers  of  the 
farm  product,  and  in  an  indirect  way  we  may  say  that  the  farmer  is 
benefitted. 

War  Taxes  and  Treasury  Surplus 

By  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  issued  April,  1900, 
it  is  evident  that  there  will  be  approximately  about  $70,000,000  sur- 
plus in  the  United  States  treasury  at  the  close  of  the  present  fiscal 
year.     This   is   composed   in  a   large  part  by  the  excess  of  internal 
revenue  or  war  tax,  imposed  to  meet  the  special   emergency  of   the 
Spanish-American   War.     Receipts  from  Custom's  duties  also  are 
increasing  largely  and  are  swelling  the  surplus.      For  the  first  eight 
months  of  the  fiscal  year   1 899-1900  dutiable  merchandise  imported 
into  this  country,  exceeded  by  $67,000,000  the  imports  for  the  cor- 
responding period  of  the  previous  year.      The  policy  of  the  present 
administration  has  been  to  distribute  the  excess  of  the  revenues 
among  the   national   banks  of  the  country  in   order  to   restore  the 
money  to   active  channels  of  trade,  and  later  to  use  this  money  in 
redeeming   about    $25,000,000    of    bonds    falling  due    1901.      The 
administration  has  thus  raised  a  question  which  the  opposition  no 
doubt  will  make  use  of  in  the  coming  campaign,   and  thereby  intro- 
duce a  discussion  of  the  tariff  question.      There  seems  to  be  a  wide- 
spread  feeling   that  with   surplus   from   the   internal   revenue   and 
Custom's  duties,  measures  should  be  taken  to  change  the  tariff  law 
or  amend  the  war  on  revenue  tax,  or  both.      The  present  condition 
of  affairs  appears,  no  doubt,  to  encourage  extravagance  on  the  part 
of  the  Government,  and    to  become   a   burden   on  the  tax  payers. 
The  voters  will  ask  themselves  whether  it  is  right  that  these  reven- 
ues should  be  spent  in  constructing  gigantic  canals.  Pacific  cables, 
paying  ship  subsidies,   increasing   the   military  or   naval   establish- 
ments,   erecting    public   buildings,  and    other    things    of    so-called 
"public  benefit."      Does  not  such  apparently  limitless  resources  en- 
courage too  lavish  a  pension  systemand  dishonesty  in  public  ofiicials? 


VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  75 

Certainly  there  will  be  a  great  opportunity  within  the  reach  of 
someone  to  assume  the  twentieth  century  leadership,  and  make  him- 
self the  benefactor  of  his  country.  The  men  who  will  be  elected  in 
the  coming  campaign  should  be  selected  with  the  full  understanding 
of  what  their  responsibility  will  be.  If  the  national  leader  shows  that 
the  resources  of  the  republic  are  used  for  the  benefit  of  the  people, 
who  are  the  sources  of  all  political  power,  and  for  the  benefit  of 
those  who  live  under  its  protection,  he  will  find  millions  who  rejoice 
in  his  wisdom  and  his  courage.  Not  only  will  he  have  the  best 
interests  of  the  United  States  to  consider,  but  also  the  best  interests 
and  welfare  of  island  possessions  hardly  second  to  the  possessions 
of  any  country  except  Great  Britain  in  area,  population  and  wealth. 

Imperialism  and    Expansion 

Prominent  before  the  country,  is  the  question  of  what  shall  we 
do  with  our  new  possessions.  Two  words  have  come  into  use 
which  are  bandied  back  and  forth  very  often,  but  little  under- 
stood, ""imperialism''  and  ""  expansion  ^  At  first  the  association  of 
the  word  imperialism  with  a  government  of  monarchy  is  naturally 
repugnant  to  all  republican  ideas,  and  therefore  there  must  be 
prejudices  to  its  use.  Expansion  is  a  simpler  term  and  means  the 
enlarging  of  the  territories  which  we  already  have.  This  was  begun 
in  the  earlier  history  of  the  United  States  in  three  ways:  First, 
by  purchase,  as  in  the  case  of  Louisiana ;  second,  by  cession,  as  in 
the  case  of  Texas,  and  third,  by  conquest  or  the  result  of  war,  as  in 
the  case  of  Mexico.  The  imperialistic  idea  implies  the  government 
of  acquired  possessions  outside  of  the  constitution.  In  this  view 
our  Government  would  rule  its  colonies  accordingf  to  its  own  ideas, 
whether  they  be  right  or  wrong.  This  is  the  true  imperialistic  idea. 
On  the  other  hand  the  colonies  could  be  ruled  in  such  a  way  that 
they  would  have  a  liberal,  local  self-government,  and  representation 
in  the  national  affairs.  The  imperialistic  idea  has  to  a  certain  extent 
taken  possession  of  many  people,  and,  on  the  contrary,  a  class  who 
oppose  this  idea  are  commonly  known  as  anti-imperialists.  The 
growth  of  imperialism  and  the  opposition  to  it  has  been  gradual. 


76  VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN 

At  first  we  heard  expansion  spoken  of  and  precedents  were  sought 
in  American  history  for  the  condition  of  affairs  resulting  from 
the  Spanish  War.  In  the  declaration  of  war  with  Spain,  congress 
said  that  "the  Cuban  people  are  and  have  a  right,  and  should  be 
free  and  independent,  and  that  it  was  not  the  intention  of  the 
United  States  to  enter  upon  a  war  of  annexation  or  conquest." 
Any  other  reasons  for  the  war  would  have  been  considered  "  criminal 
aggression." 

"  Duty  "  and  "  Destiny" 

Then  our  ''duty''  and  our  ''destiny'''  began  to  be  discussed. 
Had  the  war  resulted  only  in  the  freeing  of  Cuba,  imperialism  and 
expansion  would  not  have  been  mooted,  but  the  Philippines 
and  Porto  Rico  coming  into  our  possession,  the  question  immediately 
arose,  what  should  we  do  with  them  ?  How  this  has  been  answered 
in  regard  to  Porto  Rico  has  been  set  forth  in  another  chapter  of 
this  book.  The  government  granted  to  Porto  Rico  may  become 
a  precedent  of  that  to  be  granted  to  the  Philippines ;  if  so  it 
must  be  seriously  considered.  The  opponents  to  this  measure 
say  it  is  a  denial  to  the  natives  of  the  right  of  self-government, 
and  an  assertion  of  the  right  of  the  government  to  govern  out- 
side of  the  Constitution,  and  an  actual  establishment  of  an  absolute 
government,  and  of  a  tariff  which  denies  to  the  Porto  Ricans 
uniform  taxation,  as  commanded  by  the  Constitution. 

The  issue  of  imperialism  and  expansion  is  a  vital  one.  Are 
we  to  change  our  political  character  ?  Is  this  to  be  a  Republic  com- 
posed of  self-governing  people  and  of  dependent  colonies  ?  Does 
the  Constitution  apply  to  the  colonies?  Are  the  islands  to  be 
governed  in  the  interest  of  the  commercial  classes,  and  are  we  to 
tax  them  for  the  benefit  of  the  protected  manufacturers  ? 

Richard  Olney,  Secretary  of  State  under  President  Grover 
Cleveland,  says  of 

The  Expansion  of  Our  Duties  and  Sympathies  : — 

"  Hereafter,  as  heretofore,  our  general  policy  must  be  and  will 
be  non-interference   in  the   internal   affairs   of   European   states — 


VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  77 

hereafter,  as  heretofore,  we  shall  claim  paramountcy  in  things  purely 
American — and  hereafter,  as  heretofore,  we  shall  antagonize  any 
attempt  by  a  European  power  to  forcibly  plant  its  flag  on  the 
American  continents.  It  cannot  -be  doubted,  however,  that  our 
new  departure  not  merely  unties  our  hands,  but  fairly  binds  us  to 
use  them  in  a  manner  we  have  thus  far  not  been  accustomed  to.  We 
cannot  assert  ourselves  as  a  power  whose  interests  and  sympathies 
are  as  wide  as  civilization  without  assuming  obligations  correspond- 
ing to  the  claim — obligations  to  be  all  the  more  scrupulously 
recognized  and  performed  that  they  lack  the  sanction  of  physical 
force.  The  first  duty  of  every  nation,  as  already  observed,  is  to  itself 
— is  the  promotion  and  conservation  of  its  own  interests.  Its  posi- 
tion as  an  active  member  of  the  international  family  does  not  require 
it  ever  to  lose  sight  of  that  principle.  But  just  weight  being  given  to 
that  principle,  and  its  abilities  and  resources  and  opportunities  per- 
mitting, there  is  no  reason  why  the  United  States  should  not  act  for 
the  relief  of  suffering  humanity  and  for  the  advancement  of  civiliza- 
tion wherever  and  whenever  such  action  would  be  timely  and  effec- 
tive. Should  there,  for  example,  be  a  recurrence  of  the  Turkish 
massacre  of  Armenian  Christians,  not  to  stop  them  alone  or  in  con- 
cert with  others,  could  we  do  so  without  imperiling  our  own  sub- 
stantial interests,  would  be  unworthy  of  us  and  inconsistent  with 
our  claims  and  aspirations  as  a  great  power.  We  certainly  could  no 
longer  shelter  ourselves  behind  the  time-honored  excuse  that  we  are 
an  Amperican  power  exclusively,  without  concern  with  the  affairs  of 
the  world  at  large." 

Cost  of  the  War  in  the  Philippines 

The  enormous  cost  of  the  war  in  the  Philippines  since  the 
treaty  of  peace,  which  has  amounted  to  nearly  $500,000,000,  the 
barbarities,  the  drain  upon  the  youth  of  the  country,  are  certainly 
suggestions  of  serious  import.  The  terrible  effects  of  this  war  upon 
American  ideas  of  peace  and  war,  and  the  demoralizing  influences 
which  have  arisen  from  it,  will  not  be  forgatten.     Out  of  this  war 

5 


78  VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN 

has  arisen  the  necessity  of  setting  up  a  large  army  and  navy,  with 
the  burdens  of  militarism  and  increased  taxation. 

The   Army 

At  the  opening  of  the  War  with  Spain,  the  United  States  had 
a  standing  army  of  practically  27,000  men.  The  requirements  of 
the  war  called  forth  an  army  of  nearly  200,000  volunteers,  which, 
at  the  conclusion  of  the  war,  were  reduced  to  meet  the  requirements 
of  the  continued  warfare  in  the  Philippine  Islands,  necessary  to  hold 
them  in  our  possession,  A  movement  was  started  to  increase  the 
number  of  the  regular  army  to  100,000  men.  This  received  con- 
considerable  opposition  until,  by  act  of  Congress,  the  army  was 
reorganized  on  the  basis  of  an  establishment  of  a  regular  army  of 
65,000  men  for  a  period  of  two  years,  with  power  on  the  part  of  the 
President  to  enlist  35,000  additional  troops  for  service  in  Cuba, 
Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines,  so  long  as  he  may  deem  their  ser- 
vices to  be  required.  On  July  i,  1901,  the  army  is  to  be  reduced 
to  27,000  men,  its  number  before  the  beginning  of  the  War  with 
Spain,  unless  Congress  provides  to  the  contrary. 

The  Navy 

The  record  made  by  the  navy  during  the  late  war,  and  the 
management  of  the  Department  which  had  brought  the  navy  to 
such  a  high  point  of  efficiency,  has  done  much  to  persuade  the 
American  people,  that  they  need  a  still  larger  and  more  complete 
establishment.  Yet,  there  are  many  who  see  great  dangers  in  this, 
and  that  a  large  navy  will  provoke  quarrels  and  troubles,  where  a 
small  navy  would  not.  Still,  a  plea  is  made  that  there  is  need  for 
battleships  and  cruisers  to  protect  our  widely  scattered  interests  in 
the  East  and  West,  yet  there  is  also  a  tendency  in  this  to  compare 
ourselves  with  other  countries  which  may  have  still  larger  interests, 
and  hence  there  will  grow  up  the  rivalry  which  may  in  the  end 
prove  disastrous.  Heretofore  the  policy  of  our  Government  had 
been  to  have  the  navy  for  policing  East  and  protecting  our  interests 
in  foreign  ports  and  flying  our  flag  in  harbors,  where  the  name  of  the 


VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  79 

United  States  may  not  have  reached.  Also,  our  navy  has  a 
splendid  record  for  defending  or  protecting  citizens  who,  as  mis- 
sionaries or  being  engaged  in  commercial  pursuits,  are  living  in  semi- 
barbarous  countries.  So  it  becomes  a  question  for  the  American 
people,  does  expansion  in  territory  require  a  corresponding  expan- 
sion in  the  navy  equipment  as  the  present  Administration  seems 
to  anticipate  in  the  program  brought  forth  in  the  56th  Congress? 
A  recent  report  of  the  Naval  Committee  of  the  House  includes  the 
followinor : 

Our  Naval  Policy 

"  We  have  a  navy  to-day  which  includes  a  considerable  number  of 
vessels  of  every  class,  and,  ship  for  ship,  it  will  equal  that  of  any 
navy  in  the  world. 

.  "  Seventeen  years  ago  we  had  practically  no  facilities  for  building 
ships,  and  what  we  had  were  discredited.  We  were  obliged  to  buy 
our  armament  and  armor,  and  even  in  one  case  our  plans,  from 
foreign  countries.  To-day  we  are  not  only  building  ships  in  Ameri- 
can shipyards,  of  American  material,  by  American  labor,  on  Ameri- 
can plans  for  ourselves,  but  also  for  some  of  the  leading  nations  of 
the  world.  Such  has  been  the  advance  which  has  been  made  in 
naval  progress  in  our  own  country. 

"The  question  may  be  asked.  What  shall  be  our  future  naval 
policy  ?  Let  us  build  as  we  have  been  building— gradually  on  broad 
lines  and  upon  the  most  advanced  ideas  of  naval  construction  ;  not 
so  fast  that  we  will  be  ahead  of  the  advance  of  naval  progress,  but 
slow  enough  to  secure  all  the  benefits  of  new  improvements  and  new 
inventions  ;  or,  better  still,  to  do  as  the  American  navy  has  always 
done  when  given  an  opportunity,  to  lead  the  march  of  the  best 
naval  construction." 

Naval  Programme 

"  For  the  purpose  of  further  increasing  the  naval  establishment 
of  the  United  States  the  Committee  recommend  that  the  President 
be  authorized  to  have  built  by  contract  two  sea-going  coast  line 
battleships,  carrying  the  heaviest  armor  and  most  powerful  ord- 
ance  for  vessels  of  their  class  upon  a  trial  displacement  of  about 


8o  VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN 

13,500  tons,  and  to  have  the  highest  practicable  speed  and  great 
radius  of  action,  and  to  cost,  exclusive  of  armor  and  armament,  not 
exceeding  $3,600,000  each  ;  three  armored  cruisers  of  about  13,000 
tons  trial  displacement,  carrying  the  heaviest  armor  and  most 
powerful  ordnance  for  vessels  of  their  class,  and  to  have  the  highest 
practicable  speed  and  great  radius  of  action,  and  to  cost,  exclusive 
of  armor  and  armament,  not  exceeding  $4,250,000  each  ;  and  three 
protected  cruisers  of  about  8000  tons  trial  displacement,  carrying 
the  most  powerful  ordnance  for  vessels  of  their  class,  and  to  have 
the  highest  speed  compatible  with  good  cruising  qualities  and  great 
radius  of  action,  and  to  cost,  exclusive  of  armament,  not  exceeding 
$2,800,000  each."     Continuing,  the  report  says  : 

"  The  maximum  cost  of  the  ships  herein  authorized,  exclusive 
of  armor  and  armament,,  will  be  $28,350,000.  This  is  the  largest 
naval  programme  ever  submitted  by  the  Committee  on  Naval 
Affairs  of  the  House,  and  is  in  accord  with  the  wishes  and  recom- 
mendations of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  and  Admiral  Dewey,  and 
will,  we  believe,  meet  the  just  demands  of  public  sentiment." 

The  Temperance  Question 

The  problem  of  regulating  the  liquor  traf^c  presented  itself 
in  a  concrete  form  by  the  organization  of  an  independent  party  in 
June,  1 867,  at  Pittsburg,  Pa.  The  first  convention  v/as  held  in  Colum- 
bus,. Ohio,  some  time  previous,  but  the  first  nomination  was  made 
at  the  convention  held  in  Pittsburg,  1884,  when  John  P.  St.  John 
was  nominated  for  the  Presidency.  Since  that  time  the  movement 
has  grown  in  all  the  States  in  the  Union,  until  in  the  majority  of 
States,  and  in  nearly  all  large  cities  and  towns,  there  is  an  organ- 
ized effort  for  the  election  of  ofificers  and  legislatures  which 
will  regulate  the  liquor  traffic.  The  most  important  piece  of  legis- 
lation recently  enacted  and  placed  upon  the  statute  books  was  the 
act  approved  March,  1899,  by  President  McKinley,  called  the  Anti- 
Canteen  Law.  It  was  the  purpose  of  the  promoters  of  this  act  to 
prohibit  the  sale  of  Tiquor  at  all  army  posts  through  an  agency  of 
clubs,  or  in  any  way  which  had  the   approval  and  sanction  of  the 


VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  8i 

United  States  Government.  A  question  arose  as  to  the  interpre- 
tation of  this  act,  some  claiming  that  it  did  not  prohibit  the  sale  of 
liquor,  but  only  regulated  it.  President  McKinley  submitted  the 
law  to  Attorney  General  Griggs  for  an  opinion,  which  he  rendered, 
expressing  views  contrary  to  those  who  had  urged  the  passage  of 
the  measure.  The  following  is  a  concise  statement  of  the  Canteen 
question  : 

The  Canteen  Question 

In  every  army  post  there  is  a  club  for  the  soldiers  where  they 
gather  socially,  read  the  papers,  and  may  buy  extra  food  and  beer. 
Distilled  liquors  are  not  allowed.  Army  officers  claim  that 
this  club  or  canteen  cannot  be  successfully  maintained  if  the  sale 
of  beer  is  prohibited,  and  furthermore  state  that  if  such  sale  is 
prohibited  the  soldiers  resort  for  their  club  privileges  to  saloons 
outside  the  camp  lines,  with,  as  a  result,  an  increase  of  drunkenness 
and  disorder.  Congress,  in  March,  1899,  passed  an  act  which  it  is 
claimed  prohibited  all  sale  of  beer  in  the  canteen.  The  question 
as  to  the  meaning  of  this  act  was  submitted  by  the  President  to  the 
Attorney-General  of  the  United  States,  and  he  gave  it  as  his  legal 
opinion  that  the  act  did  not  prohibit  such  sale  of  beer.  The  Presi- 
dent, as  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army,  is  acting  on  this  opinion 
in  his  construction  and  enforcement  of  the  law. 

On  this  statement  of  facts,  three  very  different  questions  are 
involved,  namely  :  First,  Is  the  canteen  to  be  tolerated  or  allowed 
at  all  ?  second.  Has  it  been  prohibited  by  Congress  ?  third, 
What  is  the  duty  of  the  President  in  the  premises  ? 

Three  Important  Questions 

On  the  first  question  temperance  men  are  divided  in  opinion. 
Those  who  think  that  all  drinking  is  wrong,  and  that  all  government 
permission  of  drinking  is  reprehensible,  are,  of  course,  opposed  to 
the  sale  of  beer  in  the  canteen.  Those  who  believe  that  the  per- 
mission to  sell  beer  within  army  lines  lessens  the  dangers  from 
whisky-shops  outside  the  camp  lines,   generally  believe  in   the  sale 


82  VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN 

of  beer  in  the  canteen.  This  is  the  opinion  of  General  Corbin, 
who  beheves  that  "the  prohibition  of  the  sale  of  beer  in  the  post 
exchange  means  an  increase  of  whisky-drinking  and  drunkenness." 
In  support  of  this  he  affirms  that  "a  canteen  was  established  at 
Manilla  for  the  sale  of  beer,  and  the  beneficial  effects  therefrom 
were  almost  instantaneous.  The  wine-shops  were  driven  out  of 
business,  and  the  wine-question,  so  far  as  our  soldiers  were  con- 
cerned, died  a  natural  death." 

The  second  question  is  whether  the  Act  of  Congress  approved 
March  2  prohibits  all  sale  of  beer  within  camp  lines.  This  law  pro- 
vides that  "  no  officer  or  private  soldier  shall  be  detailed  to  sell 
intoxicating  drinks  as  a  bartender  or  otherwise,  in  any  post  exchange 
or  canteen,  nor  shall  any  other  person  be  required  or  allowed  to  sell 
such  liquors  in  any  encampment  or  fort,  or  on  any  premises  used  for 
military  purposes  by  the  United  States."  This  seems  clearly  ex- 
plicit and  emphatic.  It  seems  to  prohibit  all  sale  of  liquor  in 
the  canteen. 

The  Attorney  General's  Judgment 

But  it  is  not  to  the  newspaper  press,  nor  to  any  secular  body, 
that  the  President  is  to  look  for  advice  respecting  the  construction 
of  Acts  of  Congress,  but  to  an  officially  constituted  expert  on  legal 
questions  appointed  for  the  very  purpose  of  being  his  legal  adviser. 
This  official  is  the  Attorney-General.  The  Attorney-General  has 
given,  in  reply  to  the  President's  request  for  information,  his  legal 
opinion  that  this  law  does  not  prohibit  the  sale  of  beer  in  the  can- 
teen ;  that  it  prohibits  all  detailing  of  officers  or  soldiers  for  the 
purpose  of  selling  intoxicating  liquors,  and  all  licensing  of  outside 
parties  coming  into  the  encampment  to  sell  such  liquors  ;  but  does 
not  prohibit  the  sale  within  the  post  under  government  regulations. 
Does  the  President  do  right  in  taking  his  judgment  as  to  the  inter- 
pretation of  the  law  from  the  Attorney-General  ?  Doubtless  he  has 
a  right  to  ^over-rule  the  Attorney-General  and  should  do  so  in  ex- 
treme cases.     Friends  of  the  measure  hold  this  to  be  an  extreme 


VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  83 

case,  and  that  the  law  plainly  intended  to  prohibit  the  canteen,  and 
to  protect  the  soldiers  from  the  evils  of  the  liquor  traffic  under  gov- 
ernment control.  The  effect  of  the  agitation  brings  prominently 
forward  the  whole  subject  of  the  temperance  question. 

Whether  such  an  act  ought  to  be  passed  is  a  difficult  question, 
on  which  temperance  men  will  disagree.  The  testimony  given  to 
the  public  as  to  the  effect  of  liquor-selling  in  the  canteen  is  very 
contradictory.  Before  Congress  acts  on  the  question  it  will  make  a 
careful  examination  as  to  these  facts,  and  that  it  will  be  governed, 
not  by  any  a  priori  theory  that  all  drinking  of  intoxicating  liquors 
is  wrong,  nor  by  any  theory  that  government  cannot  allow  such  sale 
without  being  particeps  criminis,  but  by  information  carefully 
obtained  as  to  the  actual  effect  of  the  sale  of  beer  in  the  post 
on  the  character  of  the  men  and  the  discipline  of  the  camp. 

Another  measure  is  before  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress  to  prohibit 
the  sale  of  liquor  in  all  territory,  grounds  and  buildings  controlled 
by  the  United  States  Government.  In  the  recent  Act  organizing 
a  government  for  Hawaii,  the  saloon  was  prohibited. 

State  Ownership  and  Private  Ownership 

The  condition  of  the  affairs  of  the  Pacific  railway,  has  given 
some  ground  for  expectation  that  the  Government  would  take  con- 
trol of  this  vast  transcontinental  road,  but  by  patient  waiting  and 
consideration  of  various  proposals  made,  a  solution  has  been  found 
by  which  the  Government  has  been  repaid  the  principal  and  a  large 
part  of  the  interest  expended  for  the  construction  of  the  line;  and 
the  control  of  the  road  has  been  turned  over  entirely  to  its  stock- 
holders. The  issue  has  been  suggested  by  the  Populist  party,  and 
been  in  its  several  platforms,  that  the  State  should  assume  control 
of  the  railroads,  and  that  the  telegraphic  as  well  as  the  post-office 
system  should  be  owned  and  operated  by  the  Government  in  the 
interest  of  the  people.  City  railway  lines  being  a  great  public  con- 
venience, and  occupying  thoroughfares  which  are  public  properties, 
should  be  so  controlled  that  the  tariff  charged  passengers  should 
not  be  exorbitant,  nor  fixed  at   a  rate  that   would  pay  dividend  to 


84  VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN 

the  stock  that  has  been  watered.  The  same  principle  seems  to  be 
here  involved  as  in  all  railroads.  New  York  City  has  practically 
undertaken  to  build  an  underground  railway  to  secure  rapid  transit 
to  various  parts  of  the  city.  The  success  of  this  enterprise  will  go 
far  to  help  solve  the  problem  of  public  ownership.  Several  cities 
of  the  United  States  have  in  one  way  or  another  assumed  control 
of  city  railway  lines.  The  advantages  of  low  tariff  rates,  the 
means  of  public  revenue,  and  greater  security  and  safety  for  travel 
which  would  come  from  public  ownership  of  transaction  lines,  may 
be  offset  by  the  introducing  into  our  politics,  a  larger  body  of  pub- 
lic servants,  creating  thereby  greater  pressure  upon  the  appointing 
power.  As  these  employees  are  also  voters,  and  constitute  a  very 
large  number,  it  is  naturally  feared  that  they  would  have  undue  in- 
fluence in  the  making  and  enforcing  of  the  laws,  thereby  forward- 
ing their  own  interests  and  f)erpetuating  their  own  power. 

Private  ownership  on  the  other  hand,  properly  regulated  by 
law,  so  as  not  to  be  allowed  to  fix  tariffs  and  charges  for  revenue  to 
pay  dividends  on  stock  which  represents  more  than  actual  value  of 
the  property,  would  preclude  the  dangers  arising  from  the  evil 
influence  of  a  combination  of  a  large  number  of  public  employees. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  may  be  argued  that  the  Civil  Service  law, 
properly  enforced,  would  help  regulate  the  public  ownership  of 
public  necessities.  Both  political  parties  when  in  power  have  laid 
themselves  open  to  criticism  for  the  manner  and  method  by  which 
the  Civil  Service  laws  have  been  enforced.  Each  administration 
has,  however,  appeared  to  do  the  best  it  could  under  the  circum- 
stances. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Vital  Issues  of  the  Campaign— Continued 

Shall  We  Hold  the  Philippines    ' 

NOW  that  the  Philippines  have  become  a  part  of  the  perma- 
nent possessions  of  the  United  States,  the  question  arises, 
shall  we  continue  to  hold  them,  or  shall  we  surrender  them 
to  their  own  government,  now  or  in  the  immediate  future,  or  still 
further,  shall  we  turn  them  over  to  the  rule  and  possession  of 
some  other  government.  Few  of  the  people  agree  to  withdraw  in 
favor  of  any  other  government.  Perhaps  a  large  number  will 
favor  the  surrendering  of  the  islands  to  the  Filipinos,  as  soon 
as  a  responsible  government  in  the  islands  can  be  organized. 

Bishop   Potter's  Views 

Bishop  Potter,  of  New  York,  who  at  first  seemed  disposed  to 
antagonize  the  policy  pursued  by  the  administration,  and  to  favor 
an  immediate  withdrawal  of  the  United  States  forces  from  the 
islands,  made  a  tour  of  inspection,  in  which  he  visited  a  factory  in 
Manila,  where  about  450  Filipino  boys  and  girls  were  spinning  cot- 
ton cloth.  He  was  told  that  they  learned  to  work  the  looms  in 
about  six  weeks,  where  Irish  and  Scotch  children  take  as  many 
months  before  they  are  of  any  service.  The  natives  seemed  to 
take  kindly  to  manufacturing  and  industrial  pursuits.  He  expressed 
his  opinion  as  follows  : 

"  Whatever  we  might  have  done  a  year  or  more  back, 
there  is  but  one  thing  for  us  to  do  now,  and  that  is  to  hold  on 
to  the  islands  and  assum^e  the  responsibility  for  their  future.  The 
military  administration  of  the  islands  is  beyond  praise.  General 
Otis  has  not  received  half  the  recognition  to  which  he  is  entitled. 
His  position   has   been   one   of  extreme  delicacy.      New  questions 

Ss 


86  VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN 

are  arising  daily,  and  he  has  handled  them  all  with  discretion. 
One  thing  is  evident,  and  that  is  that  the  Filipinos  are  in  no  condi- 
tion for  self-government.  If  a  civil  government  were  imposed  it 
would  need  a  large  military  force  to  maintain  it. 

'  Several  friends  of  Aguinaldo  called  upon  me  in  Hong  Kong, 
and  they  told  me  that  they  were  satisfied  that  there  could  be  no 
success  for  his  undertaking.  The  better  class  of  Filipinos  are 
satisfied  that  American  occupation  means  increased  prosperity  and 
are  not  raising  any  objections." 

Major  General  Wheeler,  after  some  months  services  in  the 
islands,  and  with  ample  opportunities  of  observing  the  needs  and 
requirements,  expresses  his  opinion  as  follows  : 

"  I  believe  that  the  back  of  the  rebellion  in  the  Philippines  is 
broken  ;  there  will  be  little  more  to  do  in  a  military  way.  There 
will  be  some  guerrilla  warfare,  but  it  will  not  amount  to  much.  As 
for  Aguinaldo,  I  do  not  consider  him  a  patriot.  He  was  fighting 
for  great  a  prize.  Had  he  won,  he  would  have  been  a  powerful 
emperor,  a  mighty  dictator. 

Civil  Government  in  the  Philippines 

"  As  far  as  possible,  I  believe  that  we  should  establish  civil 
government  in  the  Philippines.  I  am  in  favor  of  territorial  govern- 
ment, and  I  see  nothing  incongruous  in  making  these  various  islands 
into  territories.  The  group  should"  be  divided  into  three  or  four 
territories,  not  only  because  of  the  extent  of  the  islands,  but  be- 
cause of  the  antagonisms  existing  between  the  different  peoples. 
Some  of  these  tribes  have  been  our  devoted  friends,  and  it  would  be 
most  unfair  not  to  give  them  the  right  of  self-government.  Many  of 
them  are  already  fit  for  self-government  in  local  affairs,  and  under 
territorial  governors  appointed  by  us  they  would  get  along  very 
well,  I  am  sure. 

"  I  consider  the  Filipinos  a  very  superior  people — a  people  with 
great  possibilities.  They  are  ambitious  ;  many  of  them  have  been 
finely  educated  in  Europe  ;  they  are  not  to  be  spoken  of  in  the 
the  same  breath  with  the  Africans,  so  far  as  their  possibilities  go. 


VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  87 

They  are,  too,  easily  governed,  and  with  the  fair  treatment  which 
they  will  receive  from  us,  we  shall  have  no  trouble  with  them. 
They  appreciate  consideration,  I  have  found,  but  they  are  sensitive 
and  are  unwilling  to  be  treated  as  inferiors.  They  are  a  little  dis- 
trustful of  us. 

''On  the  question  of  ultimate  annexation  or  the  remote  future 
of  the  Philippines — whether  States  would  be  erected  there  or  not, 
in  case  we  annex  the  islands — I  am  not  yet  prepared  to  speak,  but 
I  do  think  that  we  owe  much  to  the  many  citizens  of  the  islands 
who  are  not  Filipinos  and  especially  to  those  Filipinos  who  have 
been  friendly  to  us.  If  our  army  were  to  be  withdrawn  from  the 
islands,  the  natives  who  have  befriended  us  would  be  subjected  to 
all  sorts  of  persecutions,  and  many  of  them  would  meet  death,  all 
on  account  of  their  kindness  to  us." 

The   Alaska    Boundary  Dispute 

The  discovery  of  gold  in  Alaska  has  caused  a  rush  to  that 
portion  of  the  territory  bordering  upon  the  English  possessions. 

Immediately  there  arose  disputes  between  the  British  and 
American  subjects  as  to  jurisdiction,  which  threatened  serious 
trouble  in  settlement.  Our  Secretary  of  State  endeavored  to  reach 
a  permanent  settlement  of  this  disputed  boundary  along  with  other 
questions  at  issue  with  the  Canadian  Government,  but  only  after 
much  correspondence  did  the  negotiations  between  our  State 
Department  and  Lord  Salisbury  result  in  an  arrangement  by 
which  the  respective  rights  of  American  and  Canadian  authorities 
upon  the  Alaska  boundary  were  determined  for  the  next  two  years. 
The  boundary  in  question  has  never  been  surveyed,  because  the 
lands  now  in  dispute  had  no  value  whatever  prior  to  the  discoveries 
in  the  Klondike.  The  agreement  of  1825  between  Great  Britain 
and  Russia  ambiguously  declared  that  the  southern  strip  of  Alaska 
should  be  bounded  in  part  "by  a  line,  parallel  to  the  winding  of  the 
coast."  It  so  happens  now  that  the  passes  leading  to  the  Klondike 
are  most  easily  reached  through  a  bay,  sixty  miles  in  length 
and  less  than  six   miles  wide  at   the  mouth,    known   as  the    Lynn 


88  VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN 

Canal.  The  fact  that  the  entrance  to  this  bay  may  be  protected 
by  guns  from  our  coasts  led  the  Canadian  Commissioners  to 
contend  that  this  bay  is  not  a  part  of  the  open  sea,  and  therefore 
that  our  right  to  ten  leagues  of  territory  inland  means  ten  leagues 
from  its  mouth  and  not  ten  leagues  from  its  northern  extremity. 
Our  Commissioners,  on  the  other  hand,  insisted  that  the  shore  of 
this  bay  is  one  of  the  "windings  of  the  coast"  spoken  of  in  the 
treaty  of  1825,  and  their  refusal  to  submit  the  matter  to  arbitration 
unless  the  umpire  was  selected  from  Spanish  America  resulted  in  a 
deadlock  and  the  apparent  failure  of  all  our  Canadian  negotiations. 
By  the  present  temporary  adjustment,  Canada  is  given  a  port  on  a 
tributary  of  the  Lynn  Canal,  fifteen  miles  from  tide-water.  This 
port  can  be  reached  by  canoes  but  not  by  steamers.  The 
permanent  settlement  of  the  boundary  still  remains  to  be  determined. 

The  Samoan  Question 

During  the  preceding  administrations,  the  Samoan  Islands 
have  been  governed  under  a  commission  representing  England, 
Germany  and  the  United  States.  This  led  to  many  harassing  and 
vexed  questions,  which  have  been  finally  settled  by  a  partition  of 
the  islands  among  the  three  powers  named.  By  this  agreement  we 
have  annexed  the  Island  of  Tutuila  which  gives  us  the  magnificent 
harbor  of  Panga  Panga,  where  for  more  than  twenty  years  we  have 
had  a  coaling  station.  The  treaty  was  negotiated  by  Secretary 
Hay  and  approved  by  the  United  States  Senate  on  January  i6th, 
1900.  There  seems  to  be  great  unanimity  in  all  parties  in  the 
support  of  this  policy,  and  it  probably  will  elicit  very  little  dis- 
cussion in  the  coming  campaign.  It  only  adds  to  our  responsibilities 
in  the  problem  of  the  proper  government  of  our  largely  expanded 
territory. 

Hawaii  and  Its  Government 

Under  another  chapter  there  will  be  found  an  interesting 
sketch  of  this  group  of  islands,  which  recently  has  come  into  the 
possession  of  the  United  States.  Under  President  Harrison's 
administration,   an    annexation   treaty  of   Hawaii  was   negotiated, 


VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  89 

which  was  not  ratified,  because  of  President  Cleveland's  opposition. 
Under  that  treaty  the  Hawaiian  group  would  have  become  an  inte- 
gral part  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  and  the  people  would 
have  become  United  States  citizens.  For  a  long  time,  trade  had 
been  the  reciprocity  treaty  between  the  Sandwich  Islands  and  the 
United  States,  which  made  trade  practically  free  between  the  two 
countries.  Consequently,  when  in  President  McKinley's  Adminis- 
tration, the  islands  were  annexed  by  treaty,  it  was  the  common 
expectation  that  they  should  have  their  self-governing  institutions, 
somewhat  on  the  plan  of  our  Territories.  Also  that  they  should 
have  some  form  of  representation  in  the  national  Government  at 
Washinaton. 

o 

Hawaii  a  Territory 

The  act,  making  Hawaii  a  territory,  provides  for  a  Governor 
and  secretary  of  the  Territory  to  be  appointed  by  the  President. 
The  Governor  is  authorized  to  appoint  a  treasurer  and  an  attorney 
general.  The  Legislature  is  made  up  of  a  Senate  with  fifteen  and 
and  a  House  with  thirty  members.  The  Governor  has  the  veto 
power,  and  there  is  provision  for  a  judicial  system  with  the  right  of 
appeal  to  the  Circuit  and  Supreme  Courts  of  the  United  States. 
The  House  amendment  gives  the  appointment  of  Judges  to  the 
President  instead  of  the  Governor.  The  sale  of  liquors  in  saloons 
is  Drohibited. 

The  Territorial  assembly  will  have  power  to  legislate  concern- 
mg  all  local  affairs,  and  a  delegate  to  sit  in  Congress.  According 
to  the  latest  estimates  the  persons  who  will  be  entiled  to  suffrage 
under  this  law  are  10,000  native  Hawaiians  and  5,300  persons  of 
American  and  European  parentage. 

The  franchise  is  granted  to  citizens  of  the  United  States  who 
are  able  to  speak,  read  and  write  the  English  or  Hawaiian  lan- 
guage. As  a  means  of  discrimination  against  undesirable  voters, 
the  device  of  a  poll  tax  qualification  has  been  resorted  to. 

The  internal  revenue  and  customs  laws  of  the  United  States, 
are  made  operative  in  the  Territory  of  Hawaii.     Compulsory  labor 


90  VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN 

is  prohibited  and  contracts  enforcing  it  of  later  date  than  August 
12,1898,  are  declared  void. 

All  of  the  local  laws  and  institutions  shall  continue  without 
change,  which  are  not  inconsistent  with  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  Sanford  G.  Dole  has  been  appointed  the  first 
Governor  of  the  new  territory. 

The  Nicaragua  Canal 

The  French  have  attempted  to  organize  a  company  for  the 
purpose  of  building  a  canal  across  the  Istmus  of  Panama,  and 
have  spent  large  sums  of  money  in  making  preliminary  surveys 
in  preparing  to  carry  on  the  plans.  The  distinguished  engineer 
De  Lesseps,  of  the  Isthmus  of  Suez  Canal  fame,  was  one  of  the 
originators  and  promoters  of  the  Panama  Canal ;  but  unfortunately 
for  his  reputation,  and  that  of  many  others,  numerous  embezzle- 
ments of  funds,  and  dishonest  management  caused  a  great  scan- 
dal, and  the  work  of  the  French  practically  came  to  a  stand-still. 
Following  this  was  agitated  the  project  of  constructing  a  railway 
across  the  Isthmus  by  which  vessels  would  be  taken  from  the  dock, 
and  transported  overland  to  the  other  side.  This  plan  also  never 
materialized.  Then  followed  the  organization  of  large  companies 
in  America  with  large  capital  for  the  purpose  of  securing  govern- 
ment aid  in  the  way  of  subsidies,  with  a  view  to  constructing  a 
canal  at  the  most  feasible  point.  President  McKinley  early  in  the 
administration  appointed  a  commission  of  which  Admiral  Walker 
was  at  the  head,  for  the  purpose  of  making  surveys  and  reporting 
upon  the  most  feasible  route.  The  report  has  not  yet  been  laid 
before  Congress.  In  the  meantime.  Secretary  Hay  negotiated  a 
treaty  with  Great  Britain  which  annulled  the  Bulwer-Clayton  treaty, 
and  provided  that  the  United  States  should  construct  this  canal  alone 
and  guarantee  its  neutrality.  By  the  terms  of  this  treaty  no  pro- 
vision was  made  for  defending  the  canal  by  fortifications,  and  when 
presented  to  the  United  States  Senate,  much  opposition  arose  as  to 
the  terms  of  the  treaty,  and  the  administration  was  criticized. 
Shall  the  United  States  demand  full  control  of  the  canal  which  it 


VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  91 

proposes  to  construct  at  its  own  expense  ?  The  construction  of  the 
canal  by  the  measure  now  before  the  House,  calls  for  an  expendi- 
ture which  may  exceed  $140,000,000,  and  entail  for  a  number  of 
years  a  great  expense  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  and  may 
diminish  the  expectation  that  the  duties  will  be  lowered. 

Attitude  Toward  the  Boer  Republic 

The  struggle  which  has  been  maintained  in  South  Africa  by 
the  people  called  the  Boers,  to  secure  for  themselves  independence 
and  freedom  to  act  according  to  their  own  desires,  has  called  forth 
great  sympathy  on  the  part  of  the  American  people.  The  attitude 
of  this  country  so  far  has  been  that  of  friendly  neutrality.  An 
effort  has  been  made  to  avoid  all  entangling  alliances  in  the  affairs 
that  are  not  of  our  own  concern,  yet  had  there  been  an  opportunity, 
the  President  would  have  extended  his  good  offices  for  bringing 
about  peace.  In  March  the  Consul  at  Pretoria  sent  an  official 
request  for  an  intervention  from  the  Government  of  the  Republics. 

By  direction  of  the  President  the  message  from  the  South 
African  Governments  was  sent  to  the  British  Government,  with  the 
message  that  the  United  States  would  be  glad  to  aid  in  any 
friendly  manner  to  bring  about  peace.  The  Transvaal  Govern- 
ment was  advised  of  this  action.  Lord  Salisbury  received  the 
communication  in  a  friendly  spirit,  but  replied  that  her  Majesty's 
Government  could  not  accept  the  intervention  of  any  power.  This 
answer  also  was  transmitted  to  the  Transvaal  Government. 

It  is  important  to  keep  these  facts  in  mind,  because  an  effort 
will  undoubtedly  be  made  to  drag  the  British-Boer  controversy  into 
the  coming  political  campaign,  and  ill-informed  or  unthinking 
people  may  declare  that  our  government  refused  its  good  offices  in 
the  interest  of  peace,  although,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  it  was  the  only 
government  which  responded  to  the  appeal  of  President  Kruger. 
That  it  has  refused  to  repeat  an  offer  once  rejected  is  true,  and 
this  action  is  in  strict  accordance  with  the  peace  proposals  of 
The  Hague  Convention,  which  authorize  an  offer  of  mediation 
during  hostilities,  but  which  also  declare : 


92  VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN 

"  The  functions  of  the  mediator  are  at  an  end  when  once  it  is 
declared,  either  by  one  of  the  parties  to  the  dispute,  or  by  the 
mediator  himself,  that  the  means  of  reconciliation  proposed  by  him 
are  not  accepted." 

The  final  answer  of  Secretary  Hay  was  given  in  these  words  : 
"  The  President  sympathizes  heartily  in  the  sincere  desire  of 
all  the  people  of  the  United  States  that  the  war  which  is  now 
afflicting  South  Africa  may,  for  the  sake  of  both  parties  engaged, 
come  to  a  speedy  close  ;  but,  having  done  his  full  duty  in  preserving 
a  strictly  neutral  position  between  them  and  in  seizing  the  first 
opportunity  that  presented  itself  for  tendering  his  good  offices  in 
the  interests  of  peace,  he  feels  that  in  the  present  circumstances  no 
course  is  open  to  him  except  to  persist  in  the  policy  of  impartial 
neutrality.  To  deviate  from  this  would  be  contrary  to  all  our 
traditions  and  all  our  national  interests,  and  would  lead  to 
consequences  which  neither  the  President  nor  the  people  of  the" 
United  States  could  regard  with  favor." 

The  Open  Door  in  China 

Every  American  voter  will  be  interested  in  the  results  secured 
and  the  benefits  arising  from  Secretary  Hay's  negotiation  with 
foreign  powers,  by  which  was  acquired  an  equal  footing  for  our 
commerce  in  China.  There  has  been  an  attempt  on  the  part  of 
several  European  powers  to  secure  a  permanent  influence  over 
portions  of  China,  to  control  all  grants  for  the  purpose  of  con- 
structing railroads  and  developing  mines.  In  acquiring  these 
rights  there  was  danger  that  the  United  States  would  be  excluded 
from  its  commercial  rights  with  the  Chinese.  By  treaty  China  had 
already  granted  to  the  United  States  privileges  allowed  to  the 
most  favored  nations,  and  under  this  treaty  our  commerce  had 
thrived.  Beginning  with  September  6,  1899,  Secretary  Hay  had 
correspondence  with  the  governments  of  other  nations  respecting 
the  maintaining  an  "open  door"  in  China.  He  secured  the  assent 
of  Great  Britain,  Germany,  France,  Italy,  Russia  and  Japan  to  the 
declaration  by  which  each  government  agrees  substantially  as  follows: 


VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  93 

"  First.  That  it  will  in  no  wise  interfere  with  any  treaty  port 
or  any  vested  interest  within  any  so-called  '  sphere  of  interest  '  or 
leased  territory  it  may  have  in  China.  j 

"Second.     That  the   Chinese  treaty   tariff   of  the  time  being 
shall  apply  to  all  merchandise  landed  or  shipped  to  all  such  ports 
as  are  within  such  '  spheres  of  interest '  (unless  they  be  '  free  ports  '), 
no  matter  to  what  nationality  it  may  belong,  and  that  duties  so ; 
leviable  shall  be  collected  by  the  Chinese  Government. 

"  Third.  That  it  will  levy  no  higher  harbor  dues  on  vessels 
of  another  nationality  frequenting  any  port  in  such  '  sphere  '  than 
shall  be  levied  on  vessels  of  its  own  nationality,  and  no  higher 
railroad  charges  over  lines  built,  controlled  or  operated  within  its 
'sphere'  on  merchandise  belonging  to  citizens  or  subjects  of  other 
nationalities  transported  through  such  '  sphere  '  than  shall  be  levied 
on  similar  merchandise  belonging  to  its  own  nationality  transported 
over  equal  distances." 

The  marvel  of  this  possible  triumph  of  American  diplomacy  is 
that  the  United  States  has  surrendered  nothing  in  acquiring  valuable 
concessions  from  the  powers  named.  United  States  will  have  an 
equal  footing  in  the  Orient  and  American  merchandise  can  be 
shipped  to,  and  landed  in  all  Chinese  ports  where  the  nations 
named  have  their  spheres  of  influence.  There  will  be  no 
discriminating  harbor  dues  or  railroad  charges.  Consequently,  the 
western  shore  of  the  Pacific  will  become  the  most  inviting  field  for 
American  enterprise,  since  the  Chinese  Empire  has  been  opened  to 
our  commerce  and  trade. 

Trusts 

Both  capital  and  labor  are  interested  in  all  that  effects  the  so- 
called  trusts.  For  trusts  are  combinations  of  capital  organized  to 
increase  the  output  of  any  manufactured  article,  and  for  the  pur- 
pose of  securing  the  largest  returns  in  the  cheapest  possible  way, 
whether  it  be  in  an  industrial,  in  transporting  or  manufacturing 
enterprise.  In  other  words,  when  we  consider  the  subject  of 
trusts,  we  are  considering  a  combination  of  capital,  as  it  relates  to,  and 
affects  all  the  interests  of  a  country,  whether  they  be  large  or  small. 

6 


94  VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN 

It  is  readily  understood  that  large  enterprises  which  command 
enormous  capital  and  control  large  territory,  have  not  been  the  de- 
velopment of  a  day  or  a  year.  The  rapid  growth  of  this  country 
has  in  several  periods  of  time  been  greater  than  the  ability  of 
individual  enterprise  could  meet.  In  consequence,  there  has  been 
going  on  a  union  of  individuals,  to  meet  this  unexpected  growth. 

Partnership  organizations  succeeded  private  enterprise.  These 
were  again  followed  by  corporations  or  stock  companies  organized 
under  the  laws  of  the  respective  States,  in  which  the  business  was 
to  have  its  principal  office.  Still  again,  one  corporation  has  absorbed 
another  corporation,  or  perhaps  included  under  its  influence  many 
other  corporations,  until  a  combination  was  made  for  the  transac- 
tion of  business,  which  controlled  both  the  output  and  the  price  of 
a  very  large  product.  As  soon  as  these  large  combinations  began 
to  limit  the  output,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  prices,  and  which 
would,  at  the  same  time,  limit  the  wages  of  the  laboring  class,  or  as 
soon  as  these  combinations  began  to  secure  absolute  control  over 
natural  resources  or  artificial  means  of  transportation,  so  soon  did 
these  combinations  appear  to  become  a  menace  to  society.  At  this 
time,  the  term  trust  came  into  vogue  and  in  many  lines  has 
become  the  synonym  for  tyranny  on  the  part  of  capital  and  for 
warfare  on  the  part  of  labor. 

Arguments  for  Trusts 

Some  of  the  advantages  claimed  for  the  trusts  are  that  they 
prevent  the  enormous  waste  which  accompanies  small  enterprises, 
often  caused  by  sharp  business  competition.  The  saving  is  made 
both  in  the  value  of  the  output  and  in  the  labor.  It  is  claimed  also 
that  the  wages  of  the  laborer  are  increased,  and  his  hours  of  toil 
are  shortened.  An  illustration  of  this  is  found  in  railroad  service. 
Inventive  genius  through  the  business  offered  by  large  combina- 
tion will  be  encouraged,  and  enjoy  richer  reward  for  their  discov- 
eries. Trusts  so  far  as  they  have  been  protected  by  the  tariff  have 
been  able  to  make  more  rapid  progress  in  entering  markets  of  the 
world  and  increasing  our  trade.      It  is  also  claimed  that  the  rates  of 


VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  95 

interest  have  been  materially  reduced  since  the  organization  of 
trusts,  and  idle  money  of  the  people  at  large  can  be  invested  at 
profit  in  purchasing  stock  in  these  enterprises.  The  Standard  Oil 
Company,  which  practically  controls  the  output  of  petroleum  in 
this  country  by  owning  a  large  portion  of  the  oil  lands  is  quoted  as 
an  illustration  of  the  advantages  of  trusts.  Their  investment  in- 
cludes thousands  of  miles  of  pipe  line,  tank  capacity  for  millions 
of  gallons  oil,  by  which  the  oil  is  delivered  at  the  seaboard  at  the 
minimum  cost,  and  has  reduced  the  price  of  oil  seventy-five  per 
cent,  since  the  corporation  was  organized.  It  gives  employment  to 
30,000  American  laborers,  pays  $100,000  a  day  in  wages,  and  ex- 
ports 1,000,000,000  gallons  of  oil,  which  brings  about  $60,000,000 
of  gold  into  this  country. 

Arguments  Against 

On  the  other  hand,  those  who  are  opposed  to  trusts,  claim  that 
it  does  not  necessarily  reduce  the  price  of  manufactured  articles, 
for  it  destroys  competition.  It  chokes  out  the  small  dealer  and 
destroys  the  independence  of  labor.  It  does  not  give  every  man 
a  fair  chance  for  the  development  of  his  own  energy  and  idea.  It 
becomes  a  menace  to  our  national  life  as  the  influence  of  capital 
may  enter,  if  it  has  not  already  entered  into  legislative  halls  to  in- 
fluence legislation.  It  puts  into  the  hands  of  a  few  men,  power 
over  the  industrial  life  of  the  country,  and  enables  them  by  manipu- 
lation of  the  stock  market  to  deprive  the  small  investor  of  what 
is  due  him  from  the  profits.  The  discrimination  of  the  railroads 
has  shown  over  and  over  again  the  unfair  advantages  a  party  may 
have  over  his  competitor.  It  is  reasonably  claimed  that  the  in- 
ventor who  is  working  outside  of  the  trusts  is  practically  kept  out 
of  the  market  with  his  new  product,  because  of  the  influence  of  com- 
binations using  another  article. 

In  regard  to  the  Oil  Trust,  it  is  claimed  that  the  difl^erence  in 
price  between  crude  and  refined  petroleum  decreased  ten  cents  a 
gallon  in  the  ten  years  before  the  organization  of  the  trust,  when 
competition  was  free.      No  sooner  was   the  trust  fully  organized 


96  VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN 

(1882)  than  this  rapid  decrease  was  arrested.  In  1883  the  differ- 
ence in  price  between  the  crude  and  refined  oil  was  5.52  cents,  and 
in  the  succeeding  ten  years  it  had  decHned  to  4.72 — a  decrease  of 
but  three-quarters  of  a  cent.  While  the  trust  is  obliged  to  accom- 
modate its  export  prices  of  crude  and  refined  petroleum  to  Russian 
competion,  it  is  enabled  to  maintain  the  price  of  the  refined  article 
against  American  consumers.  The  defender  of  the  oil  trust  will 
hardly  pretend  that  the  Standard  Oil  Company  has  caused  the 
great  cheapness  of  Russian  petroleum. 

But  in  sugar  the  evil  effects  of  monpolistic  control  are  quite  as 
plainly  seen.  The  American  Sugar  Refining  Company  does  not 
produce  any  raw  sugar.  It  buys  the  raw  cane  and  beet  sugars  in 
the  world's  open  markets,  and  the  high  protective  duties  enable  the 
trust  to  maintain  the  price  of  its  refined  product  against  American 
consumers.  In  1887 — the  year  before  the  trust  was  organized — 
the  difference  in  price  between  raw  and  refined  sugar  was  64  cents 
per  hundred  pounds.  In  1889 — the  year  after  the  organization  of 
the  trust —  the  difference  was  1.32  cents.  It  dropped  to  70  and  jt, 
cents  in  1890  and  1891  respectively;  was  $1.03  in  1892,  $1.15  in 
1893,  88  cents  in  1894  and  1895  and  91  cents  in  1896.  In  conse- 
quence of  the  warfare  with  the  Arbuckles  the  rnargin  of  profit  has 
been  somewhat  reduced  ;  but  should  the  negotiations  which  are  in 
progress  be  consummated  the  trust  would  be  able  to  again  increase 
the  difference  in  price  between  the  raw  sugar  it  buys  and  the  refined 
product  which  it  sells. 

How  Shall  the  Trusts  be  Regulated  ? 

Recognizing  the  fact  that  trusts  have  their  advantages  as  well 
as  their  serious  disadvantages,  a  large  number  of  people  still  be- 
lieve that  they  should  be  regulated  so  as  to  meet  the  best  interests 
of  combinations  of  capital,  and  also,  of  individual  enterprise  and 
labor.  One  of  the  methods  proposed  for  this  regulation  is  one 
which  the  leaders  of  the  Republican  party  have  brought  forward,  a 
law  by  which  they  propose  to  exclude  trusts  from  privileges  of 
inter-state  commerce,  and  also  prohibit  the  use  of  the  mails  to  all 


VITAL  ISSUES  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  99 

corporations  declared  by  the  courts  to  be  trusts.  Amendment  of 
the  Constitution,  to  be  called  the  i6th  Amendment,  has  been 
offered.      It  is  as  follows : 

The  Sixteenth  Amendment 

The  amendment  as  reported  to  the  House  proposes  the  fol- 
lowing as  Article  XVI.  of  the  Constitution  : 

"Section  i.  All  powers  conferred  by  this  article  shall  extend 
to  the  several  States,  the  Territories,  the  District  of  Columbia, 
and  all  territory  under  the  sovereignty  and  subject  to  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  United  States. 

"  Section  2.  Congress  shall  have  power  to  define,  regulate, 
control,  prohibit  or  dissolve  trusts,  monopolies  or  combinations, 
whether  existing  in  the  form  of  a  corporation  or  otherwise. 

"  The  several  States  may  continue  to  exercise  such  power  in 
any  manner  not  in  conflict  with  the  laws  of  the  United  States. 

"  Section  3.  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  the  provi- 
sions of  this  article  by  appropriate  legislation." 

The  Democratic  Party  while  agreeing  with  the  proposed  act 
for  the  regulation  of  trusts,  oppose  the  proposed  amendment  to 
the  Constitution  on  the  ground  that  it  would  restrict  the  power 
of  the  States  to  deal  with  monopolies  as  they  might  see  fit.  The 
States  Rights  idea  may  again  come  into  prominence  ;  powers  of 
the  State  should  not  be  lessened  that  the  powers  of  the  National 
Government  may  be  increased.  To  become  a  part  of  our  funda- 
mental law,  this  amendment  must  be  passed  by  two-thirds  of 
both  Houses  of  Congress,  and  approved  by  the  State  Legislatures, 
or  conventions  of  two-thirds  of  the  States.  Probably  no  more 
interesting  and  valuable  information  on  the  trust  problem  can  be 
secured,  than  from  the  report  of  the  Chicago  Conference  on  trusts, 
held  in  September,  1899.  In  another  chapter  we  give  the  dis- 
cussion submitted  by  Hon.  Burke  Cochran,  and  William  Jen- 
nings Bryan. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Financial    Legislation   Since   1870— The   Gold 
Bill  of   March  14,   1900. 

Set  forth  and  discussed  by 

Honorable  Lyman  B.   Gage, 

Secretary  of  Treasury. 

1H  AVE  sometimes  thought  that  no  more  interesting  story  could 
be  written   for  the  business   man  of    to-day  than   one  which 

should  faithfully  portray  in  graphic  terms  the  struggles,  vicissi- 
tudes, anxieties,  triumphs  and  defeats  of  some  merchant  or  manu- 
facturer of  large  affairs  during  the  last  thirty  years. 

Thomas  Benton  left  behind  him  a  valuable  record  of  his  political 
experience  in  his  "Thirty  Years  in  the  United  States  Senate."  Mr. 
Blaine  did  a  similar  work  in  his  "  Twenty  Years  in  Congress."  The 
memoirs  of  Generals  Grant  and  Sherman  give  to  us  the  story  of 
varied  movements  by  contesting  armies  upon  many  bloody  battle- 
fields. But  no  one  to  my  knowledge  has  recorded  with  any  fidelity 
the  dramatic  movements  to  which  by  outward  influences  the  life  of 
the  business  man  has  been  subjected  since  the  years  1865  or  1870. 
The  business  man  I  know  is  nowhere  regarded  as  a  hero  or  a 
statesman.  He  neither  makes  laws  nor  conducts  military  campaigns. 
He  is  so  common  a  factor  in  the  operations  of  ordinary  life  that  he 
fails  to  attract  the  public  eye.  Nevertheless,  within  the  range  of 
his  activities  the  wisdom  of  the  statesman  and  the  courage  of  the 
war  leader  are  often  required  of  him.  If  he  cannot  make  law  he 
must  always  be  on  the  alert  to  watch  the  laws  that  are  made.  If 
such  laws  touch  upon  the  field  of  economics  he  must  anticipate 
their  action  and  adjust  his  affairs  to  their  operation  and  anticipated 


FINANCIAL  LEGISLATION  loi 

effects.  If  he  cannot  direct  the  movement  of  armies  and  win  at 
once  victory  and  fame,  he  must  be  quick  to  know  the  commercial 
effect  of  battles,  sieges  and  long-drawn  campaigns.  The  last  thirty 
years  have  been  to  him  a  period  of  dangerous  vissisitudes  and  pecu- 
liar trials.  I  want  to  call  your  attention  to  some  of  these,  though 
the  full  and  exciting  story  must  be  left  to  the  historical  student. 

•    Currency  in   1870 

In  the  year  1870  all  business  affairs  were  carried  on  in  the 
United  States  with  a  medium  of  exchange  entirely  dislocated  from 
the  world's  money  standard.  Prices  of  all  commodities,  wares  and 
labor  service  were  stated  in  terms  of  an  irredeemable  currency.  All 
time  accounts  were  payable  in  the  same  money.  And  yet  in  itself 
that  money  was  no  true  measurer  of  the  values  which  it  served  to 
transfer.  Every  commodity  having  in  any  of  its  parts  or  as  a  whole 
a  value  in  foreign  markets  was  really  measured  by  its  price  in  gold 
in  the  world's  market.  The  value  of  the  "  greenback  "  was  itself 
related  to  gold,  and  upon  the  unsettled  sea  of  the  public  credit  the 
value  of  our  domestic  money  rose  and  fell.  Goods  or  manufactures 
sold  one  day  at  an  apparent  profit  on  their  previous  cost  could  not 
on  the  day  or  the  week  following  be  replaced  with  the  amount 
received  in  payment. 

Have  you  ever  studied  the  oscillations  in  value  of  that 
instrument  of  exchange  by  which,  perforce,  all  our  domestic  trade 
and  commerce  was  conducted  ?  Let  us  glance  at  the  records.  On 
January  i,  1862,  the  greenback  was  worth  100  cents  in  gold.  In 
twelve  months  it  fell  3 1  per  cent.  The  next  seven  months  it  advanced 
r5  per  cent,  on  its  previous  price.  The  next  five  months  afterward 
it  fell  18  per  cent.  Then  in  six  months  more  it  fell  40  per  cent. 
In  the  next  six  months  it  advanced  20  per  cent.  Then  in  six 
months  more  it  fell  40  per  cent.  The  next  six  months  it  advanced 
52  per  cent.  In  the  next  twelve  months  it  fell  6  per  cent.  The 
next  six  months  it  rose  13  per  cent.  Then  it  rose  10  per  cent,  in 
three  years — that  is,  for  January,  1870,  it  stood  at  82.4.  It  then 
in  two  years  rose  11  per  cent.      In  January,    1875,  it  was  rated  as 


I02  FINANCIAL  LEGISLATION 

worth  89.9.  From  that  year,  when  the  resumption  act  was  passed, 
the  oscillations  were  less  marked,  a  range  of  from  5  to  7  per  cent, 
per  annum  with  a  general  upward  movement  to  January  i,  1879, 
when  once  more  $1  in  greenbacks  would  command  $1  in  gold. 

While  I  have  noted  these  fluctuations  by  convenient  periods, 
'  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  each  and  every  day  between  the 
periods  there  were  minor  but  constant  fluctuations.  With  what 
certainty  of  direction  could  the  mariner  sail  his  ship  if  the  compass 
by  which  he  reckoned  was  subject  to  such  lawless  aberrations  ?  At 
noon  each  day  he  could  determine  by  the  sun  how  far  he  was  off 
his  course,  but  this  would  always  be  after  the  fact.  It  would  not 
help  his  calculations  for  the  morrow.  No  wonder  men  mistook 
loss  for  profit  and  profit  for  loss. 

.Loss  IN  Trade 

The  dilemma  in  which  an  humble  German  friend  of  mine 
found  himself  was  almost  unavoidable.  It  illustrates  a  frequent 
situation  of  affairs  at  the  time.  He  said  :  "  I'm  what  you  call  in  a 
fix.  I  don't  know  if  I  get  rich  or  I  get  poor.  A  little  while  ago  I 
had  200  pieces  cotton  cloth  which  cost  me  ^2,000.  I  sell  'em  out  and 
have  ^3,000.  That  looks  pretty  well,  but  when  I  buy  again  my 
$3,000  only  buy  180 'pieces.  Every  time  I  sell  out  I  have  more 
money  than  before ;  every  time  I  buy  in  I  have  less  goods. 
If  I  keep  this  up  long  enough,  by  and  by  I  will  have  plenty  mone}^, 
but  the  money  will  perhaps  buy  no  goods  at  all.      How  is  that  ?" 

Under  such  conditions  trade  degenerated  into  mere  speculation. 
Every  fall  in  the  value  of  the  money  was  at  once  expressed,  or  ought 
to  have  been  expressed,  by  a  rise  in  the  price  of  commodities. 
Those  who  bought  most  largely  on  credit  and  made  the  fewest 
sales  realized  profits  in  excess  of  the  legitimate  and  careful  trader, 
who  had  a  conscience  about  credit,  and  who  believed  it  was  the 
business  of  a  merchant  to  distribute  his  wares.  Inventories  showed 
wealth  in  figures.  They  encouraged  extravagance,  but  in  many 
cases  the  wealth  in  figures  became  the  father  of  bankruptcy  in  fact. 
By  the  year  1873  the  bitter  fruits  of  the  artificial  condition  appeared. 


FINANCIAL  LEGISLATION  103 

The  simulacrum  of  prosperity  was  dissolved.  The  system  of  credits, 
extended  and  enlarged  by  years  of  rising  prices,  fell  into  ruin. 
Merchants,  manufacturers,  bankers  and  transportation  lines  one 
after  another  shared  a  common  fate. 

Those  who  succeeded  in  carrying  their  imperiled  interests 
jover  the  period  of  blight  without  ruin  were  obliged  to  write  off 
flosses  which  required  years  of  industrious  effort  to  make  good.  In 
the  great  reaction  to  industry  the  laborer  and  the  artisan  suffered 
in  silence  while  they  waited  in  idleness  for  the  broken  lines  to  be 
reformed.  Let  us  glance  at  the  results  as  indicated  by  the  bank- 
ruptcy tables  including  and  immediately  following  that  fateful  year 
1873.  ^'^  1872,  the  year  prior  to  the  collapse,  the  liabilities  of  in- 
solvent debtors  aggregated  $121,000,000.  In  1873  they  rose  to 
$228,000,000.  Including  with  1873  ^^^  ^^^  succeeding  years  the 
total  liabilities  of  insolvent  debtors  were  upward  of  $1,200,000,000, 
or  an  average  of  $200,000,000  per  year.  The  four  years  following 
1878,  after  the  wrecks  of  broken  fortunes  had  been  cleared  away, 
aggregated  $346,000,000,  or  an  average  of  less  than  $90,000,000  per 
annum.  No  series  of  four  years  since  1875  shows  such  disasters 
as  from  1875  to  1879  until  we  come  to  1893.  In  that  year  alone 
the  liabilities  of  insolvents  aggregated  nearly  $347,000,000,  while  it, 
with  the  three  years  following  showed  a  total  of  $918,000,000. 

Coinage  Laws  Revised. 

Looking  backward  now  it  appears  a  strange  coincidence  that 
in  that  same  year,  1873,  a  piece  of  legislation  should  have  been 
inaugurated  which  was  in  after  years  to  save  the  country  from  a 
,  repetition  of  the  injurious  effects  of  a  rapidly  depreciating  money. 
In  that  year  the  coinage  laws  were  revised,  and  with  no  comprehen- 
sion of  the  great  economic  consequences  involved  in^it  the  unit  of 
value  was  made  to  consist  of  gold,  while  the  silver  dollar  was 
dropped  from  the  coinage. 

Great  efforts  have  been  made  to  prove  that  this  action  was  the 
result  of  a  wicked  scheme  of  the  money  power.  However  wicked 
the  money  power  may  be,  it  does  not  deserve  credit  for  omniscience. 


I04  FINANCIAL  LEGISLATION 

and  omniscience  alone  could  have  forseen  that  the  commercial  value 
of  the  silver  dollar,  then  greater  than  its  yellow  brother,  gold,  would 
steadily  decline  to  a  fraction  of  its  then  equivalent.  Whether  this 
legislative  act  was  purely  fortuitous,  or  whether  it  was  a  providen- 
tial interposition  at  a  critical  period  of  our  national  life,  the  event 
was  one  of  far-reaching  importance.  Had  it  not  occurred  as  it  did, 
and  when  it  did,  there  is  no  room  whatever  to  doubt  that  after 
climbing  the  hill  to  specie  payments  in  1879,  ^^  should  have 
repeated,  through  the  effect  of  silver  as  our  standard  money,  the 
losses  and  crosses  which  marked  the  depreciation  of  our  paper 
money  from  1864  to  1879.  It  is  very  certain  that  if  the  coinage 
act  of  1873  had  been  delayed  five  years,  or  even  three  years,  it 
would  never  have  been  adopted. 

The  Panic  Approaches 

The  proof  lies  in  the  frantic  efforts  of  a  powerful  party  to  secure 
a  repeal  of  that  act.  The  effort  began  in  1878,  when  silver  had 
already  fallen  in  price.  That  effort  has  not  been  relaxed  to  this 
day,  though  faith  in  its  success  is  giving  way.  Notwithstanding 
the  failure  to  secure  the  free  coinage  at  our  mints,  at  the  old  ratio 
of  16  to  I,  the  effort  to  achieve  that  result  has  been,  until  a  recent 
period,  a  most  disturbing  influence  upon  business  affairs.  The 
legislative  struggle  for  free  coinage  began  in  1878.  Though 
unsuccessful,  it  forced  injurious  compromises.  The  Bland  act  of 
1878  required  the  purchase  and  coinage  by  the  Government  of 
$2,000,000  in  silver  per  month.  The  so-called  Sherman  act  of  1890 
required  the  purchase  of  not  less  than  4,500,000  ounces  per  month. 
The  total  effect  of  these  doings  was  to  force  into  the  channels  of 
circulation  something  more  than  $500,000,000,  nominal  value,  in 
money,  the  real  value  of  which  in  the  world's  market  is  now  less 
than  one-half  that  sum.  The  great  loss  involved  in  the  transaction 
has  been  assumed  by  the  Government  as  it  ought  to  have  been, 
since  it  is  right  that  the  risk  and  burden  of  a  public  folly  should 
be  distributed  over  all  the  people. 


FINANCIAL  LEGISLATION  105 

I  refer  to  this  long-drawn  campaign  not  so  much  because  of  its 
direct  economic  unwisdom,  but  more  especially  because  of  its 
deranging  and  depressing  influence  upon  industry  and  trade.  Dur- 
ing the  long  period  from  '78  to  '93,  when  the -act  was  repealed,  there 
was  constant  fear  that  our  finances  would  degenerate  to  what  is 
popularly  called  the  silver  basis.  This  fear  intimidated  capital, 
restricted  enterprise  and  gave  to  all  engaged  in  business  activities 
a  sense  of  doubt  and  apprehension. 

The  fear  to  .which  I  allude  acted  with  varying  degrees  of  evil 
force  at  different  periods,  as  the  prospects  for  success  to  the  propa- 
ganda improved  or  declined. 

In  1893,  when  the  repeal  of  the  Sherman  law  hung  in  the  bal- 
ances, the  fear  culminated  in  the  most  destructive  panic  in  our 
history.  It  may  not  be  just  to  ascribe  that  business  reaction  to  the 
silver  question  alone.  Depression  and  reaction  will  come  as  the 
natural  result  of  overtrading,  speculation  and  injudicious  credit. 
These  causes  no  doubt  co-operated  to  produce  the  panic  of  1893, 
but  they  were  intensely  aggravated  by  the  silver  question,  so- 
called. 

The  year  1896  witnessed  in  a  milder  form  the  commercial 
experiences  of  1893,  and  it  is  not  unjust  to  charge  the  perturbation  of 
1896  to  the  fear  that  a  revolution  in  our  standard  money  was  at  hand. 

Aberrations  in  the  Value  of  Silver 

My  talk  is  intended  to  indicate  in  a  measure  the  vicissitudes 
and  trials  to  business  men  for  the  last  thirty  years.  If  I  dwell  upon 
the  money  question  it  is  because  it  has  been  the  most  disturbing 
and  deranging  of  influences  during  that  period  of  time.  The  most 
important  condition  to  legitimate  trade  and  industry  is  the  condi- 
tion of  stability.  Stability  as  to  public  order  and  stability  in  the 
money  of  accounts.  I  have  shown  the  injurious  fluctuation  in 
value  of  the  greenback,  measured  by  the  world's  standard,  during 
the  years  1864  to  1879.  ^  want  to  point  to  the  aberrations  in  the 
value  of  silver,  measured  by  the  world's  standard  money,  during  the 
period  since  1879. 


io6  FINANCIAL  LEGISLATION 

It  is  claimed,  I  know,  that  the  free  coinage  of  silver  in  our 
mints  would  have  checked  all  perturbations  in  the  value  of  gold  and 
silver,  but  this  is  not  insisted  upon  by  the  more  serious  and  thought- 
ful of  the  advocates  of  free  coinage.  We  may  admit  for  argument's 
sake  that  the  disparities  in  value  would  not  have  been  so  great,  or 
at  least  not  so  rapidly  realized,  but  we  cannot  ignore  the  fact  that 
wide  and  fluctuating  differences  would  have  remained,  and  that  with 
our  domestic  affairs  carried  on  with  silver  as  the  standard  of  pay- 
ment we  would  have  been  subjected  to  the  deranging  influences  of 
prices  stated  in  terms  of  a  money  constantly  fluctuating  in  its  rela- 
tions to  the  world's  money,  by  which  the  world's  values  are  measured, 
and  by  which  our  own  values  are  really  measured  also.  It  is  not 
especially  important,  but  it  is  interesting  to  notice  what  we  have 
escaped. 

Gold  Saved  our  Credit 

I  have  pointed  out  the  disturbing  and  injurious  effect  of  a 
depreciated  paper  money.  It  will  be  seen  that  a  depreciated  metallic 
money  would  have  been  scarcely  less  injurious.  I  will  pass  by  any 
consideration  of  the  shock  and  loss  of  the  change  from  the  gold  to 
the  silver  standard  and  refer  only  to  the  fluctuations  in  silver  as 
measured  by  the  world's  money,  gold,  during  the  years  1873  to  1893. 
In  1873  the  silver  in  a  silver  dollar  would  buy  in  the  market  one 
dollar  and  one  and  six-tenths  cents  in  gold.  In  1878  the  silver  in  a 
silver  dollar  would  buy  but  89.2  cents  in  gold.  In  1883  it  would 
buy  85.8;  in  1888  72.7;  In  1893  60.4,  and  in  1896  the  silver  in  a 
dollar  could  buy  but  45.6  cents  in  gold.  Between  these  dates  there 
were  continuous  oscillations  in  relative  value  up  and  down  between 
silver  and  gold.  The  range  of  fluctuations  was  much  more  limited 
than  that  experienced  with  our  irredeemable  paper,  but  was  violent 
enough  to  cause  a  constant  and  deeply  injurious  derangement  to 
trade  and  industry. 

Constantly  in  peril,  our  domestic  money  of  account  has  never- 
theless been  steadily  maintained  by  the  public  credit  on  an  even 
parity  with  the  world  standard,  gold.     The  act  of  Congress,  which, 


^■jmujMMsr 


FINANCIAL  LEGISLATION  109 

by  the  approval  of  the  President,  became  the  law  on  March  14,  1900, 
sets  at  rest  this  disturbing  question  of  the  standard.  Unless  the  credit 
of  the  Government  shall  utterly  fail,  the  assurance  is  absolute  that 
for  at  least  six  years  we  are  safe  from  change.  The  business  man 
may  now  know  that  his  goods,  sold  on  four  months'  credit,  will  be 
paid  for  in  money  equal  in  value  to  that  represented  in  the  goods 
sold.  The  foundation  of  credit  and  commerce  is  at  last  secure. 
All  our  kinds  of  money  are  equal  in  value  with  one  another,  and  all 
alike  are  as  good  as  gold. 

In  addition  to  the  disconcerting  influences  already  referred  to, 
it  is  proper  to  put  some  emphasis  upon  the  deranging  effect  of 
tariff  changes.  Of  these,  during  the  thirty-year  period,  there  have 
been  several  of  a  radical  character.  I  cannot  speak  of  them  at 
length,  nor  will  I  undertake  to  discuss  the  economic  theories  by 
which  the  more  radical  changes  have  been  justified  in  the  opinion 
of  the  political  power  which  inaugurated  them.  Whether  meritori- 
ous in  fact  and  ultimately  of  general  benefit,  every  such  change  is 
the  cause  of  economic  disturbance  to  the  commercial  and  industrial 
status  quo.  They  give  at  least  great  temporary  advantage  to  the 
few  at  the  cost  and  loss  of  the  many. 

Causes  of  Distress 

There  were  several  modifications  and  revisions  in  the  war  tariff 
between  the  years  1862  and  1876.  These  modifications  occurred  in 
the  years  1864,  1865,  1867,  1870,  1872  and  1875.  ^^  '^^'^?3  there  was  a 
general  revision  of  the  tariff  laws  which  carried  a  considerable 
reduction  in  the  rates  of  duty.  Seven  years  after— 1890 — radical 
changes  were  made  by  which  duties  were  largely  increased.  Again, 
in  1894,  what  was  known  as  the  Wilson  act  worked  a  large  reduc- 
tion in  the  average  rates  of  the  McKinley  tariff.  Four  years  after 
the  Dingley  act  of  1898  took  the  place  of  the  Wilson  act,  and  the 
rates  therein  established  now  continue  to  be  the  law. 

I  cannot  stop  to  more  than  suggest  the  several  periods  during 
the  last  thirty  years  when  sudden  derangements  have  occurred  from 
causes    outside  of  those    enumerated.      In    1871    the  Chicago  fire 


no  FINANCIAL  LEGISLATION 

destroyed  $200,000,000  of  existing  capital.  Through  the  bene- 
ficence of  insurance,  and  by  reason  of  a  wide-spreading  network  of 
relationship  through  credit  and  otherwise;  the  strain  of  the  loss"  was 
widely  distributed.  Yet  it  brought  financial  ruin  to  thousands.  In 
1884  the  failure  of  a  great  bank  in  New  York  caused  a  forced  liqui- 
dation, which  involved  serious  losses  to  many.  In  1890  the  Bar- 
ings in  London  suspended  payment,  with  liabilities  of  $150,000,- 
000.  While  the  shock  of  this  disaster  was  much  softened  by  the 
courageous  action  of  the  Bank  of  England  and  its  associates,  the 
depressing  effect  of  the  failure  on  industrial  undertakings  was  felt 
throughout  the  civilized  world. 

In  1894,  when  our  domestic  business  life  was  fairly  emerging 
from  the  dark  days  which  followed  1893,  the  Venezuela  message 
brought  us  suddenly  face  to  face  with  the  possibilies  of  war  with  our 
best  customer.  Politically  considered,  the  message  may  have  been 
justified;  I  am  not  considering  that  question.  I  think  it,  however, 
safe  to  affirm  that,  economically  looked  at,  it  was  a  severe  blow  to 
reviving  industry.  It  developed  a  new  crisis  in  commercial  affairs 
and  seriously  impeded  the  revival  of  business. 

In  1898  we  faced  the  actualities  of  war  with  all  its  possibilities 
of  cost  in  treasure  and  loss  in  precious  lives.  Again  was  the  man 
of  business  affairs  and  responsibilities  compelled  to  forecast  con- 
tingencies and  consequences,  which  it  required  the  gift  of  fore- 
knowledge to  properly  comprehend. 

What  Was  Accomplished 

This  brief  review  of  the  business  man's  campaign  of  thirty 
years  is  not  inspiring.  It  is  as  if  in  a  review  of  our  struggle  for 
national  unity  we  pointed  to  Manassas,  Fredericksburg  or  Cold 
Harbor.  There  is  another  side  to  both  stories.  From  the  varied 
results  of  many  hard-fought  battles  our  "  boys  in  blue  "  came  march- 
ing home  again.  Victory  crowned  their  banners  and  the  nation's 
life  was  saved.  They  left  behind  the  dead — dead  from  disease  and 
battle  stroke — but  in  the  grand  review  the  pean  of  triumph  alone 
was  heard. 


FINANCIAL  LEGISLATION  iii 

Is  it  putting  too  much  strain  upon  the  metaphor  to  speak  of 
the  rank  and  file  of  business  men  in  a  similar  way  ?  The  army  of 
the  Union  contended  in  war,  the  army  of  business  men  struggled 
in  the  domain  of  peace,  but  anxiety  and  risk  were  always  present, 
while  ruin  not  unfrequently  overtook  them.  From  these  dangers 
many  fell ;  their  names  forgotten,  but  the  survivors  can  pass  in 
review,  with  honorable  success  inscribed  npon  the  roll.  In  both 
war  and  peace  the  individual  has  been  sacrificed,  but  the  country 
remains.  And  now  in  a  more  cheerful  vein  I  want  to  summarize 
the  results  of  these  thirty  years  of  industrial  efforts  and  business 
enterprise. 

Since  1870  the  population  has  increased  substantially  100  per 
cent.  That  figure,  100  per  cent.,  makes  a  convenient  standard 
from  which  to  measure  our  progress  in  the  development  of  wealth 
and  the  progress  of  our  material  and  moral  forces.  Notwithstand- 
ing individual  casualties,  the  nation  as  a  whole  has  greatly 
advanced. 

Telling  Figures 

While  the  population  has  increased  100  per  cent,  the  annual 
expenditures  in  the  cause  of  public  education  have  increased  227, 
per  cent.  The  number  of  newspapers  and  periodicals,  261  per 
cent.  The  number  of  post  offices,  163  per  cent.  The  receipts  of 
the  Post  Office  Department,  although  postal  rates  have  been 
lowered,  were  380  per  cent,  greater  last  year  than  in  1870.  The 
number  of  telegrams  showed  an  increase  of  739  per  cent.  The 
miles  of  railroad  operated  in  1870  were  52,822  ;  in  1899  they  were 
186,810,  an  increase  of  253  per  cent.  The  increase  in  tons  of 
freight  carried  one  mile  shows  an  increase  in  twenty  years  of  192 
per  cent;  we  have  no  data  prior  to  1880;  while  the  freight  rate 
per  ton  per  mile  fell  61  per  cent.  While  in  general  the  vessel  ton- 
nage shows  no  gain,  but  a  serious  decline,  it  is  notable  that  the 
tonnage  by  water  through  the  Sault  Ste  Marie  Canal  increased 
3,000  per  cent.  In  agriculture,  wheat  and  corn  have  not  much 
increased  beyond  the  ratio  of  increase  in  population.  The  diversity 
of  products  has    greatly   increased.      In    cotton  during   the   thirty 


1 1 2  FINANCIAL  LEGISLA  TION 

years  there  has  been  an  increase  of  300  per  cent,  while  population 
was  increased  100  per  cent. 

Growth  of    Manufacturing 

Our  growth  in  manufacturing  has  some  remarkable  illustra- 
tions. Our  own  cotton  mills  in  1870  used  857,000  bales.  In  1899 
they  consumed  3,632,000  bales,  an  increase  of  324  per  cent.  In^ 
1870  we  converted  583,000  pounds  of  raw  silk  into  finished 
products.  In  1899  we  used  11,236,000  pounds,  an  increase  of  1825 
per  cent.  We  used  in  manufactures  last  year  42,000,000  more 
pounds  of  crude  rubber  than  in  1870,  a  growth  of  431  percent. 
The  production  of  pig  iron  shows  an  increase  of  607  per  cent. 
The  manufacture  of  steel  grew  from  less  than  69,000  in  1870  to 
nearly  13,000,000  tons  in  1899,  an  increase  of  12,893  percent. 
For  the  same  period  the  production  of  coal  grew  from  33,000,000 
tons  to  196,000,000  tons,  an  increase  of  498  per  cent.  The 
production  of  petroleum  increased  from  185,000,000  gallons  in  1870 
to  2,000,325,000  gallons  in  1898 — a  growth  of  1,100  percent.  The 
development  of  our  manufacturing  interests  is  best  indicated, 
perhaps,  by  the  increase  in  our  export  of  manufactures:  ^They 
increased  from  a  valuation  of  $68,000,000  in  1870  to  $338,000,000 
in  1899,  or  396  per  cent.  Taking  our  foreign  commerce  as  a  whole, 
we  have  an  export  value  in  1870  of  $392,000,000,  against 
$1,227,000,000  in  1899 — an  increase  of  212  per  cent.,  while  during 
the  same  periods  our  imports  increased  but  60  per  cent.  Taken  as 
a  whole,  for  the  four-year  period,  1895  to  1899,  the  value  of  our 
exports  was  $1,534,000,000  in  excess  of  our  imports. 

Our  internal  domestic  trade  has  shared  in  a  similar  develop- 
ment. The  total  freight  carried  one  mile  in  1898  exceeded  the 
amount  carried  in  1895  by  26,000,000,000  tons.  This  increase 
required  the  use  of  300  trains,  each  loaded  to  the  extent  of  1,000 
tons  running  continuously  twenty-four  hours  each  day  through  the 
entire  year.  But  I  will  not  burden  you  with  further  illustrations 
of  our  great  development.  The  facts  submitted  are  startling  in 
their  nature,  and  full  of  encouragement  for  the  future.     They  prove 


FINANCIAL  LEGISLATION  113 

the  truth  of  the  somewhat  hackneyed  phrase,  "  Peace  hath  her  vic- 
tories no  less  renowned  than  war."  These  triumphs  of  peace  have 
been  gained,  as  I  have  shown,  amid  many  depressing  influences. 
What  might  they  not  have  been  as  the  result  of  these  years  since 
i860  could  peace  have  prevailed,  could  the  aberrations  and  vicissi- 
tudes caused  by  a  bad  money  system  have  been  avoided  ?  We 
need  not,  however,  repine.  We  have  no  complications  with  any 
foreign  power,  threatening  our  peace  or  disturbing  our  commerce. 
The  tokens  of  industrial  prosperity  appear  on  every  hand. 
The  revenues  of  the  Government  are  more  than  sufficient  for 
all  public  requirements.  The  credit  of  the  commercial  com- 
munity is  such  as  to  give  a  sense  of  freedom  and  security  to 
commercial  activities.  Are  we,  therefore,  safe  in  the  future 
from  the  injurious  influences  which  have  disturbed  the  past  ?  It 
would  be  gratifying  to  answer  that  question  in  the  affirmative,  but 
it  cannot  be  so  answered. 

The  problems  of  life  never  cease.  Old  errors  are  resurrected, 
and  clothed  in  new  garb,  afflict  society  until  again  laid  to  rest. 
Changing  conditions  also  beget  new  problems.  Prejudice  and  a 
lack  of  knowledge  obscure  the  way.  Some  of  these  problems  are 
immediately  before  us.  The  labor  question,  transportation,  com- 
binations of  capital,  are  the  names  of  those  most  prominent.  They 
all  bear  directly  upon  our  future  well-being.  They  all  require  wis- 
dom, sincerity,  and  the  love  of  justice  for  their  right  solution. 
How  great  are  the  responsibilities  of  a  free  state !  Endowded  with 
the  power  of  self-direction,  the  capacity  for  self-injury  is  never 
absent.  The  only  guide  to  safety  is  the  truth.  In  the  field  of  pro- 
duction and  exchange  economic  principles  must  be  recognized  and 
obeyed.  Majority  votes  cannot  alter  them.  To  carefully  study 
these  principles  with  an  earnest  desire  to  know  the  truth  concerning 
them  and  learning  the  truth,  to  employ  all  energy  in  making  it 
known  among  all  the  people  are  duties  resting  with  solemn  force 
upon  the  business  men  of  America.  They  are  duties  which 
apathy  and  indifference  will  seek  to  avoid,  but  which  patriotism  and 
courage  will  gladly  assume. 

7 


The  Gold  Bill  of  March  14,   1900 

An  Analysis  of  the  New  Law.      Its  Provisions  and  Probable 
Effect  on  Business. 

THE  Financial  law,  has  for  its  object  what  its  title  indicates, 
the  fixing-  of  the  standard  of  value  and  the  maintaining  at  a 
parity  with  that  standard  of  all  forms  of  money  issued  or 
coined  by  the  United  States.  It  reaffirms  that  the  unit  value  is  the 
dollar,  consisting  of  twenty-five  and  eight-tenths  grains  of  gold,  nine- 
tenths  fine,  but  from  that  point  it  goes  on  to  make  it  the  duty  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  maintain  all  forms  of  money  issued  or 
coined  at  a  parity  with  this  standard.  It  puts  into  the  hands  of  the 
Secretary  ample  power  to  do  that.  For  that  purpose  the  bill  pro- 
vides in  the  Treasury  bureaus  of  issue  and  redemption,  and  trans- 
fers from  the  general  fund  of  the  Treasury's  cash  $150,000,000 
in  gold  coin  and  bullion  to  the  redemption  fund,  that  gold 
to  be  used  for  the  redemption  of  United  States  notes  and 
Treasury  notes.  That  fund  is  henceforth  absolutely  cut  out 
of  and  separated  from  the  cash  balance  in  the  Treasury,  and 
the  available  cash  balance  will  hereafter  show  a  reduction  of 
$150,000,000  from  the  figures  that  have  heretofore  prevailed.  This 
$150,000,000  redemption  fund  is  to  be  used  for  no  other  purpose 
than  the  redemption  of  United  States  notes  and  Treasury  notes, 
and  those  notes  so  redeemed  may  be  exchanged  for  gold  in  the 
general  fund  or  with  the  public  so  that  the  reserve  fund  is  kept  full 
with  gold  at  $150,000,000  limit. 

The  "Endless  Chain"  Broken 

The  Secretary  is  given  further  power.  If  redemptions  go  on 
so  that  the  gold  in  this  reserve  fund  is  reduced  below  $100,000,000, 
and  he  is  unable  to  build  it  up  to  the  $150,000,000  mark  by 
exchange  for  gold   in  the  general  fund  or  otherwise,  he  is  given 

114 


THE  GOLD  BILL  115 

power  to  sell  bonds,  and  it  is  made  his  duty  to  replenish  the  gold 
to  the  ^150,000,000  mark  by  such  means. 

The  "  endless  chain  "  is  broken  by  a  provision  which  prohibits 
the  use  of  notes  so  redeemed  to  meet  deficiencies  in  current  revenues. 
The  act  provides  for  the  ultimate  retirement  of  all  the  Treasury 
notes  issued  in  payment  for  silver  bullion  under  the  Sherman  act. 
'As  fast  as  that  bullion  is  coined  into  silver  dollars  Treasury  notes 
are  to  be  retired  and  replaced  with  an  equal  amount  of  silver  certi- 
ficates. 

The  measure  authorizes  the  issue  of  gold  certificates  in 
exchange  for  deposits  of  gold  coin,  the  same  as  at  present, 
but  suspends  that  authority  whenever  and  so  long  as  the 
gold  in  the  redemption  fund  is  below  $100,000,000,  and  gives  to  the 
Secretary  the  option  to  suspend  the  issue  of  such  certificates  when- 
ever the  silver  certificates  and  United  States  notes  in  the  general 
fund  of  the  Treasury  exceeds  $60,000,000. 

The  bill  provides  for  a  larger  issue  of  silver  certificates,  by 
declaring  that  hereafter  silver  certificates  shall  be  issued  only  in 
denominatipns  of  $10  and  under,  except  as  to  10  per  cent,  of  the 
total  volume.  Room  is  made  for  this  larger  use  of  silver  certificates 
in  the  way  of  small  bills  by  another  provision  which  makes  it  neces- 
sary as  fast  as  the  present  silver  certificates  of  high  denominations 
are  broken  up  into  small  bills  to  cancel  a  similar  volume  of  United 
States  notes  of  small  denominations,  and  replace  them  with  notes 
of  denominations  of  $10  and  upwards.  Further  room  is  made  for 
the  circulation  of  small  silver  certificates  by  a  clause  which  permits 
national  banks  to  have  only  one-third  of  their  capital  in  denomina- 
tion under  $10. 

Subsidiary  Silver  Coinage 

One  clause  of  the  bill  which  the  public  will  greatly  appreciate 
is  the  right  that  it  gives  to  the  Secretary  to  coin  any  of  the  1890 
bullion  into  subsidiary  silver  coins  up  to  a  limit  of  $100,000,000. 
There  has  for  years  been  a  scarcity  of  subsidiary  silver  during 
periods   of    active    retail    trade,    but   this   provision   will  give    the 


ii6  THE  GOLD  BILL 

Treasury  ample  opportunity  to  supply  all  the  subsidiary  silver  that 
is  needed.  Another  provision  that  the  public  will  greatly  appre- 
ciate is  the  authority  given  to  the  Secretary  to  recoin  worn  and  un- 
current  subsidiary  silver  now  in  the  Treasury  or  hereafter  received. 
The  bill  makes  a  continuing  appropriation  for  paying  the  difference 
between  the  face  value  of  such  coin  and  the  amount  the  same  will 
produce  in  the  new  coin. 

A  distinct  feature  of  the  bill  is  in  reference  to  refunding  the  3 
per  cent.  Spanish  war  loan,  the  2  per  cent,  bonds  maturing  in  1907 
and  the  5  per  cent,  bonds  maturing  in  1904,  a  total  of  $839,000,000, 
into  new  2  per  cent,  bonds.  These  new  2  per  cent,  bonds  will  not 
be  offered  for  sale,  but  will  only  be  issued  in  exchange  for  an  equal 
amount,  face  value,  of  old  bonds.  The  holders  of  old  bonds  will 
receive  a  premium  in  cash,  to  compensate  them  in  a  measure  for 
the  sacrifice  of  interest  which  they  make.  That  cash  premium  will 
be  computed  on  a  basis  of  the  present  worth  of  the  old  bonds  at  2^ 
per  cent.,  and  will  begin  on  April  i,  1900,  the  date  that  the  new  2 
per  cent,  bonds  will  bear  $105.6851  for  the  3s,  $111.6765  for  the  4s 
and  $110.0751  for  each  $100  of  the  5s.  This  exchange  will  save  the 
Government,  after  deducting  the  premium  paid,  nearly  $23,000,000, 
if  all  the  holders  of  the  old  bonds  exchange  them  for  the  new  ones. 
National  banks  that  take  out  circulation  based  on  new  bonds  are  to 
be  taxed  only  one-half  of  i  per  cent,  on  the  average  amount  of  cir- 
culation outstanding,  while  those  who  have  a  circulation  based  on  a 
deposit  of  old  bonds  will  be  taxed,  as  at  present,  i  per  cent. 

Changes  in  the  Banking  Law 

There  are  some  other  changes  in  the  National  Banking  act. 
The  law  permits  national  banks  with  $25,000  capital  to  be  organized 
in  places  of  3000  inhabitants  or  less,  whereas  heretofore  the  minimum 
capital  has  been  $50,000.  It  also  permits  banks  to  issue  circulation 
on  all  classes  of  bonds  deposited  up  to  the  par  value  of  the  bonds, 
instead  of  90  per  cent,  of  their  face,  as  heretofore.  This  ought  to 
make  an  immediate  increase  in  national  bank  circulation  of  some- 
thing like  $24,000,000,  as  the  amount  of  bonds  now  deposited  secure 


THE  GOLD  BILL  119 

circulation  of  about  $242,000,000.  If  the  -price  of  the  new  2s  is 
not  forced  so  high  in  the  market  that  there  is  no  profit  left  to 
national  banks  in  taking  out  circulation,  we  may  also  look  for  a 
material  increase  in  national  bank  circulation  based  on  additional 
deposits  of  bonds. 

National  banks  are  permitted  under  the  law  to  issue  circula- 
tion up  to  an  amount  equal  to  their  capital.  The  total  capital  of  all 
national  banks  is  $616,000,000.  The  total  circulation  outstanding 
is  $253,000,000.  There  is,  therefore,  a  possibility  of  an  increase  in 
circulation  of  $363,000,000,  although  the  price  of  the  new  2  per 
cent,  bonds,  as  already  foreshadowed  by  market  quotations  in 
advance  of  their  issue,  promises  to  be  so  high  that  the  profit  to  the 
banks  in  taking  out  circulation  will  not  be  enough  to  make  the 
increase  anything  like  such  a  possible  total. 


CHAPTER  VI. 
The   Money   Question   by  William  J.   Bryan' 

IT  is  scarcely  necessary  to  defend  the  principle  of  bimetallism. 
Three  parties — the  Democratic,  Populist  and  Silver  parties — 
have  not  only  declared  for  bimetallism,  but  have  outlined  the 
specific  legislation  necessary  to  restore  silver  to  its  ancient  position 
by  the  side  of  gold.  The  Republican  platform  (of  1896)  expressly 
declared  that  bimetallism  is  desirable  when  it  pledged  the  Republi- 
can party  to  aid  in  securing  it  as  soon  as  the  assistance  of  certain 
foreign  nations  could  be  obtained.  Those  who  represented  the 
minority  sentiment  in  the  Chicago  Convention  opposed  the  free 
coining  of  silver  by  the  United  States  by  independent  action  on  the 
ground  that,  in  their  judgment,  it  "would  retard  or  entirely  prevent 
the  establishment  of  international  bimetallism,  to  which  the  efforts 
of  the  government  should  be  steadily  directed.''  When  they  asserted 
that  the  efforts  of  the  government  should  be  steadily  directed 
toward  the  establishment  of  international  bimetallism,  they  con- 
demned monometallism.  The  sfold  standard  has  been  weiofhed  in 
the  balance  and  found  wanting.  Take  from  it  the  powerful  sup- 
port of  the  money-owning  and  the  money-changing  classes,  and  it 
cannot  stand  for  one  day  in  any  nation  in  the  world. 

A  Just  Standard  of  Value  ■  > 

It  cannot  be  successfully  claimed  that  monometallism  or  bimet- 
allism, or  any  other  system,  gives  an  absolutely  just  standard  of 
value.  Under  both  monometallism  and  bimetallism  the  govern- 
ment fixes  the  weight  and  fineness  of  the  dollar,  invests  it  with 
legal-tender  qualities,  and  then  opens  the  mints  to  its  unrestricted 
coinage,  leaving  the  purchasing  power  of  the  dollar  to  be  deter- 
mined by  the  number  of  dollars.  Bimetallism  is  better  than  mono- 
metallism, not  because  it  gives  us  a  perfect  dollar — that  is,  a  dollar 

*  Abridged  from  an  address  delivered  in  New  York. 
120 


THE  MONE  Y  Q  UESTION  1 2 1 

absolutely  unvarying  in  its  general  purchasing  power — but  because 
it  makes  a  nearer  approach  to  stability,  to  honesty,  to  justice,  than 
a  gold  standard  possibly  can.  Any  legislation  which  lessens  the 
world's  stock  of  standard  money  increases  the  exchangeable  value 
of  the  dollar ;  therefore,  the  crusade  against  silver  must  inevitably 
raise  the  purchasing  power  of  money  and  lower  the  money  value 
of  all  other  forms  of  property.  Our  opponents  sometimes  admit  it 
was  a  mistake  to  demonetize  silver,  but  insist  that  we  should  submit 
to  present  conditions  rather  than  return  to  the  bimetallic  system. 
They  err  in  supposing  that  we  have  reached  the  end  of  the  evil 
results  of  a  gold  standard ;  we  have  not  reached  the  end.  The 
injury  is  a  continuing  one,  and  no  person  can  say  how  long  the 
world  is  to  suffer  from  the  attempt  to  make  gold  the  only  standard 
money.  The  same  influences  which  are  now  operating  to  destroy 
silver  in  the  United  States  will,  if  successful  here,  be  turned  against 
other  silver-using  countries,  and  each  new  convert  to  the  gold 
standard  will  add  to  the  general  distress.  So  long  as  the  scramble 
for  gold  continues,  prices  must  fall,  and  a  general  fall  in  prices  is 
but  another  definition  of  hard  times. 

Taxes  Have  Not  Been   Perceptibly   Decreased 

The  farmers  are  opposed  to  the  gold  standard  because  they 
have  felt  its  effects.  Since  they  sell  at  wholesale  and  buy  at  retail 
they  have  lost  more  than  they  have  gained  by  falling  prices,  and, 
besides  this,  they  have  found  that  certain  fixed  charges  have  not 
fallen  at  all.  Taxes  have  not  been  perceptibly  decreased,  although 
it  requires  more  of  farm  products  now  than  formerly  to  secure  the 
money  with  which  to  pay  taxes.  Debts  have  not  fallen.  The 
farmer  who  owed  $1,000  is  still  compelled  to  pay  $1,000  although 
it  may  be  twice  as  difficult  as  formerly  to  obtain  the  dollars  with 
which  to  pay  the  debt.  Railroad  rates  have  not  been  reduced  to 
keep  pace  with  falling  prices,  and  besides  these  items  there  are 
many  more.  The  farmer  has  thus  found  It  more  difficult  to  live. 
Has  he  not  a  just  complaint  against  the  gold  standard  ? 


1 2  2  THE  MONE  Y  Q  UESTION 

The  wage-earners  have  been  injured  by  a  gold  standard,  and 
have  expressed  themselves  upon  the  subject  with  great  emphasis. 
In  February,  1895,  a  petition  asking  for  the  immediate  restoration 
of  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  gold  and  silver  at  16  to  i  was 
signed  by  the  representatives  of  all,  or  nearly  all,  the  leading 
labor  organizations  and  presented  to  Congress.  Wage-earners 
know  that  while  a  gold  standard  raises  the  purchasing  power  of 
the  dollar  it  also  makes  it  more  difficult  to  obtain  possession  of  the 
dollar  ;  they  know  that  employment  is  less  permanent,  loss  of  work 
more  probable  and  re-employment  less  certain.  A  gold  standard 
encourages  the  hoarding  of  money  because  money  is  rising ;  it 
also  discourages  enterprise  and  paralyzes   industry. 

Restoration  of  Bimetallism  Will   Discourage   Hoarding 

On  the  other  hand,  the  restoration  of  bimetallism  will  discour- 
age hoarding,  because,  when  prices  are  steady  or  rising,  money  can 
not  afford  to  lie  idle  in  the  bank  vaults.  The  farmers  and  wage- 
earners  together  constitute  a  considerable  majority  of  the  people  of 
the  country.  Why  should  their  interests  be  ignored  in  considering 
financial  legislation  ?  A  monetary  system  which  is  pecuniarily 
advantageous  to  a  few  syndicates  has  far  less  to  commend  it  than  a 
system  which  would  give  hope  and  encouragement  to  those  who 
create  the  nation's  wealth.  Our  opponents  have  made  a  special  ap- 
peal to  those  who  hold  fire  and  life  insurance  policies,  but  these 
policy  holders  know  that,  since  the  total  premiums  received  exceed 
the  total  losses  paid,  a  rising  standard  must  be  of  more  benefit  to 
the  companies  than  to  the  policy  holders.  It  is  oddly  necessary  to 
note  the  increasing  number  of  failures  in  order  to  know  that  a  gold 
standard  is  ruinous  to  merchants  and  manufacturers.  These  busines 
men  do  not  make  their  profits  from  the  people  from  whom  they 
borrow  money,  but  from  the  people  to  whom  they  sell  their  goods. 
If  the  people  cannot  buy,  retailers  cannot  sell,  wholesale  merchants 
and  manufacturers  must  go  into  bankruptcy. 

Those  who  hold,  as  a  permanent  investment,  the  stock  of  rail- 
roads and  other  enterprises — I  do  not  include  those  who  speculate 


THE  MONEY  QUESTION  123 

in  stocks  or  use  stock  holdings  as  a  means  of  obtaining  an  inside 
advantage  in  construction  contracts — are  injured  by  a  gold  standard. 
The  rising  dollar  destroys  the  earning  power  of  these  enterprises 
without  reducing  their  liabilities,  and,,  as  dividends  cannot  be  paid 
until  salaries  and  fixed  charges  have  been  satisfied,  the  stockholders 
must  bear  the  burden  of  hard  times.  Salaries  in  business  occupa- 
tions depend  upon  business  conditions,  and  the  gold  standard  both 
lessens  the  amount  and  threatens  the  permanency  of  such  salaries. 
Ofificial  salaries,  except  the  salaries  of  those  who  hold  of^ce  for  life, 
must,  in  the  long  run,  be  adjusted  to  the  conditions  of  those  who 
pay  the  taxes,  and  if  the  present  financial  policy  continues  we  must 
expect  the  contest  between  the  taxpayer  and  the  taxeater  to  increase 
in  bitterness.  The  professional  classes — in  the  main — derive  their 
support  from  the  producing  classes,  and  can  only  enjoy  prosperity 
when  there  is  prosperity  among  those  who  create  wealth.  I  have 
not  attempted  to  describe  the  effect  of  the  gold  standard  upon  all 
classes — in  fact,  I  only  mention  a  few — but  each  person  will  be  able 
to  apply  the  principles  stated  to  his  own  occupation. 

Persons  Pecuniarily   Benefitted  by  a  Gold  Standard 

Let  me  say  a  word,  now,  in  regard  to  certain  persons  who  are 
pecuniarily  benefited  by  a  gold  standard,  and  who  favor  it,  not  from 
a  desire  to  trespass  upon  the  rights  of  others,  but  because  the  circum- 
stances which  surround  them  blind  them  to  the  effect  of  the  gold 
standard  upon  others.  I  shall  ask  you  to  consider  the  languao-e  of 
two  gentlemen  whose  long  public  service  and  high  standing  in  the 
party  to  which  they  belong  will  protect  them  from  adverse  criticism 
by  our  opponents.  In  1869,  Senator  Sherman  said  :  "  The  contrac- 
tion of  the  currency  is  a  far  more  distressing  operation  than 
Senators  suppose.  Our  own  and  other  nations  have  gone  through 
that  operation  before.  It  is  not  possible  to  take  that  voyage  with- 
out the  sorest  distress.  To  every  person  except  a  capitalist  out  of 
debt,  or  a  salaried  ofihcer  or  annuitant,  it  is  a  period  of  loss,  dano-er, 
lassitude  of  trade,  fall  of  wages,  suspension  of  enterprise,  bank- 
ruptcy and  disaster.      It  means  ruin  to  all  whose  debts  are  twice 


124  THE  MONEY  QUESTION 

their  business  capital  though  one-third  less  than  their  actual 
property.  It  means  the  fall  of  all  agricultural  production  without 
any  great  reduction  of  taxes.  What  prudent  man  would  dare  to 
build  a  house^a  railroad,  a  factory  or  a  barn  with  this  certain  fact 
before  him  ?  "  As  I  have  said  before,  the  salaried  officer  referred 
to  must  be  the  man  whose  salary  is  fixed  for  life,  and  not  the  man 
whose  salary  depends  upon  business  conditions.  When  Mr.  Sherman 
describes  contraction  of  the  currency  as  disastrous  to  all  the  people 
except  the  capitalists  out  of  debt  and  those  who  stand  in  a  position 
similar  to  his,  he  is  stating  a  truth  which  must  be  apparent  to  every 
person  who  will  give  the  matter  careful  consideration.  Mr.  Sherman 
was  at  that  time  speaking  of  the  contraction  of  the  volume  of 
paper  currency,  but  the  principle  he  set  forth  applies,  if  there  is  a 
contraction  of  the  volume  of  the  standard  money  of  the  world. 

Mr.   Blaine's  Discussion  of   the  Same  Principle 

Mr.  Blaine  discussed  the  same  principle  in  connection  with  the 
demonetization  of  silver.  Speaking  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives on  the  7th  of  February,  1878,  he  said  :  "  I  believe  the  struggle 
now  going  on  in  this  country  and.  other  countries  for  a  single  gold 
standard  would,  if  successful,  produce  widespread  disaster  in  and 
throughout  the  commercial  world.  The  destruction  of  silver  as 
money,  and  the  establishing  of  gold  as  the  sole  unit  of  value  must 
have  a  ruinous  effect  on  all  forms  of  property,  except  those  invest- 
ments which  yield  a  fixed  return  in  money.  These  would  be 
enormously  enhanced  in  value,  and  would  gain  a  disproportionate 
and  unfair  advantage  over  every  other  species  of  property."  Is  it 
strange  that  the  "  holders  of  investments  which  yield  a  fixed  return 
in  money"  can  regard  the  destruction  of  silver  with  complacency  ? 
May  we  not  expect  the  holders  of  other  forms  of  property  to 
protest  against  giving  to  a  money  a  "  disproportionate  and  unfair 
advantage  over  every  other  species  of  property  "  ?  The  people  who 
must  purchase  money  with  the  products  of  toil  stand  in  a  position 
entirely  different  from  the  position  of  those  who  own  money  or 
receive  a   fixed  income.     The    well-being    of  the    nation — aye,    of 


THE  MONEY  QUESTION  125 

civilization  itself — depends  upon  the  prosperity  of  the  masses. 
What  shall  it  profit  us  to  have  a  dollar  which  grows  more  valuable 
every  day  if  such  a  dollar  lowers  the  standard  of  civilization  and 
brings  distress  to  the  people  ?  What  shall  it  profit  us  if,  in  trying 
to  raise  our  credit  by  increasing  the  purchasing  power  of  our  dollar, 
we  destroy  our  ability  to  pay  the  debts  already  contracted  by 
lowering  the  purchasing  power  of  the  products  with  which  those  \ 
debts  must  be  paid  ? 

Restoration  of  Bimetallism  will  Restore  the  Parity 

If  it  is  asserted,  as  it  constantly  is  asserted,  that  the  gold  standard 
will  enable  us  to  borrow  more  money  from  abroad,  I  reply  that  the 
restoration  of  bimetallism  will  restore  the  parity  between  money 
and  property,  and  thus  permit  an  era  of  prosperity  which  will  enable 
the  American  people  to  become  loaners  of  money  instead  of  per- 
petual borrowers.  Even  if  we  desire  to  borrow,  how  long  can  we 
continue  borrowing  under  a  system  which,  by  lowering  the  value  of 
property,  weakens  the  foundation  upon  which  credit  rests  ?  We 
are  not  asking  that  a  new  experiment  be  tried,  we  are  insisting 
upon  a  return  to  a  financial  policy  approved  by  the  experi- 
ence of  history  and  supported  by  all  the  prominent  statesmen  of 
our  nation  from  the  days  of  the  first  President  down  to  1873. 
When  we  ask  that  our  mints  be  opened  to  the  free  and  unlimited 
coinage  of  silver  into  full  legal-tender  money,  we  are  simply  asking 
that  the  same  mint  privileges  be  accorded  to  silver  that  are  now 
accorded  to  gold.  When  we  ask  that  this  coinage  be  at  the  ratio 
of  16  to  I  we  simply  ask  that  our  gold  coins  and  the  standard  silver 
dollar — which,  be  it  remembered,  contains  the  same  amount  of 
pure  silver  as  the  first  silver  dollar  coined  at  our  mints — retain 
their  present  weight  and  fineness. 

The  theoretical  advantage  of  the  bimetallic  system  is  best 
stated  by  a  European  writer  on  political  economy,  who  suggests 
the  following  illustration  :  A  river  fed  from  two  sources  is  more 
uniform  in  volume  than  a  river  fed  from  one  source — the  reason 
being  that  when  one  of  the  feeders  is  swollen  the  other  may  be 


126  THE  MONEY  QUESTION 

low  :  Whereas,  a  river  which  has  but  one  feeder  must  rise  or  fall 
with  that  feeder.  So  in  the  case  of  bimetallism  ;  the  volume  of 
metallic  money  receives  contributions  from  both  the  gold  mines  and 
the  silver  mines,  and  therefore,  varies  less,  and  the  dollar  resting 
upon  two  metals,  is  less  changeable  in  its  purchasing  power  than 
the  dollar  which  rests  upon  one  metal  only. 

Gold  and  Silver  are  Linked  Together 

If  there  are  two  kinds  of  money  the  option  must  rest  either 
with  the  debtor  or  with  the  creditor.  Assuming  that  their  rights 
are  equal,  we  must  look  at  the  interests  of  society  in  general  in 
order  to  determine  to  which  side  the  option  should  be  given. 
Under  the  bimetallic  system  gold  and  silver  are  linked  together  by 
law  at  a  fixed  ratio,  and  any  person  or  persons  owning  any  quantity 
of  either  metal  can  have  the  same  converted  into  full  legal-tender 
money.  If  the  creditor  has  the  right  to  choose  the  metal  in  which 
payment  shall  be  made,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  he  will 
require  the  debtor  to  pay  in  the  dearer  metal  if  there  is  any 
perceptible  difference  between  the  bullion  values  of  the  metals. 
This  new  demand  created  for  the  dearer  metal  will  make  that  metal 
dearer  still,  while  the  decreased  demand  for  the  cheaper  m^etal  will 
make  that  metal  cheaper  still.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  debtor 
exercises  the  option,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  he  will  pay 
in  the  cheaper  metal  if  one  metal  is  perceptibly  cheaper  than  the 
other ;  but  the  demand  thus  created  for  the  cheaper  metal  will 
raise  its  price,  while  the  lessened  demand  for  the  dearer  metal  will 
lower  its  price.  In  other  words,  when  the  creditor  has  the  option,  the 
'metals  are  drawn  apart  ;  whereas,  when  the  debtor  has  the  option, 
the  metals  are  held  together  approximately  at  the  ratio  fixed  by 
law  ;  provided  the  demand  created  is  sufificient  to  absorb  all  of 
both  metals  presented  at  the  mint.  Society  is,  therefore,  interested 
in  having  the  option  exercised  by  the  debtor.  Indeed,  there  can 
be  no  such  thing  as  real  bimetallism  unless  the  option  is  exercised 
by  the  debtor.  The  exercise  of  the  option  by  the  debtor  compels  the 
creditor  classes,  whether  domestic  or  foreign,  to  exert  themselves  to 


THE  MONE  V  Q  UESTION  1 29 

maintain  the  parity  between  gold  and  silver  at  the  legal  ratio,  whereas 
they  might  find  a  profit  in  driving  one  of  the  metals  to  a  premium 
if  they  could  then  demand  the  dearer  metal.  The  right  of  the 
debtor  to  choose  the  coin  in  which  payment  shall  be  made  extends 
to  obligations  due  from  the  government  as  well  as  to  contracts 
between  individuals.  When,  prior  to  1873,  silver  was  at  a 
premium,  it  was  never  contended  that  national  honor  required  the 
payment  of  government  obligations  in  silver,  and  the  Matthews 
resolution,  adopted  by  Congress  in  1878,  expressly  asserted  the 
right  of  the  United  States  to  redeem  coin  obligations  in  standard 
silver  dollars  as  well  as  in  gold  coin. 

We  are  told  that  any  attempt  upon  the  part  of  the  government 
at  this  time  to  redeem  its  obligations  in  silver  would  put  a  premium 
upon  gold,  but  why  should  it  ?  The  Bank  of  France  exercises  the 
right  to  redeem  all  bank  paper  in  either  gold  or  silver,  and  yet 
France  maintains  the  parity  between^gold  and  silver  at  the  ratio  of 
15/^  to  I,  and  retains  in  circulation  more  silver  per  capita  than  we 
do  in  the  United  States. 

Free  and  Unlimited  Coinage  by  the   United  States 

We  contend  that  free  and  unlimited  coinage  by  the  United 
States  alone  will  raise  the  bullion  value  of  silver  to  its  coinage 
value,  and  thus  make  silver  bullion  worth  $1.29  per  ounce  in  gold 
throughout  the  world.  This  proposition  is  in  keeping  with  natural 
laws,  not  in  defiance  of  them.  The  best-known  law  of  commerce  is 
the  law  of  supply  and  demand.  We  recognize  this  law  and  build 
our  argument  upon  it.  We  apply  this  law  to  money  when  we  say 
that  a  reduction  in  the  volume  of  money  will  raise  the  purchasing 
power  of  the  dollar  ;  we  also  apply  the  law  of  supply  and  demand 
to  silver  when  we  say  that  a  new  demand  for  silver  created  by  law 
will  raise  the  price  of  silver  bullion. 

In  1878  Mr.  Carlisle  said:  ''Mankind  will  be  fortunate  indeed 
if  the  annual  production  in  gold  and  silver  coin  shall  keep  pace  with 
the  annual  increase  of  population  and  industry."  I  repeat  this 
assertion.    All  of  the  gold  and  silver  annually  available  for  coinage, 


1 30  THE  MONE  V  Q  UESTION 

when  converted  into  coin   at  the  present    ratio,    will    not,    in    my 
judgment,  more  than  supply  our  monetary  needs. 

In  conclusion,  permit  me  to  say  a  word  in  regard  to  inter- 
national bimetallism.  We  are  not  opposed  to  an  international 
agreement  looking  to  the  restoration  of  bimetallism  throughout 
«ithe  world.  The  advocates  of  free  coinage  have  on  all  occasions 
I  shown  their  willingness  to  co-operate  with  other  nations  in  the  re- 
instatement of  silver,  but  they  are  not  willing  to  await  the  pleasure 
of  other  governments  when  immediate  relief  is  needed  by  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  and  they  further  believe  that  independent 
action  offers  better  assurance  of  international  bimetallism  than  ser- 
vile dependence  upon  foreign  aid.  For  more  than  twenty  years  we 
have  invited  the  assistance  of  European  nations,  but  all  progress  in 
the  direction  of  international  bimetallism  has  been  blocked  by  the 
opposition  of  those  who  derive  a  pecuniary  benefit  from  the  appre- 
ciation of  gold.  If  the  double  standard  will  bring  benefits  to  our 
people,  who  will  deny  them  the  rights  to  enjoy  those  benefits  ? 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Trusts 

Government   Interference — Corporations  and  Public 

Franchises. 

Discussed  by  Hon.  Burke   Cochran 

THE  precise  question  which  we  have  been  called  to  consider  is 
the  effects  produced  by  combinations,  whether  of  capital  or 
of  labor,  upon  the  general  prosperity  of  the  community. 
The  first  step  towards  a  solution  of  this  problem  is  to  ascertain  just 
what  we  mean  by  prosperity.  One  of  the  great  difficulties  in  the 
wayof  philosophical  inquiry  into  economic  subjects  is  a  very  gen- 
eral tendency  to  use  vague,  sonorous  and  misleading  phrases,  which 
instead  of  making  a  difficult  problem  clearer  serves  to  becloud  it, 
obscuring  its  outlines,  and  magnifying  its  dimensions.  In  the  con- 
troversies which  have  arisen  over  this  industrial  question,  certain 
expressions  have  become  perverted  from  their  original  significance 
and  have  acquired  a  strange  power  of  provoking  men  to  excitement, 
if  not  belligerency,  so  that  oftentimes  we  find  ourselves  embarassed 
in  discussing  facts  which  concern  us  by  words  which  excite  us.  The 
word  "  trust,"  for  instance,  a  word  originally  of  highly  respectable 
significance,  has  become  discredited — apparently  by  association  with 
millionaires — so  that  its  application  to  a  business  enterprise  is  now 
the  signal  for  discarding  the  sober  language  of  argument  and  for 
invoking  the  violent  epithets  of  denunciation. 

Prosperity  Defined 

For  the  purpose  of  establishing  an  intelligent  basis  of  discus- 
sion, free  from  terms  likely  to  provoke  passionate  declamation,  I 
shall  define  prosperity  as  an  abundance  of  commodities  fairly  dis- 
tributed among  those  who  produce  them.      Now,  this  is  not  to  state 

131 


132  TRUSTS 

two  separate  and  distinct  conditions,  but  rather  two  aspects  of  one 
condition.  For,  I  hope  to  estabhsh  before  I  conclude  that  there 
cannot  be  abundant  production  of  commodities  without  an  ex- 
tensive distribution  of  them  in  the  form  of  wages  wherever  in- 
dustry is  based  upon  freedom.  Whether  that  distribution  be  as 
general  as  we  might  wish,  is  a  question  which  we  will  consider  here- 
after ;  meanwhile  we  can  all  agree  that  distribution  can  be  extensive 
only  where  production  is  abundant.  We  must  have  commodities 
in  existence  before  we  can  distribute  them  in  the  form  of  wages  or 
of  profits.  If  this  definition  of  prosperity  be  correct,  it  must  fol- 
low that  any  industrial  organization  or  system  which  operates  to 
swell  the  volume  of  production  should  be  commended,  and  any  that 
operates  to  restrict  it  should  be  condemned.  For  my  part,  I  could 
never  understand  why  a  sensible  man  should  grow  excited  either 
to  approval  or  resentment  over  a  combination  as  such.  A  com- 
bination may  be  good  or  bad,  according  to  its  effect.  A  combi- 
nation for  prayer  is  a  church.  All  good  men  would  subscribe  to 
the  success  of  it.  A  combination  for  burglary  is  a  conspiracy.  All 
good  men  call  out  the  police  to  prevent  it. 

Diversity  of  Opinion 

Whether  combinations  of  capital  operate  to  raise  prices  or  to 
reduce  them  is  a  subject  about  which  there  has  been  a  wide  diver- 
sity of  opinion,  not  merely  in  this  hall,  but  wherever  economic  ques- 
tions are  discussed.  While  I  am  fully  conscious  that  the  movement 
of  prices  depend  upon  many  forces,  or  perhaps  I  should  rather  say, 
upon  every  force — upon  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  upon  the  sun  that 
quickens  the  seed,  upon  the  rains  that  refresh  it,  upon  the  rivers 
which  facilitate  the  transportation  of  the  crop  harvested  on  the  sur- 
face of  the  earth,  and  of  the  minerals  yielded  from  its  bosom — 
upon  every  element  of  nature  as  well  as  upon  the  industry  of  man. 
I  think  it  is  beyond  question  that  some  combinations  of  capital 
operate  to  cheapen  commodities  and  some  operate  to  make  them 
dearer. 


TRUSTS  133 

I  believe  there  Is  a  very  simple  test  by  which  we  can  always 
determine  the  effect  on  prices  of  any  successful  industrial  organiza- 
tion, and  that  is  to  ascertain  whether  it  flourishes  through  gov- 
ernment aid  or  without  it.  You  must  see,  that  an  industrial 
enterprise  which  dominates  the  market  without  aid  from  gov- 
ernment, must  do  so  by  cheapening  its  product,  or,  as  it  is  com- 
monly described,  by  underselling  competitors.  An  industry  which 
at  one  and  the  same  time  reduces  the  price  of  Its  product  and 
swells  Its  own  profits  can  accomplish  that  result  in  one  way,  and 
one  way  only,  and  that  is  by  increasing  the  volume  of  its  produc- 
tion. On  the  other  hand,  an  industry  which  flourishes  through  the 
aid  of  government,  direct  or  Indirect,  cannot.  In  the  nature  of 
things,  be  a  force  to  lower  prices,  because  if  It  could  dominate  the 
market  by  underselling  competitors  in  a  free  and  open  field  it  would 
not  need  government  favor.  In  that  case,  any  Interference  of  gov- 
ernment with  Its  business  would  be  an  injury,  not  a  benefit.  The 
prosperity  of  an  enterprise  enjoying  government  favor,  depends  not 
'on  the  excellence  of  Its  service,  but  on  the  Inability  of  people  to 
purchase  elsewhere.  Such  a  corporation,  or  combination,  never 
operates  to  stimulate  the  volume  of  production,  but  always  to 
restrict  It,  because  a  government's  aid  to  industry  is  effective  only 
when  It  is  exercised  to  extort  from  the  public  a  volume  of  profit 
which  without  it  could  be  gained  only  by  a  larger  output.  What- 
ever may  be  our  opinions  of  Industrial  enterprises,  dominating  the 
market  by  cheapening  products,  I  believe  we  are  unanimous  in  con- 
deming  as  detrimental  to  prosperity  every  concern  whose  revenues 
derived  from  consumers  forced  to  deal  with  It  on  its  own  terms  are 
not  profits  earned  by  substantial  service,  but  tribute  exacted  from 
a  community  made  helpless  In  Its  hands. 

Government  Interference  With  Trade 

There  are  three  ways  by  which.  In  this  country,  government  In- 
terferes with  the  trade  of  Individuals.  One  is  by  patent  laws.  It 
Is  not  my  purpose  to  Intensify  differences  of  opinion  among  us,  but 
to  emphasize  the  points  on  which  we  can  agree,  and.  If  possible,  to 


134  TRUSTS 

extend  the  field  of  our  agreement.  Questions  which  cannot  possi- 
bly be  settled  or  even  affected  by  anything  which  this  conference 
might  do  or  advise,  it  would  be  utterly  useless  to  discuss.  I  will 
not  waste  time,  therefore,  in  considering  the  effect  of  exclusive 
patents  on  industrial  conditions. 

Another  method  of  government  interference  with  trade  is  by 
tariff  law^.  Every  person  must  concede,  whether  he  believes  in 
high  tariff  or  free  trade,  that  a  protective  tariff  fosters  combinations 
to  control  the  market  in  one  way.  It  restricts  competition  In  any 
commodity  to  those  producing  it  in  this  country.  Under  a  condi- 
tion of  free  trade  every  article  seeking  a  market,  wherever  produced, 
is  exposed  to  the  competition  of  the  whole  world.  Obviously  the 
control  of  a  market  by  a  combination  or  trust  is  facilitated  where 
the  field  of  competition  is  artificially  lirhited,  since  it  is  easier  to 
combine  the  producers  of  one  country  than  those  of  all  countries ; 
to  that  extent  the  tariff  encourages  trusts. 

It  is  proper  to  say,  however,  that  according  to  the  protectionist 
the  exclusion  of  foreign  competion  develops  a  domestic  competion 
much  keener  and  in  some  mysterious  way,  more  beneficent.  I  do  not 
understand  his  logic,  but  I  think  that  is  a  fair  statement  of  his 
proposition.  The  tariff  has  been  discussed  in  this  country  for  some 
eight  or  ten  years,  and  the  question  is  still  unsettled.  As  it  has 
become  a  party  question  we  cannot  hope  to  settle  It  here,  and 
therefore  we  will  relegate  It  to  the  forum  In  which  all  political 
Issues  must  be  decided. 

Great  Corporations  Exercising  Public  Franchises 

There  Is  a  third  and  very  serious  form  of  government  inter- 
ference with  trade  which  I  think  we  can  discuss  profitably  and 
which  in  my  judgment  has  had  a  wider  influence  in  promoting  in- 
dustrial combinations  than  the  tariff,  I  refer  to  special  favors 
extended  to  certain  industries  by  great  corporations  exercising 
public  franchises.  I  call  this  form  of  discrimintation  government 
favor,  because  these  corporations  are  essentially  agencies  of  the 
government  although  their  stocks  are  owned  by  private  individuals. 


TRUSTS  135 

No  person  can  enjoy  a  favor  at  the  hands  of  any  company  exercis- 
ing a  public  franchise  except  at  the  expense  of  another.  This  is 
true  in  every  instance  where  government  extends  special  favor  to 
an  individual.  I  have  said  in  many  places,  and  I  say  it  here,  that 
government  cannot  at  one  and  the  same  time  be  a  fountain  of  gener- 
osity and  of  justice.  Government  cannot  of  itself  create  any- 
thing. It  cannot  by  any  exercise  of  its  own  powers,  compel  the 
boards  that  constitute  this  desk  to  become  a  useful  article  of 
furniture;  it  cannot  summon  the  elements  of  this  building  from 
their  original  places  and  command  them  to  become  a  dur- 
able edifice  ;  it  cannot  cause  two  blades  of  grass  to  grow  where 
one  grew  before  ;  it  cannot  make  a  barren  field  fruitful.  Now,  if 
government  cannot  create  anything  it  has  nothing  of  its  own  to 
bestow  on  anybody.  If  then  it  undertakes  to  enrich  one  individual, 
the  thine  which  it  gfives  him  it  must  take  from  another.  A  gfovern- 
ment  cannot  be  just  and  generous  at  the  same  time,  for  if  it  be  gen- 
erous to  one  it  must  be  oppressive  to  another.  If  it  have  a  favor- 
ite it  must  have  a  victim,  and  that  government  only  is  just  and 
beneficent  which  has  neither  favorites  nor  victims.  Government  is 
always  just  and  always  beneficent  when  it  is  absolutely  impartial. 
Not  merely  must  its  own  hands  be  impartial,  but,  to  paraphrase  Lord 
Bacon,  the  hands  of  its  hands  must  be  impartial ;  not  merely  must 
its  laws  be  impartial,  its  courts  impartial,  its  executive  officers  im- 
partial, but  the  agencies  which  it  empowers  to  discharge  func- 
tions essentially  public,  must  be  impartial  in  their  service  to  every 
human  being  within  the  limits  of  the  state. 

Discrimination  is  Destructive  of  Free  Competion 

It  must  be  clear  that  if  one  person  obtain  rates  of  transporta- 
tion unusually  favorable,  in  other  words,  if  his  goods  be  transported 
for  less  than  the  service  costs,  other  men,  using  the  same 
means  of  transportation  must  make  good  the  loss.  Discrimination 
of  this  character  is  destructive  of  free  competition.  The  producer 
who  gets  the  benefit  of  it  is  able  to  undersell  his  competitor,  not 
by  the  superiority  of  his  product,  but  by  the  favor  of  the  government 


136  TRUSTS  "^ 

agency.  Profit  is  the  object  of  all  industrial  effort.  If  the 
favor  of  a  corporation  be  a  shorter  pathway  to  it  than  efficient 
service  to  the  public,  the  ingenuity,  enterprise  and  talent  of  men 
will  be  diverted  from  the  wholesome  competitions  of  industrial  skill 
to  debasing  and  corrupting  intrigues  for  corporate  favor.  Is  there 
any  remedy  for  this  form  of  oppression  ?  Some  gentlemen  have 
suggested  municipal  ownership  as  a  cure  for  corporate  misconduct, 
I  have  no  irreconcilable  quarrel  with  that  suggestron.  I  concede 
the  principle  of  municipal  ownership. 

Any  public  service  which  the  government  can  authorize  a  cor- 
poration to  perform,  it  can  perform  itself.  The  only  excuse  for 
empowering  a  private  corporation  to  discharge  a  public  function  is 
the  belief  that  it  will  perform  the  service  more  efficiently.  The 
question  of  municipal  ownership  then  is  a  mere  question  of 
expediency. 

Grave  Obstacles  to  be  Overcome 

Can  a  government  through  the  machinery  of  its  civil  service, 
administer  a  railway,  a  gas  company  or  a  telegraph  system,  as 
efficiently  as  private  individuals  inspired  by  hope  of  extensive 
profits,  and  with  the  peculiar  capacity  developed  by  years  of  experi- 
ence in  a  particular  calling  ?  I  won't  debate  that  question  here, 
because  if  municipal  ownership  of  public  franchises  be  a  remedy 
for  existing  evits,  it  is  such  a  remote  one  that  to  discuss  it  would 
be  to  discuss  the  interests  of  our  children  rather  than  of  ourselves. 

There  are  many  grave  obstacles  to  be  overcome  before  muni- 
cipal ownership  could  be  reduced  to  practical  operation,  even 
though  we  should  set  about  establishing  it  to-day.  On  what  basis 
of  valuation  would  we  compute  the  interests  of  the  present 
owners  ?  Should  it  be  fixed  on  the  basis  on  what  these  enterprises 
can  earn  or  on  what  it  would  cost  to  reproduce  them  ?  To  take 
them  on  a  valuation  fixed  according  to  their  present  earning  power 
would  be  a  very  hazardous  speculation.  It  is  exceedingly  doubtful 
if  under  the  administration  of  public  officials  they  could  be  man- 
aged as  economically  as  they  are  now  under  the  management  of 
specially  trained  experts.      But  if  the  cost  of  operation  be  increased, 


TRUSTS  '  137 

the  rates  charged  for  service  must  be  raised.  If  the  rate  of  fare 
from  New  York  ta  Chicago  were  increased  or  the  quality  of  the 
service  impaired,*  the  result  would  be  none  the  less  a  public  calamity 
because  it  was  a  feature  of  municipal  ownership. 

If  it  should  be  decided  to  limit  the  compensation  of  present 
owners  to  the  cost  of  reproducing  existing  railway,  telegraph  or 
gas  plants,  another  and  more  difficult  question  would  arise.  Has 
the  state,  after  allowing  and  encouraging  the  original  grantees  of 
of  these  franchises  to  dispose  of  them  to  innocent  holders  on  a 
valuation  based  on  their  earning  power,  any  right  to  take  those 
franchises  back  upon  a  different  valuation  ? 

Powers  of  Municipalities 

Moreover,  questions  involving  the  powers  of  municipalities 
under  special  constitutional  provisions  would  have  to  be  settled, 
before  one  step  could  be  taken  in  the  reduction  of  this  plan  to 
practical  operation.  On  the  whole,  while  the  theory  of  municipal 
ownership  is  highly  ingenious  and  highly  interesting,  yet,  like  the 
suggestion  of  a  convention  to  frame  a  new  constitution  for  the 
United  States,  as  a  remedy  for  pressing  evils  it  is  somewhat  remote. 

It  seems  to  rae  there  is  a  very  effective  remedy  and  a  very  sim- 
ple one.  It  would  not  be  necessary  to  frame  a  law  prohibiting 
special  privileges  to  individuals  from  public  corporations  ;  that  is  the 
law  to-day.  The  remedy  is  simply  to  prescribe  a  definite  penalty 
for  violation  of  it,  and  to  provide  for  publicity  in  all  the  transac- 
tions of  a  corporation  exercising  public  franchises.  No  fines,  no 
judicial  rebukes,  no  denunciations  from  platforms,  no  legislative 
enactments  merely  declaring  things  to  be  reprehensible  will  eradicate 
the  evil,  but  a  simple  statute  giving  every  shipper,  every  person 
using  a  public  franchise  of  any  kind,  the  right  to  have  disclosed  to 
him  at  any  time  every  contract  and  agreement  made  with  any  other 
person  for  a  similar  service  and  declaring  the  grant  of  a  special 
rate  by  a  corporation  a  felony  punishable  by  a  long  term  of  im- 
prisonment, will  cure  it  effectually. 


138  TRUSTS 

There  is  no  disproportion  between  the  offense  of  which  we 
complain  and  the  remedy  suggested.  Discrimination  in  the  rates 
charged  for  a  service  essentially  public  is  a  crime  of  the  first  mag- 
nitude. The  corporation,  excercising  powers  conferred  by  the 
state  for  the  benefit  of  all  which  denies  one  man  opportunities 
enjoyed,  by  others,  robs  him,  if  not  of  property  in  his  possession,  of 
the  opportunity  to  acquire  property. 

Publicity  of  corporate  proceedings  would  accomplish  more 
than  the  prevention  of  discrimination  in  rates.  It  would  go  far 
towards  curing  the  most  conspicuous  and  the  most  crying  evils  of 
coporate  management. 


Trusts  and  the  Remedies  Proposed* 

Discussed  by 
Honorable  William  Jennings  Bryan 

WITHIN  two  years,  more   trusts  have  been  organized  than 
in  the  previous  history  of  the  country,  and  the  people 
now  come  face  to  face  with  this  question  :  Is  the  trust 
a  blessing  or  a  curse  ?     If  a  curse  what  remedy  can  be  applied  to 
the  curse  ? 

Monopoly  in  private  hands  is  indefensible  from  any  standpoint 
and  intolerable.  I  do  not  divide  monopolies.  There  can  be  no 
good  monopoly  in  private  hands  until  the  Almighty  sends  us  angels 
to  preside  over  us.  There  may  be  a  despot  who  is  better  than 
another  despot,  but  there  is  no  good  despotism. 

The  defense  of  the  monopoly  is  always  placed  on  the  ground 
that  if  you  will  allow  people  to  control  the  market  and  fix  the  price 
they  will  be  good  to  the  people  who  purchase  of  them.  The  entire 
defense  of  the  trusts  rests  upon  a  money  argument.  If  the  trust 
will  sell  an  article  for  a  dollar  less  than  the  article  will  cost  under 
other  conditions,  then,  in  the  opinion  of  some,  that  proves  a  trust  to 
be  a  good  thing. 

*  Abridged  from  a  recent  address. 


TRUSTS  139 

.'/ 
In  the  first  place  I  deny  that  under  a  monopoly  the  price  will 

be  reduced.  In  the  second  place,  if  under  a  monopoly  the  price 
is  reduced,  the  objections  to  a  monopoly  from  other  standpoints  far 
outweigh  the  financial  advantage  that  the  trust  would  bring.  But 
I  protest  against  settling  every  question  upon  the  dollar  argument. 
In  the  early  years  of  Lincoln's  administration  he  sent  a  mes- 
sage to  Congress,  warning  his  countrymen  against  the  approach  of 
monarchy.  He  said  he  saw  in  the  attempt  to  put  capital  even  upon 
an  equal  footing  with  labor  in  the  structure  of  government,  the  ap- 
proach of  monarchy.  Lincoln  was  right.  Whenever  you  put  cap- 
ital upon  an  equal  footing  with  labor,  or  above  labor,  in  the  structure 
of  government,  you  are  on  the  road  to  aid  a  government  that  rests 
not  upon  reason,  but  upon  force. 

Relation  Between  money  and  Man 
Nothing  is  more  important  than  that  we  shall,  in  the  beginning, 
rightly  understand  the  relation  between  money  and  man.  Man  is 
the  creature  of  God,  and  money  is  the  servant  of  man,  and  I  pro- 
test against  all  theories  that  enthrone  money  and  debase  mankind. 
If  you  will  go  about  over  the  country  you  will  see  where  people 
have  subscribed  money  to  establish  enterprises,  and  where  those 
enterprises,  having  come  under  the  control  of  the  trusts  have  been 
closed  up  and  stand  now  as  silent  monuments  to  the  wisdom  of  the 
trust  system.  In  case  of  local  strikes  and  fires  the  work  goes  on 
elsewhere,  thus  preventing  serious  loss. 

When  a  branch  of  industry  is  entirely  in  the  hands  of  one  great 
monopoly,  so  that  every  skilled  man  in  that  industry  has  to  go  to 
the  one  man  for  employment,  then  that  one  man  will  fix  wages  as 
he  pleases,  and  the  laboring  man  will  then  share  the  suffering  of  the 
man  who  sells  the  raw  material. 

Brains  Will  be  at  a  Discount 
I  want  to  warn  you  that  when  the  monopoly  has  absolute  con- 
trol brains  will  be  at  a  discount.    We  have  not  had  yet  a  taste  of  a 
complete  trust.     But  when  the  trust  has  rid  itself  of  all  competitors 
what  is  going  to  be  the  result  ? 


I40  TRUSTS 

On  the  farm  we  used  to  protect  property  from  the  hogs  by 
putting  rings  in  their  noses.  Why  ?  So  that  while  they  were  get- 
ting fat  they  would  not  destroy  more  than  they  were  worth.  One 
of  the  great  purposes  of  government  is  to  put  rings  in  the  noses  of 
hogs.  If  I  were  going  to  try  to  find  the  root  of  the  monopoly  evil 
I  would  go  back  to  the  Bible  for  an  explanation,  and  I  would  find  it 
in  the  declaration  that  the  love  of  money  is  the  root  of  all  evil. 
Falling  prices,  caused  by  a  rising  dollar,  and  the  high  tariff,  have 
contributed  the  desire  to  secure  the  fruits  of  monopoly. 

Some  have  suggested  that  to  put  everything  on  the  free  list 
that  trusts  make,  would  destroy  the  trusts.  But  I  do  not  believe 
that  you  could  destroy  all  the  trusts  by  putting  all  trust-made 
articles  on  the  free  list,  because  if  an  article  can  be  produced  in  this 
country  as  cheaply  as  it  can  be  produced  abroad,  then  the  trust 
could  exist  without  the  benefit  of  any  tariff  at  all,  although  it  can- 
not extort  so  much.  We  cannot  destroy  monopoly  until  we  lay  the 
axe  at  the  root  of  the  tree,  and  make  monopoly  impossible  by  law. 
Discrimination  by  railroads  has  aided  trusts. 

The  Remedies  Proposed 

That  can  be  remedied  by  laws  which  will  place  producers  on  an 
equal  footing.  But  the  remedy  must  be  complete  enough  to  prevent 
the  organization  of  a  monoply.  We  differ  more  in  remedy  than  we 
do  in  our  opinion  of  the  trust.  Few  people  will  defend  the  trust  as 
a  principle. 

As  to  the  remedy. 

Both  state  and  nation  should  have  concurrent  remedies.  In 
the  first  place,  every  state  has,  or  should  have,  the  right  to  create 
any  private  corporation  which  in  the  justice  of  the  people  of  the 
state  is  conducive  to  a  welfare  of  the  people  of  that  state.     " 

I  believe  that  we  can  safely  entrust  to  the  people  of  a  state 
the  settlement  of  a  question  which  concerns  them.  If  they  create  a 
corporation  and  it  becomes  destructive  of  their  best  interests  they 
can  destroy  that  corporation,  and  we  can  safely  trust  them  both  to 
create  and  to  annihilate  if  conditions  make  annihilation  necessary. 


TRUSTS  141 

In  the  first  place,  a  state  has,  or  should  have,  the  right  to  pro- 
hibit any  foreign  corporation  from  doing  business  in  the  state,  and 
it  ought  to  have,  or  has,  the  right  to  impose  such  restrictions  and 
limitations  as  the  people  of  the  state  may  think  necessary  upon  any 
foreign  corporations  doing  business  in  the  state.  I  believe,  in  addi- 
tion to  a  state  remedy,  there  must  be  a  Federal  remedy.  Congress 
has,  or  should  have,  the  power  to  place  such  restrictions  and  limita- 
tions, even  to  the  point  of  prohibition,  upon  any  corporation 
organized  in  one  state,  that  wants  to  do  business  ouside  of  the 
state  contrary  to  public  good. 

I  believe  that  these  concurrent  remedies  will  reach  the  diffi- 
culty, that  the  people  of  every  state  shall  first  decide  whether  they 
want  to  create  a  corporation  ;  that  they  shall,  secondly,  decide 
whether  they  want  any  outside  corporation  to  do  business  in  the 
state,  and,  if  so,  upon  what  conditions  ;  and,  thirdly,  that  Congress 
shall  exercise  the  right  to  place  upon  every  corporation  doing  busi- 
ness outside  of  the  state  in  which  it  is  organized,  such  limitations 
and  restrictions  as  may  be  necessary  for  the  protection  of  the  pub- 
lic orood. 

o 

I  am  ready  to  adopt  any  method  for  the  annihilation  of  trusts. 
One  that  I  suggest  is  this  : 

Provide  for  Publicity  of  al-l  Transactions 

That  Congress  should  pass  a  law,  providing  that  no  corporation 
organized  in  any  state  should  do  business  outside  of  the  state  in 
which  it  is  organized  until  it  receives  from  some  power  created  by 
Congress  a  license,  authorizing  it  to  do  business  outside  of  its  own 
state.  Now,  if  the  corporation  must  come  to  this  body  created  by 
Congress  to  secure  permission  to  do  business  outside  the  state, 
then  that  license  can  be  granted  upon  condition  which  will,  in  the 
first  place,  prevent  the  watering  of  stock  ;  in  the  second  place,  pre- 
vent monopoly  in  any  branch  of  business  ;  and,  third,  provide  for  pub- 
licity as  to  all  of  their  transactions  and  business  of  the  corporation. 

If  this  is  unconstitutional  and  so  declared  by  the  Supreme 
Court,  I  am  in  favor  of  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  that  will 


142 


TRUSTS 


give  to  Congress  power  to  destroy  every  trust  in  the  country.  In 
my  judgment,  when  you  take  from  monopoly  the  power  to  issue 
watered  stock  you  will  go  more  than  half  the  way  toward  destroy- 
ing monopoly  in  the  United  States. 

You  can  provide  for  publicity,  and  that  annually  or  at  such  other 
times  the  corporations  shall  make  returns  of  its  business,  of  its 
earnings,  and  will  go  another  long  step  toward  the  destruction  of 
the  principle  of  monopoly. 

But  I  am  not  willing  to  stop  there,  and  therefore,  as  a  third 
condition,  I  suggest  that  no  license  shall  be  granted  until  the  cor- 
poration shows  that  it  has  not  had  a  monopoly  and  is  not  attempting 
a  monopoly  of  any  branch  of  industry  or  any  article  of  merchan- 
dise, and  then  provide  that  if  the  law  Is  violated  the  license  can 
be  revoked.  I  do  not  believe  in  the  government  giving  privileges 
to  be  exercised  by  a  corporation^  without  reserving  the  right  to 
withdraw  them  when  those  privileges  become  hurtful  to  the  people. 

Placing  the  Dollars  Above  the  Man 

Much  contention  has  been  that  we  have  been  placing  the  dol- 
lar above  the  man  ;  that  we  have  been  picking  out  favorites  in  gov- 
ernment ;  that  we  have  been  bestowing  upon  them  special  privileges, 
and  that  every  advantage  we  have  given  them  has  been  given  them 
to  the  detriment  of  other  people.  My  contention  is  that  there  is  a 
vicious  principle  running  through  the  various  policies  which  we  have 
been  pursuing  ;  that  in  our  taxation  we  have  been  imposing  upon 
the  ereat  strueeline  masses,  the  burdens  of  a-overnment,  while  we 
have  been  voting  the  privileges  to  the  people  who  will  not  pay 
their  share  of  the  expenses  of  the  government. 

I  have  no  fear  that  any  man  by  his  own  brain  or  his  own  muscle 
will  be  able  to  secure  a  fortune  so  great  as  to  be  a  menace  to  the 
welfare  of  his  fellow-men.  When  God  made  man  he  placed  a 
limit  to  his  existence,  so  that  if  he  was  a  bad  man  he  could  not  do 
harm  long,  but  when  we  made  our  man-made  man  (the  corporation) 
we  raised  thedimit  of  his  age.      We  did  not  give  him  a  soul,  and  if 


TRUSTS 


143 


he  can  avoid  punishment  in  this  world  he  need  not  worry  about 
the  hereafter. 

I  want  to  protest  against  this  doctrine  that  the  trust  is  a  natural 
outgrowth  of  natural  laws.  It  is  not  true.  The  trust  is  the  natural 
outgrowth  of  unnatural  conditions  created  by  man-made  laws. 
Government  under  the  four  great  principles  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  is  impossible  under  an  industrial  aristocracy. 

No  Separation  of  Classes  of  Laboring  Men 

Some  people  have  tried  to  separate  the  laboring  man  who 
works  in  the  factory  from  the  laboring  man  who  works  on  the  farm. 
I  want  to  warn  the  laboring  man  in  the  factories  that  they  cannot 
separate  themselves  from  those  on  the  farm  without  inviting  their 
own  destruction.  I  warn  the  laboring  men  in  the  factories  that 
when  they  join  with  monopolies  to  crush  the  farmer,  as  soon  as 
the  farmer  is  crushed  the  laboring  man  will  be  crushed,  and  his  ally 
will  be  destroyed,  and  in  a  test  of  endurance  the  farmer  will  stand 
it  longer  than  the  laboring  man. 

But,  why  should  we  try  to  see  who  could  hold  out  the 
longest  in  suffering  ?  Why  try  to  see  who  can  endure  the  most 
hardships  and  yet  live  ?  Why  not  try  to  see  who  can  contribute 
most  to  the  greatness  and  to  the  glory  and  to  the  prosperity  of  this 
nation  ?  Why,  these  who  can  contribute  most  should  make  this 
government  what  the  fathers  intended  it  for.  For  100  years  this 
nation  has  been  the  light  of  the  world.  For  100  years  the  best  of 
all  nations  have  looked  to  this  nation  for  hope  and  instruction.  Let 
us  settle  these  great  questions  that  we  have  ;  let  us  teach  the  world 
the  blessing  of  a  government  that  comes  from  the  people,  and  let 
us  show  them  how  happy  and  how  prosperous  people  can  be.  I  be- 
lieve the  doctrine  that  God  made  all  men  out  of  the  same  dust  and 
did  not  make  some  to  crawl  on  hands  and  knees  and  others  to  ride 
upon  their  backs.  Let  us  show  what  can  be  done  when  we  put  into 
actual  practice  those  great  doctrines  of  human  equality  and  of 
equal  rights,  and  make  this  government  what  the  fathers  intended, 
so  that  we  shall  lead  the  world,  step  by  step,  into  higher  ground. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

The  Greater  Republic— or  Imperialism* 

Our   Duties  to  the   Islands  in  the   East — England  an  Example  of 

Colonial  Progress — -An   Eloquent  Plea  for  the 

Flag  and  its   Mission 

Discussed  by 
Hon.  Albert  J.  Beveridge,  Senator  from  Indiana 

THE  Republic  never  retreats.  Why  should  it  retreat?  The 
Republic  is  the  highest  form  of  civilization,  and  civilization 
must  advance.  The  Republic's  young  men  are  the  most 
virile  and  unwasted  of  the  world,  and  they  pant  for  enterprise  worthy 
of  their  power.  The  Republic's  preparation  has  been  the  self- 
discipline  of  a  century,  and  that  preparedness  has  found  its  task. 
The  Republic's  opportunity  is  as  noble  as  its  strength,  and  that 
opportunity  is  here.  The  Republic's  duty  is  as  sacred  as  its  oppor- 
tunity is  real,  and  Americans  never  desert  their  duty. 

The  Republic  could  not  retreat  if  it  would  ;  whatever  its  des- 
tiny it  must  proceed.  For  the  American  Republic  is  a  part  of  the 
movement  of  a  race — -the  most  masterful  race  of  history — and  race 
movements  are  not  to  be  stayed  by  the  hand  of  man.  They  are 
mighty  answers  to  Divine  commands.  Their  leaders  are  not  only 
statesmen  of  peoples — they  are  prophets  of  God.  The  inherent 
tendencies  of  a  race  are  its  highest  law.  They  precede  and  survive 
all  statutes,  all  constitutions.  The  first  question  real  statesman- 
ship asks  is:  What  are  the  abiding  characteristics  of  my  people? 
From  that  basis  all  reasoning  may  be  natural  and  true.  From  any 
other  basis  all  reasoning  must  be  artificial  and  false. 

The  sovereign  tendencies  of  our  race  are  organization  and 
government.     We  govern  so  well  that  we  govern  ourselves.     We 

*  Abridged  from  a  recent  address. 
144 


IMPERIALISM  AND  EXPANSION  145 

organize  by  instinct.  Under  the  flag  of  England  our  race  builds 
an  empire  out  of  the  ends  of  earth.  In  Australia  it  is  to-day  erect- 
ing a  nation  out  of  fragments.  In  America  it  wove  out  of  segre- 
gated settlements,  that  complex  and  wonderful  organization,  called 
the  American  Republic.  Everywhere  it  builds.  Everywhere  it 
governs.  Everywhere  it  administers  order  and  law.  Everywhere 
it  is  the  spirit  of  regulated  liberty.  Everywhere  it  obeys  that  voice 
not  to  be  denied  which  bids  us  strive  and  rest  not,  makes  of  us  our 
brother's  keeper  and  appoints  us  steward  under  God  of  the  civiliza- 
tion of  the  world. 

Lincoln  as  a  Prophet 

Organization  means  growth.  Government  means  administra- 
tion. When  Washington  pleaded  with  the  states  to  organize  into 
a  consolidated  people,  he  was  the  advocate  of  perpetual  growth. 
When  Abraham  Lincoln  argued  for  the  indivisibility  of  the  Repub- 
lic he  became  the  prophet  of  the  Greater  Republic.  And  when 
they  did  both,  they  were  but  the  interpreters  of  the  tendencies  of 
the  race.  That  is  what  made  then  Washington  and  Lincoln.  Had 
they  been  separatists  and  contractionists  they  would  not  have  been 
Washington  and  Lincoln — they  would  have  been  Davis  and  Cal- 
houn. They  are  the  great  Americans  because  they  were  the 
supreme  constructors  and  conservers  of  organized  government 
among  the  American  people,  and  to-day  William  McKinley,  as 
divinely  guided  as  they,  is  carrying  to  its  conclusion  the  tre- 
mendous syllogism  of  which  the  works  of  Washington  and  Lincoln 
are  the  premises. 

God  did  not  make  the  American  people  the  mightiest  human 
force  of  all  time  simply  to  feed  and  die.  He  did  not  give  our  race 
the  brain  of  organization  and  heart  of  domain  to  no  purpose  and 
no  end.  No  ;  he  has  given  us  a  task  equal  to  our  talents.  He  has 
appointed  for  us  a  destiny  equal  to  our  endowments.  He  has  made 
us  the  lords  of  civilization  that  we  may  administer  civilization.  Such 
administration  is  needed  in  Cuba.  Such  administration  is  needed  in 
the  Philippines.      And  Cuba  and  the  Philippines  are  in  our  hands. 


146  IMPERIALISM  AND  EXPANSION 

If  it  be  said  that,  at  home,  tasks  as  large  as  our  strength  await 
us — that  poHtics  are  to  be  purified,  want  reheved,  municipal  gov- 
ernment perfected,  the  relations  of  capital  and  labor  better  ad- 
justed, I  answer:  Has  England's  discharge  of  her  duty  to  the 
world  corrupted  her  politics?  Are  not  her  cities,  like  Birmingham, 
the  municipal  models  upon  which  we  build  our  reforms  ?  Is  her 
labor  problem  more  perplexed  than  ours  ?  Considering  the  new- 
ness of  our  country,  is  it  as  bad  as  ours  ?  And  is  not  the  like  true 
of  Holland — even  of  Germany? 

And  what  of  England  ?  England's  immortal  glory  is  not  An- 
gincourt  or  Waterloo.  It  is  not  her  merchandise  or  commerce.  It 
is  Australia,  New  Zealand  and  Africa  reclaimed.  It  is  India  re- 
deemed. It  is  Egypt,  mummy  of  the  nations,  touched  into  modern 
life.  England'3  imperishable  renown  is  in  English  science  throttl- 
ing the  pleague  in  Calcutta.  English  law  administering  order  in 
Bombay.  English  energy  planting  an  industrial  civilization  from 
Carlo  to  the  Cape,  and  English  disclipine  creating  soldiers,  men  and 
finally  citizens,  perhaps,  even  out  of  the  fellaheen  of  the  dead  land 
of  the  Pharaohs.  And  yet  the  liberties  of  Englishmen  were  never 
so  secure  as  now.  And  that  which  is  England's  undying  fame  has 
also  been  her  infinite  profit,  so  sure  is  duty  golden  in  the  end. 

And  what  of  America  ?  With  the  twentieth  century  the  real 
task  and  true  life  of  the  Republic  begins.  And  we  are  prepared. 
We  have  learned  restraint  from  a  hundred  years  of  self-control. 
We  are  instructed  by  the  experience  of  others.  We  are  advised  and 
inspired  by  present  example.      And  our  work  awaits  us. 

Dominant    Notes 

The  dominant  notes  in  American  history  have  thus  far  been 
self-government  and  internal  improvement.  But  these  were  not 
ends  only,  they  were  means  also.  They  were  modes  of  preparation. 
The  dominant  notes  in  American  life  henceforth  will  be  not  only 
self-government  and  internal  development,  but  also  administration 
and  world  improvement.  It  is  the  arduous  but  splendid  mission  of 
our  race.      It  is  ours  to  govern  in  the  name  of  civilized  liberty.      It 


IMPERIALISM  AND  EXPANSION  147 

is  ours  to  administer  order  and  law  in  the  name  of  human  progress. 
It  is  ours  to  chasten  that  we  may  be  kind,  it  is  ours  to  cleanse  that 
we  may  save,  it  is  ours  to  build  that  free  institutions  may  finally 
enter  and  abide.  It  is  ours  to  bear  the  torch  of  Christianity 
where  midnight  has  reigned  a  thousand  years.  It  is  ours  to  rein- 
force that  thin  red  line  which  constitutes  the  outposts  of  civilization 
all  around  the  world. 

If  it  be  said  that  this  is  vague  talk  of  an  indefinite  future,  we 
answer  that  it  is  the  specific  programme  of  the  present  hour.  Civil 
government  is  to  be  perfected  in  Porto  Rico.  The  future  of  Cuba 
is  to  be  worked  out  by  the  wisdom  of  events.  Ultimately,  annexa- 
tion is  as  certain  as  the  island's  existence.  Even  if  Cubans  are 
capable  of  self-government  every  interest  points  to  union.  We  and 
they  may  blunder  forward  and  timidly  try  the  devices  of  doubt. 
But  in  the  end  Jefferson's  desire  will  be  fulfilled  and  Cuba  will  be  a 
part  of  the  great  Republic.  And,  whatever  befall,  definite  and  im- 
mediate work  awaits  us.  Harbors  are  to  be  dredged,  sanitation 
established,  highways  built,  railroads  constructed,  postal  service 
organized,  common  schools  opened,  all  by  or  under  the  Government 
of  the  American  Republic. 

The   Philippines  are  Ours  Forever 

The  Philippines  are  ours  forever.  Let  faint  hearts  anoint  their 
fears  with  the  thought  that  some  day  American  administration  and 
American  duty  there  may  end.  But  they  never  will  end.  England's 
occupation  of  Egypt  was  to  be  temporary ;  but  events,  which  are 
the  commands  of  God,  are  making  it  permanent.  And  now  God 
has  given  us  this  Pacific  empire  for  civilized  administration.  The 
first  office  of  administration  is  order.  Order  must  be  established 
throughout  the  archipelago.  The  spoiled  child,  Aguinaldo,  may  not 
stay  the  march  of  civilization.  Rebellion  against  the  authority  of 
the  flag  must  be  crushed  without  delay,  for  hesitation  encourages 
revolt,  and  without  anger,  for  the  turbulent  children  know  not  what 
they  do.  And  then  civilization  must  be  organized,  administered  and 
maintained.      Law  and  justice  must  rule  where  savagery,  tyranny 


148  IMPERIALISM  AND  EXPANSION 

and  caprice  have  rioted.  The  people  must  be  taught  the  art  of 
orderly  and  continuous  industry.  A  hundred  wildernesses  are  to  be 
subdued.  Unpenetrated  regions  must  be  explored.  Unviolated 
valleys  must  be  tilled.  Unmastered  forests  must  be  felled.  Un- 
riven  mountains  must  be  torn  asunder  and  their  riches  of  iron  and 
gold  and  ores  of  price  must  be  delivered  to  the  world.  We  are  to 
do  in  the  Philippines  what  Holland  does  in  Java,  or  England  in 
New  Zealand  or  the  Cape,  or  else  work  out  new  methods  and  new 
results  of  our  own  nobler  than  any  the  world  has  seen.  All  this  is 
not  indefinite  ;  it  is  the  very  specification  of  duty. 

The  frail  of  faith  declares  that  these  peoples  are  not  fitted  for 
citizenship.  It  is  not  proposed  to-  make  them  citizens.  Those  who 
see  disaster  in  every  forward  step  of  the  Republic  prophesy  that 
Philippine  labor  will  overrun  our  country  and  starve  our  working 
men.  But  the  Javanese  have  not  so  overrun  Holland.  New- Zea- 
land's Malays,  Australia's  bushmen,  Africa's  Kaffirs,  Zulus  and 
Hottentots  and  India's  millions  of  surplus  labor  have  not  so  over- 
run England.  Whips  of  scorpions  could  not  lash  the  Filipinos  to 
this  land  of  feverid  enterprise,  sleepless  industry  and  rigid  order. 

Duty  not  Measured  by  Dollars 

Those  who  measure  duty  by  dollars  cry  out  at  the  expense. 
When  did  Americans  ever  count  the  cost  of  righteousness  ?  And, 
besides,  this  Republic  must  have  a  mighty  navy  in  any  event. 
And  new  markets  secured,  new  enterprises  opened,  new  resources 
in  timber,  mines  and  products  of  the  tropics  acquired  and  the  vitali- 
zation  of  all  our  industries  which  will  follow  will  pay  back  a  thousand 
fold  all  the  government  spends  in  discharging  the  "highest  duty  to 
which  the  Republic  can  be  called. 

Those  who  mutter  words  and  call  It  wisdom,  deny  the  constitu- 
tional power  of  the  Republic  to  govern  Porto  Rico,  Cuba,  the 
Philippines,  for  If  we  have  the  power  In  Porto  Rico  we  have  the 
power  in  the  Philippines.  The  Constitution  Is  not  Interpreted  by 
degrees  of  latltude^or  longitude.  It  is  a  hoary  objection.  There 
have  always  been  those  who  have  proclaimed  the  unconstitutionality 


IMPERIALISM  AND  EXPANSION  149 

of  progress.  The  first  to  deny  the  power  of  the  Repubrelic's  govern- 
ment were  those  who  opposed  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution 
itself,  and  they  and  their  successors  have  denied  its  vitaHty  and 
intelligence  to  this  day.  They  denied  the  Republic's  government 
the  power  to  create  a  national  bank  ;  to  make  internal  improve- 
ments ;  to  issue  greenbacks ;  to  make  gold  the  standard  of  value  ; 
to  preserve  property  and  life  in  states  where  treasonable  Governors 
refused  to  call  for  aid. 

What  Does  the  Constitution  Mean 

Let  them  read  Hamilton  and  understand  the  meaning  of  im- 
plied powers.  Let  them  read  Marshall  and  learn  that  the  Constitu- 
tion is  a  people's  ordinance  of  national  life,  capable  of  growth  as 
great  as  the  people's  growth.  Let  them  learn  the  golden  rule  of 
constitutional  interpretation  ;  the  Constitution  was  made  for  the 
American  people  ;  not  the  American  people  for  the  Constitution. 
Let  them  study  the  history,  purposes  and  instincts  of  our  race  and 
then  read  again  the  Constitution,  which  is  but  an  expression  of  the 
development  of  that  race.  Power  to  govern  territory  acquired. 
What  else  does  the  Constitution  mean  when  it  says  :  "  Congress 
shall  have  power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all  needful  rules  and  regu- 
lations respecting  the  territory  or  other  property  of  the  United 
States  ?"  Bu4;  aside  from  these  express  words  of  the  American 
Constitution,  the  Republic  has  power  to  govern  in  the  Pacific,  the 
Caribbean,  or  in  any  other  portion  of  the  globe  where  Providence 
commands.  Aside  from  the  example  of  Alaska,  all  our  territories 
and  the  experience  of  a  century,  the  Republic  has  the  power  to 
administer  civilization  wherever  interest  and  duty  call.  It  is  the 
power  which  inheres  in  and  is  a  part  of  the  Government  itself.  And 
the  Constitution  does  not  deny  the  Government,  this  inherent 
power  residing  in  the  very  nature  of  all  government.  Who,  then, 
can  deny  it  ?  Those  who  do,  write  a  new  constitution  of  their  own, 
and  interpret  that.  Those  who  do,  dispute  history.  Those  who  do, 
are  alien  to  the  instincts  of  our  race. 

9 


150  IMPERIALISM  AND  EXPANSION 

All  protests  against  the  greater  Republic  are  tolerable  except 
this  constitutional  objection.  But  they  who  resist  the  Republic's 
career  in  the  name  of  the  Constitution  are  not  to  be  endured. 
They  are  jugglers  of  words.  Their  counsel  is  the  wisdom  of  verbi- 
age. They  deal  not  with  realities,  neither  give  heed  to  vital  things. 
The  most  magnificent  fact  in  history  is  the  mighty  movement  and 
mission  of  our  race,  and  the  most  splendid  phase  of  that  world-re- 
deeming movement  is  the  entrance  of  the  American  people  as  the 
greatest  force  in  all  the  earth  to  do  their  part  in  administering  civi- 
lization among  mankind,  and  they  are  not  to  be  halted  by  a  ruck  of 
words  called  constitutional  arguments.  Pretenders  to  legal  learn- 
ing have  always  denounced  all  virile  interpretations  of  the  Constitu- 
tion. The  so-called  constitutional  lawyers  in  Marshall's  day  said 
that  he  did  not  understand  the  Constitution,  because  he  looked  not 
at  its  syllables,  but  surveyed  the  whole  instrument  and  beheld  in 
its  profound  meaning  and  infinite  scope  the  sublime  human 
processes  of  which  it  is  an  expression.  The  Constitution  is  not  a 
prohibition  of  our  progress.  It  is  not  an  interdict  to  our  destiny. 
It  is  not  a  treatise  on  geography.  Let  the  flag  advance  ;  the  word 
'  retreat '  is  not  in  the  Constitution.  Let  the  Republic  govern  as 
conditions  demand ;  the  Constitution  does  not  benumb  its  brain 
nor  palsy  its  hand. 

Our  Duties  to  Assist  Them 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  applies  only  to  peoples 
capable  of  self-government.  Otherwise,  how  dared  we  administer 
the  affairs  of  the  Indians  ?  How  dare  we  continue  to  govern 
them  to-day  ?  Precedent  does  not  impair  natural  and  unalienable 
rights.  And  how  is  the  world  to  be  prepared  for  self-government  ? 
Savagery  cannot  prepare  itself.  Barbarism  must  be  assisted  toward 
the  light.  Assuming  that  these  people  can  be  made  capable  of 
self-government,  shall  we  have  no  part  in  this  sacred  and  glorious 
cause  ? 

And  if  self-government  is  not  possible  for  them,  shall  we  leave 
them  to  themselves  ?     Shall  tribal  wars  scourge  them,  disease  waste 


IMPERIALISM  AND  EXPANSION  151 

them,  savagery  brutalize  them  more  and  more  ?  Shall  their  fields 
lie  fallow,  their  forests  rot,  their  mines  remain  sealed,  and  all  the 
purposes  and  possibilities  of  nature  be  nullified?  If  not,  who  shall 
pfovern  them  rather  than  the  kindest  and  most  merciful  of  the 
world's  great  race  of  administrators,  the  people  of  the  American 
Republic  ?  Who  lifted  from  us  the  judgment  which  makes  men  of 
our  blood  our  brothers'  keepers  ? 

Liberty   Not  Denied 

We  do  not  deny  them  liberty.  The  administration  of  orderly 
government  is  not  denial  of  liberty.  The  administration  of  equal 
justice  is  not  the  denial  of  liberty.  Teaching  the  habits  of  indus- 
try is  not  denial  of  liberty.  Development  of  the  wealth  of  the 
land  is  not  denial  of  liberty.  If  they  are,  then,  civilization  itself 
is  the  denial  of  liberty.  Denial  of  liberty  to  whom  ?  There  are 
twelve  millions  of  people  in  the  Philippines  divided  into  thirty  tribes 
Aguinaldo  is  of  the  Tagal  tribe  of  two  million  souls,  and  he  has 
an  intermittent  authority  over  less  than  50,000  of  these.  To  deliver 
these  continental  islands  to  him  and  his  crew  would  be  to  estab- 
lish an  autocracy  of  barbarism.  It  would  be  to  license  spolia- 
tion. '  It  would  be  to  plant  the  republic  of  piracy,  for  such 
a  government  could  not  prevent  that  crime  in  piracy's  natural 
home.  It  would  be  to  make  war  certain  among  the  powers 
of  earth,  who  would  dispute,  with  arms,  each  other's  posses- 
sion of  a  Pacific  empire  from  which  that  ocean  can  be  ruled. 
The  blood  already  shed  is  but  a  drop  to  that  which  would  flow  if 
America  would  desert  its  post  in  the  Pacific.  And  the  blood  already 
spilled  was  poured  out  upon  the  altar  of  the  world's  regeneration, 
Manila  is  as  noble  as  Omdurman,  and  both  are  holier  than  Jericho. 
Retreat  from  the  Philippines  on  any  pretext  would  be  the  master 
cowardice  of  history.  It  would  be  the  betrayal  of  a  trust  as 
sacred  as  humanity.  It  would  be  a  crime  against  Christian 
civilization,  and  would  mark  the  beginning  of  the  decadence 
of  our  raCe.      And  so,  thank  God,  the  Republic  never    retreats. 


152  IMPERIALISM  AND  EXPANSION 

The  fervent  moral  resolve  throughout  the  Republic  is  not 
"a  fever  of  expansion."  It  is  a  tremendous  awakening  of  the 
people  like  that  of  Elizabethan  England.  It  is  no  fever,  but  the  hot 
blood  of  the  most  magnificent  young  manhood  of  all  time ;  a  man- 
hood begotten  while  yet  the  splendid  moral  passion  of  the  war  for 
national  life  filled  the  thought  of  all  the  land  with  ideals  worth 
dying  for,  and  charged  its  very  atmosphere  with  noble  purposes 
and  a  courage  which  dared  put  destiny  to  the  touch — a  manhood 
which  contains  a  million  Roosevelts,  Woods,  Hobsonsand  Duboces, 
who  grieve  that  they,  too,  may  not  so  conspicuously  serve  their 
country,  civilization  and  mankind.  Indeed,  these  heroes  are  great 
because  they  are  typical.  American  manhood  to-day  contains  the 
master  administrators  of  the  world  and  they  go  forth  for  the  healing 
of  the  nations.  They  go  forth  in  the  cause  of  civilization.  They 
go  forth  for  the  betterment  of  man  ;  they  go  forth,  and  the  word 
on  their  lips  is,  Christ  and  His  peace — not  conquest  and  its  pillage. 
They  go  forth  to  prepare  the  peoples,  through  decades,  and  maybe, 
centuries  of  patient  effort,  for  the  great  gift  of  American  institutions. 
They  go  forth,  not  for  imperialism,  but  for  the  Greater.  Republic. 

Imperialism   Not  the  Word 

Imperialism  is  not  the  word  for  our  vast  work,  imperialism  as 
used  by  the  opposers  of  the  national  greatness,  means  oppression, 
and  we  oppress  not.  Imperialism,  as  used  by  the  opposers  of 
national  destiny,  means  monarchy,  and  the  days  of  monarchy  are 
spent.  Imperialism,  as  used  by  the  opposers  of  national  prog- 
ress, is  a  word  to  frighten  the  faint  of  heart,  and  so  is  powerless 
with  the  fearless  American  people.  Who  honestly  believes  that  the 
liberties  of  the  80,000,000  Americans  will  be  destroyed  because  the 
Republic  administers  civilization  in  the  Philippines  ?  Who  honestly 
believes  that  free  institutions  are  stricken  unto  death  because  the 
Republic,  under  God,  takes  its  place  as  the  first  power  of  the  world  ? 
Who  honestly  believes  that  we  plunge  to  our  doom,  when  we  march 
forward  in  a  path  of  duty,  prepared  by  a  higher  wisdom  than  our 
own  ?     Those  who  so  believe  have  lost  their  faith  in  the  immortality 


IMPERIALISM  AND  EXPANSION  155 

of  liberty.  Those  who  so  beHeve  have  lost  the  reckoning  of  events 
and  think  it  sunset  when  it  is,  in  truth,  only  the  breaking  of  another 
day — the  day  of  the  Greater  Republic,  dawning  as  dawns  the 
twentieth  century. 

The  Republic  never  retreats.  Its  flag  is  the  only  flag  that  has 
never  known  defeat.  Where  the  flag  leads  we  follow,  for  we  know 
that  the  hand  that  bears  it  onward  is  the  unseen  hand  of  God. 
We  follow  the  flag  and  independence  is  ours.  We  follow  the  flag 
and  nationality  is  ours.  We  follow  the  flag  and  oceans  are  ruled. 
We  follow  the  flag  and,  in  the  Occident  and  Orient,  tyranny  falls 
and  barbarism  is  subdued.  We  follow  the  flag  at  Trenton  and 
Valley  Forge,  at  Saratoga  and  upon  the  crimson  seas,  at  Buena 
Vista  and  Chapultepec,  at  Gettysburg  and  Missionary  Ridge,  at 
Santiago  and  Manila,  and  everywhere  and  always  it  means  larger 
liberty,  nobler  opportunity  and  greater  human  happiness,  for  every- 
where and  always  it  means  the  blessings  of  the  Greater  Republic. 
And  so  God  leads,  we  follow  the  flag,  and  the  republic  never  retreats. 


CHAPTER   IX. 
Anti-Imperialism 

The    Policy  Toward  the  Philippines   Should   be  Dictated  by  the 
Spirit  of  Justice — The  Declaration  of   Independence 
Applied — The    Constitution   Properly  Inter- 
preted— Another    Policy    Proposed 

An  Able  Argument  by 

Honorable  George  F.   Hoar 

Senator  from  Massachusetts 

UNTIL  within  two  years  the  American  people  have  been  wont 
to  appeal  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence  as  the  fore- 
most state  paper  in  history.  As  the  years  go  round  the 
Fourth  of  July  has  been  celebrated  wherever  Americans  could  gather 
together,  at  home  or  abroad.  To  have  signed  it,  to  an  American, 
was  better  than  a  title  of  nobility.  It  was  no  passionate  utterance 
of  a  hasty  enthusiasm.  There  was  nothing  of  the  radical  in  it ; 
nothing  of  Rosseau  ;  nothing  of  the-  French  Revolution.  It  was 
the  sober  utterance  of  the  soberest  men  of  the  soberest  generation 
that  ever  lived.  It  was  the  declaration  of  a  religious  people  at  the 
most  religious  period  of  their  history.  It  was  a  declaration  not 
merely  of  rights  but  of  duties.  It  was  an  act  not  of  revolution  but  of 
construction.  It  was  the  corner  stone,  the  foundation  stone  of  a 
great  national  edifice  wherein  the  American  people  were  to  dwell 
forevermore.  The  language  was  the  language  of  Thomas  Jefferson. 
But  the  thought  was  the  thought  of  every  one  of  his  associates. 
The  men  of  the  Continental  Congress  meant  to  plant  their  new 
nation  on  eternal  verities  which  no  man  possessed  by  the  spirit  of 
liberty  could  ever  thereafter  undertake  to  challenge.  As  the  Chris- 
tian religion  was  rested  by  its  author  on  tv/o  sublime  commandments 
on  which  hang  all  the  laws  and  the  prophets,  so  these  men  rested 
156 


ANTI-IMPERIALISM  i57 

republican  liberty  on  two  sublime  verities  on  which  it  must  stand,  if 
it  can  stand  at  all ;  in  which  it  must  live  or  bear  no  life.  One  was 
the  equality  of  the  individual  man  with  every  other  in  political 
right.  The  other  is  that  you  are  now  seeking  to  overthrow — the 
right  of  every  people  to  institute  their  own  government,  laying  its 
foundation  on  such  principles  and  organizing  its  powers  in  such 
form  as  to  them  shall  seem  most  likely  to  effect  their  safety  and 
happiness,  and  so  to  assume  among  the  powers  of  the  earth  the 
separate  and  equal  station  to  which  the  laws  of  nature  and  of 
nature's  God  entitle  them.  Equality  of  individual  manhood  and 
equality  of  individual  states.  This  is  the  doctrine  which  the  Repub- 
lican party  is  now  urged  to  deny. 

Thomas  Jefferson's  Policy. 

To  justify  that  denial  the  advocates  of  the  policy  of  imperial- 
ism are  driven  to  the  strange  affirmation  that  Thomas  Jefferson  did 
not  believe  it  and  contradicted  it  when  he  purchased  Louisiana ; 
that  John  Quincy  Adams  did  not  believe  it  and  contradicted  it 
when  he  bought  Florida  ;  that  Abraham  Lincoln  did  not  believe  it 
and  contradicted  it  when  he  put  down  the  rebellion  ;  that  Charles 
Sumner  did  not  believe  it  and  contradicted  it  when  he  bought 
Alaska.  They  say  that  because,  with  the  full  and  practical  consent 
of  the  men  who  occupied  them,  these  men  bought  great  spaces  of 
territory  occupied  by  sparse  and  scattered  populations,  neither  own- 
ing it  or  pretending  to  own  it,  not  capable  of  occupying  it  or  govern- 
ing it,  destitute  of  every  single  attribute  which  makes  or  can  make 
a  nation  or  a  people,  those  statesmen  of  ours,  designing  to  make 
the  territory  acquired  into  equal  states,  to  be  dwelt  in  and  governed 
under  our  Constitution  by  men  with  rights  equal  to  our  own-  that 
therefore  you  may  get  by  purchase  or  by  conquest  an  unwilling 
people,  occupying  and  governing  a  thickly  settled  territory,  possess- 
ing every  attribute  of  a  national  life,  enjoying  a  freedom  they  have 
themselves  achieved  ;  that  you  may  crush  out  their  national  life ; 
that  you  may  overthrow  their  institutions  ;  that  you  may  strangle 
their  freedom  ;  that  you  may  put  over  them  governors  whom  you 


158  ANTI-IMPERIALISM 

appoint  and  in  whose  appointment  they  have  no  voice  ;  that  you 
may  make  laws  for  them  in  your  interest  and  not  in  theirs  ;  that 
you  may  overthrow  their  repubHcan  Hberty,  and  in  doing  this  you 
appeal  to  the  example  of  Thomas  Jefferson  and  John  Quincy 
Adams  and  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Charles  Sumner. 

Thomas  Jefferson  comes  down  in  history  with  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  in  one  hand  and  the  title  deed  of  Louisiana  in  the 
other.  Do  you  think  his  left  hand  knew  not  what  his  right  hand 
did  ?  Do  you  think  these  two  immortal  transactions  contradicted 
each  other  ?  Do  you  think  he  bought  men  like  sheep  and  paid  for 
them  in  gold?  It  is  true  the  men  of  the  Declaration  held  slaves. 
Jefferson  felt  the  inconsistentcy,  and  declared  that  he  trembled  for 
his  country  when  he  felt  that  God  was  just.  But  he  lived  and  died 
in  the  expectation  that  the  Declaration  would  abolish  slavery,  as 
it  did. 

Doctrine  of  the  Consent  of  the  Governed 

In  every  accession  of  territory  to  this  country  ever  made  we 
recognized  fully  the  doctrine  of  the  consent  of  the  governed  and 
the  doctrine  that  territory  so  acquired  must  be  held  to  be  made 
into  states.  The  men  who  say  that  Jefferson  violated  the  doctrine 
of  the  Declaration  when  he  bought  Louisiana,  and  John  Quincy 
Adams  when  he  acquired  Florida,  and  Sumner  when  he  made  his 
great  speech  for  Alaska,  might,  with  as  much  reason,  justify  a  rape 
by  citing  the  precedent  of  every  lawful  marriage  that  has  taken 
place  since  the  beginning  of  time. 

The  confusion  of  the  argument  of  our  friends  on  the  other  side 
comes  from  confounding  the  statement  in  the  Declaration  of  the 
rights  of  individuals  with  the  statement  of  the  rights  of  nations,  or 
peoples,  in  dealing  with  one  another. 

The  whole  Declaration  is  a  statement  of  political  rights  and 
political  relations  and  political  duties. 

First.  Every  man  is  equal  in  political  rights,  including  the  right 
to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  to  every  other. 

Second.  No  people  can  come  under  the  government  of  any 
other   people,   or  of  any  ruler,  without  its  consent.     The  law  of 


ANTI-IMPERIALISM  159 

nature  and  of  nature's  God  entitle  every  people  to  its  separate  and 
equal  station  among  the  powers  of  the  earth.  Our  fathers  were 
not  dealing  in  this  clause  with  the  doctrine  of  the  social  compact  ; 
they  were  not  considering  the  rights  of  minorities  ;  they  used  the 
word  "people"  as  equivalent  to  "nation,"  or  "state,"  as  an 
organized  political  being,  and  not  as  a  mere  aggregate  of  persons 
not  collected  or  associated.  They  were  not  thinking  of  Robinson 
Crusoe  in  his  desolate  island,  or  of  scattered  settlers,  still  less  of 
predatory  bands  roaming  over  vast  regions  they  could  neither  own 
nor  occupy.  They  were  affirming  the  right  of  each  of  the  thirteen 
colonies  separately  or  of  all  together  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of 
George  III  and  to  separate  itself  or  themselves  from  Great  Britain. 
Now,  you  must  either  admit  that  what  they  said  was  true,  or  you 
must  affirm  the  contrary. 

God  Given  Rights 

The  question  is  put,  with  an  air  of  triumph,  as  if  it  were  some- 
how hard  to  answer.  If  this  doctrine  apply  to  1,000,000  men 
why  does  it  not  apply  to  100  men  ?  At  what  point  in  the 
census  do  men  get  these  God-given  rights  of  yours  ?  Well,  the 
answer  is  easy  enough.  Our  fathers,  in  the  affirmation  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  you  are  now  denying,  were  speaking 
of  the  equal  rights  of  nations,  of  their  duties  to  each  other.  The 
exact  point  where  a  few  scattered  settlements  become  a  people,  or 
a  few  nomadic  tribes  a  nation,  m.ay  not  admit  of  precise  mathe- 
matical definition.  At  what  point  does  a  brook  become  a  river  ? 
When  does  a  pond  become  a  lake,  or  a  lake  a  sea,  or  a  breeze  a 
hurricane  ?  You  can  not  tell  me.  But  surely  there  are  nations  and 
peoples,  there  is  organized  national  life  ;  and  there  are  scattered 
habitations  and  wandering  tribes  to  whom  these  titles  are  never 
applied.  Louisiana,  Florida,  Alaska,  New  Mexico,  California, 
neither  had,  nor  did  their  inhabitants  claim  to  have,  such  a  national 
vitality  when  we  acquired  them.  And  if  there  were  anything  of 
that  sort  when  we  annexed  them,  it  desired  to  come  to  us.     And  it 


i6o  ANTI-IMPERIALISM  •«. 

came  to  us  to  become  part  of  us — bone  of  our  bone,   flesh  of  our 
flesh,  hfe  of  our  Hfe,  soul  of  our  soul. 

But  I  can  give  you  two  pretty  safe  practical  rules,  quite  enough 
for  this  day's  purpose.  Each  of  them  will  solve  your  difficulty,  if 
you  have  a  difficulty,  and  want  to  solve  it.  That  is  a  people,  that 
is  a  power  of  the  earth,  that  is  a  nation  entitled  as  such  to  its 
separate  and  equal  station  among  the  powers  of  the  earth  by  the 
laws  of  nature  and  of  nature's  God,  that  has  a  written  constitution, 
a  settled  territory,  an  independence  it  has  achieved,  an  organized 
army,  a  congress,  courts,  schools,  universities,  churches,  the 
Christian  religion,  a  village  life  in  orderly,  civilized,  self-governed 
municipalities ;  a  pure  family  life,  newspapers,  books,  statesmen 
who  can  debate  questions  of  international  law,  like  Mabini,  and 
organize  governments,  like  Aguinaldo  ;  poets  like  Jose  Rizal ;  aye, 
and  patriots  who  can  die  for  liberty,  like  Jose  Rizal.  The  Boer 
republic  is  a  nation,  and  it  is  a  crime  to  crush  out  it^  life,  though 
its  population  be  less  than  that  of  Providence,...  R.  I.  Each  one  of 
our  old  thirteen  States  would  have  been  a  nation,  even  if  it  had 
stood  alone.  And  the  Philippine  republic,  with  twenty  times  the 
number  of  the  Boers,  a  people  more  than  the  whole  thirteen  States 
who  joined  in  the  Declaration  put  together,  is  a  nation,  and  it  is  a 
greater  crime  still  to  crush  out  its  life. 

Aguinaldo  Brave,  Honest,  and  Patriotic 

If  there  were  no  Constitution,  if  there  were  no  Declaration,  if 
there  were  no  international  law,  if  there  were  nothing  but  the  his- 
tory of  the  past  two  years,  the  American  people  would  be  bound 
in  honor,  if  there  be  honor,  bound  in  common  honesty,  if  there  be 
honesty,  not  to  crush  out  this  Philippine  republic,  and  not  to  wrest 
from  this  people  its  independence.  The  history  of  our  dealing 
with  the  Philippine  people  is  found  in  the  reports  of  our  comman- 
ders. It  is  all  contained  in  our  official  documents  and  published 
statements  of  General  Anderson  and  in  the  speeches  of  the  Presi- 
dent. It  is  little  known  to  the  country  to-day.  When  it  shall  be 
known,  I  believe  it  will  cause  a  revolution  in  public  sentiment. 


ANTI-IMPERIALISM  i6i 

There  are  1,200  islands  In  the  PhiHppine  group.  They  extend 
as  far  as  from  Maine  to  Florida.  They  have  a  population  variously 
estimated  at  from  8,000,000  to  12,000,000.  There  are  wild  tribes 
who  never  heard  of  Christ,  and  islands  that  never  heard  of  Spain. 
But  among  them  are  the  people  of  the  Island  of  Luzon,  numbering 
3,500,000,  and  the  people  of  the  Visayan  Islands,  numbering  2,500,- 
000  more.  They  are  a  Christian  and  civilized  people.  They  wrested 
their  independence  from  Spain  and  established  a  republic.  Their 
rights  are  no  more  to  be  affected  by  the  few  wild  tribes  in  their  own 
mountains  or  by  the  dwellers  in  the  other  islands  than  the  rights  of 
our  old  thirteen  states  were  affected  by  the  French  in  Canada,  or 
the  Six  Nations  of  New  York,  or  the  Cherokees  of  Georgia,  or  the 
Indians  west  of  the  Mississippi.  Twice  our  commanding  generals, 
by  their  own  confession,  assured  these  people  of  their  independence. 
Clearly  and  beyond  all  cavil  we  formed  an  alliance  with  them. 

A  Few  Pregnant  Questions 

We  expressly  asked  them  to  co-operate  with  us.  We  handed  over 
our  prisoners  to  their  keeping ;  we  sought  their  help  in  caring  for 
our  sick  and  wounded.  We  were  told  by  them  again  and  again  and 
again  that  they  were  fighting  for  independence.  Their  purpose 
was  as  well  known  to  our  generals,  to  the  War  Department,  and  to 
the  President,  as  the  fact  that  they  were  inarms.  We  never  unde- 
ceived them  until  the  time  when  hostilities  were  declared  in 
1899.  The  President  declared  again  and  again  that  we  had  no  title 
and  claimed  no  right  to  anything  beyond  the  town  of  Manila. 
Hostilities  were  begun  by  us  at  a  place  where  we  had  no  right  to 
be,  and  were  continued  by  us  in  spite  of  Aguinaldo's  disavowal  and 
regret  and  offer  to  withdraw  to  a  line  we  should  prescribe.  If  we 
crush  that  republic,  despoil  that  people  of  their  freedom  and  inde- 
pendence, and  subject  them  to  our  rule,  it  will  be  a  story  of  shame 
and  dishonor. 

Is  it  right,  is  it  just,  to  subjugate  this  people  ?     To  substitute 
our  government  for  their  self-government,  for  the  constitution  they 


1 6  2  ANTI-IMPERIALISM 

have  proclaimed  and  established,  a  scheme  of  government  such  as 
we  could  devise  ten  thousand  miles  away  ? 

Is  it  right,  to  put  over  them  officers  whom  we  are  to  select  and 
they  are  to  obey  and  pay  ? 

Is  it  right  to  make  tariffs  for  our  interests  and  not  theirs  ? 

Are  the  interests  of  the  Manila  tobacco  grower  to  be  decided 
upon  hearings  given  to  the  tobacco  raisers  of  Connecticut  River 
valley? 

Are  these  mountains  of  iron,  and  nuggets  of  gold,  and  stores  of 
coal,  and  hemp-bearing  fields,  and  fruit-bearing  gardens  to  be 
looked  upon  by  our  legislators  with  covetous  eyes  ? 

Is  it  our  wealth  or  their  wealth  these  things  are  to  increase? 

There  are  other  pregnant  questions,  some  of  which  perhaps 
require  a  little  examination  and  a  little  study  of  the  reports  of  our 
commanders. 

Had  they  rightfully  achieved  their  independence  when  hostili- 
ties began  between  us  and  them  ? 

Did  they  forfeit  their  independence  by  the  circumstances  of  the 
war  ? 

They  Were  Fit  for  Independence 

On  the  whole,  have  they  not  shown  that  they  are  fit  for  self- 
government,  fit  as  Cuba,  fit  as  Greece,  fit  as  Spain,  fit  as  Japan,  fit 
as  Haiti  or  San  Domingo,  fit  as  any  country  to  the  south  of  us, 
from  the  Rio  Grande  to  Cape  Horn,  was  when,  with  our  approval, 
those  countries  won  their  liberties  from  Spain  ? 

Can  we  rightfully  subjugate  a  people  because  we  think  them 
unfit  for  self-government  ? 

They  say  Aguinaldo,  in  the  beginning,  established  a  dictator- 
ship. So  did  we.  The  difference  is  he  promised  to  abandon  it 
when  independence  was  achieved,  accompanied  it  with  a  form  of 
government,  and  the  soldiers  under  his  command  were  eager  to 
give  way  to  the  civil  power,  even  when  there  came  what  turned  out 
to  be  a  false  rumor  that  independence  was  not  to  be  interfered  with 
by  us. 


ANTI-IMPERIALISM  165 

We,  on  the  other  hand,  steadfastly  refused  to  promise  anything 
for  the  future,  and  we  refuse  it  now.  The  dictatorship  for  a  short 
time  of  the  trusted  and  beloved  leader  of  a  nation  fighting  for  free- 
dom and  the  dictatorship  forever  of  a  foreign  country  talking  about 
Chinese  trade  and  mountains  of  coal  and  nuggets  of  gold  are  very 

different  things. 

Remarkable  Development 

It  seems  to  me  that  the  Filipino  leaders  and  the  Filipino  peo- 
ple have  shown  themselves,  under  difficult  and  trying  conditions,  as 
fit  for  freedom  and  self-government  as  any  people  south  of  us  on 
the.  American  continent  from  the  Rio  Grande  to  Cape  Horn.  I 
believe  if  we  had  dealt  with  them  as  it  seems  to  me  we  ought  to 
have  dealt  with  them,  they  would  have  established  their  nation  in 
constitutional  liberty  much  more  rapidly  than  has  beeen  done  by 
any  Spanish-speaking  people,  Certainly  they  would  have  com- 
pared favorably  with  Haiti,  with  San  Domingo,  or  even  with  Mex- 
ico in  her  early  days.  They  devised  an  excellent  constitution. 
They  had  a  congress,  they  had  courts,  they  had  a  president,  they 
had  a  cabinet.  Much  less  than  this  was  declared  by  our  imperi- 
alist friends  sufficient  to  make  Cuba  a  nation  entitled  to  recognition. 
It  is  true  they  declared  a  dictatorship  for  their  transition  period, 
just  as  Bolivar  did  in  the  South  American  countries:  just  as  Mas- 
sachusetts did  with  her  committee  of  safety  during  the  first  few 
years  of  the  Revolutionary  war.  They  had  newspapers,  schools, 
literature,  statesmen.  They  have  exhibited  remarkable  fighting 
qualities,  considering  the  enormous  superiority  of  the  mighty  an- 
tagonist with  whom  they  had  to  deal.  Major  Younghusband,  an 
English  writer  of  great  intelligence,  sympathizing  himself  with  the 
British  view  of  human  rights  and  the  relations  of  powerful  coun- 
tries to  weak  ones,  which  our  friends  have  imbibed  of  late  days, 
says  that  their  people  were  stirred  to  their  last  outbreak  against 
Spain  by  the  effect  of  a  powerful  novel,  just  as  our  people  in  the 
old  anti-slavery  days  were  moved  by  "  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin,"  They 
are  Christians.  In  their  houses  and  churches  are  found  books, 
paintings,  and  other  works  of  art.      One   pretty  high   authority — I 


1 66  ANTI-IMPERIALISM 

do  not  think  that  is  at  all  true,  however — says  that  there  was  less 
illiteracy  there  than  in  the  United  States.  But  I  have  no  doubt 
that  there  was  less  illiteracy  there  than  in  many  parts  of  the  United 
States,  and  in  all  parts  of  the  continent  south  of  the  United  States 
at  a  very  recent  period.  The  state  papers  which  these  people  have 
issued  show  a  hi^h  decree  of  intelligfence.  Their  communications 
to  our  generals,  whether  oral  or  written,  while  they  show  something 
undoubtedly  of  the  attitude  of  weakness  dealing  with  strength,  are, 
on  the  whole,  highly  creditable  to  their  sagacity. 

Another  Policy  proposed 

But  we  are  told  if  we  oppose  the  policy  of  our  imperialistic 
and  expanding  friends  we  are  bound  to  suggest  some  policy  of  our 
own  as  a  substitute  for  theirs.  .  We  are  asked  what  we  would  do  in 
this  difficult  emergency.  It  is  a  question  not  difficult  to  answer. 
I  for  one  am  ready  to  answer  it. 

1.  I  would  declare  now  that  we  will  not  take  these  islands  to 
ofovern  them  ao-ainst  their  will. 

2.  I  would  reject  a  cession  of  sovereignty  which  implies  that 
sovereignty  may  be  bought  and  sold  and  delivered  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  people.  Spain  had  no  rightful  sovereignty  over  the 
Philippine  Islands.  She  could  not  rightfully  sell  it  to  us.  We 
could  dot  rightfully  buy  it  from  her.  ~^ 

3.  I  would  require  all  foreign  governments  to  keep  out  of 
these  islands. 

4.  I  would  offer  to  the  people  of  the  Philippines  our  help  In 
maintaining   order  until    they  have  a  reasonable  opportunity  to 
establish  a  government  of  their  own. 

5.  I  would  aid  them  by  advice,  if  they  desire  it,  to  set  up  a  free 
and  Independent  government. 

6.  I  would  Invite  all  the  great  powers  of  Europe  to  unite  In  an 
agreement  that  that  independence  shall  not  be  interfered  with  by 
us,  by  themselves,  or  by  any  one  of  them  with  the  consent  of 
the  others.  As  to  this  I  am  not  so  sure.  I  should  like  quite  as 
well  to  tell  them  It  is  not  to  be  done  whether  they  consent  or  not. 


ANTI-IMPERIALISM  167 

7.  I  would  declare  that  the  United  States  will  enforce  the 
same  doctrine  as  applicable  to  the  Philippines  that  we  declared  as 
to  Mexico  and  Haiti  and  the  South  American  Republics.  It  is 
true  that  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  a  doctrine  based  largely  on  our 
regard  for  our  own  interests,  is  not  applicable  either  in  terms  or  in 
principle  to  a  distant  Asiatic  territory.  But  undoubtedly,  having 
driven  out  Spain,  we  are  bound,  and  have  the  right,  to  secure  to 
the  people  we  have  liberated  an  opportunity,  undisturbed  and  in 
peace,  to  establish  a  new  government  for  themselves. 

8.  I  would  then,  in  a  not  distant  future,  leave  them  to  work 
out  their  own  salvation,  as  every  nation  on  earth,  from  the  begin- 
ning of  time,  has  wrought  out  its  own  salvation.  Let  them  work 
out  their  own  salvation,  as  our  own  ancestors  slowly  and  in  lono- 
centuries  wrought  out  theirs ;  as  Germany,  as  Switzerland,  as 
France,  in  briefer  periods,  wrought  out  theirs :  as  Mexico  and  the 
South  American  Republics  have  accomplished  theirs,  all  of  them 
within  a  century,  some  of  them  within  the  life  of  a  generation.  To 
attempt  to  confer  the  gift  of  freedom  from  without,  or  to  impose 
freedom  from  without  on  any  people,  is  to  disregard  all  the  lessons 
of  history.      It  is  to  attempt 

"A  gift  of  that  which  is  not  to  be  given 
By  all  the  blended  powers  of  earth  and  heaven. ' ' 

9.  I  would  strike  out  of  your  legislation  the  oath  of  allegiance 
to  us  and  substitute  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  their  own  country. 

If  you  once  get  involved  and  entangled  in  this  policy  of 
dominion  and  empire,  you  have  not  only  to  get  the  assent  of  three 
powers — House,  Senate,  and  President — to  escape  from  it,  but  to 
the  particular  plan  and  scheme  and  method  of  such  escape. 

My  friends  say  they  are  willing  to  trust  the  people  and  the 
future.  And  so  am  I.  I  am  willing  to  trust  the  people  as  our 
fathers  trusted  them.  I  am  willing  to  trust  the  people  as  they 
have,  so  far,  trusted  themselves ;  a  people  regulated,  governed, 
constrained  by  the  moral  law,  by  the  Constitution  and  by  the  Dec- 
laration. It  is  the  constitutional,  not  the  unconstitutional,  will  of 
the  American  people  in  which  I   trust.     It  is   Philip  sober  and  not 


1 68  ANTI-IMPERIALISM 

Philip  drunk  to  whom  I  am  willing  to  commit  the  destiny  of 
myself  and  my  children.  A  people  without  a  constitution  is,  as  I 
just  said,  like  a  man  without  a  conscience.  It  is  the  least  trust- 
worthy and  the  most  dangerous  force  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  The 
utterances  of  those  gentlemen,  who,  when  they  are  reminded  of 
moral  and  constitutional  restraints,  answer  us  that  we  are  timid,  and 
that  they  trust  the  people,  are  talking  in  the  spirit  of  the  French, 
not  of  the  American  revolution  ;  they  are  talking  in  the  spirit  which 
destroys  republics,  and  not  in  the  spirit  that  builds  them;  they  are 
talking  in  the  spirit  of  the  later  days  of  Rome,  of  the  later  days  of 
Athens,  and  not  in  the  spirit  of  the  early  days  of  any  republic  that 
ever  existed  on  this  side  of  the  ocean  or  on  the  other. 

Hope  for  the  Future  of  America 

I  love  and  trust  the  American  people.  I  yield  to  no  man  in  my 
confidence  in  the  future  of  the  Republic.  To  me  the  dearest  bless- 
ings of  life,  dearer  than  property,  dearer  than  home,  dearer  than 
kindred,  are  my  pride  in  my  country  and  my  hope  for  the  future  of 
America.  But  the  people  that  I  trust  is  the  people  that  established 
the  Constitution  and  which  abides  by  its  restraints.  The  people 
that  I  trust  is  the  people  that  made  the  great  Declaration,  and  their 
children,  who  mean  forever  to  abide  by  its  principles,  The  coun- 
try in  whose  future  I  have  supreme  and  unbounded  confidence  is 
the  Republic,  not  a  despotism  on  the  one  hand,  or  an  unchecked 
and  unlicensed  democracy  on  the  other.  It  is  no  mere  democracy. 
It  is  the  indissoluble  union  of  indestructible  states,  I  disavow  and 
spurn  the  doctrine  that  has  been  more  than  once  uttered  by  the 
advocates  of  this  policy  of  imperialism  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate, 
that  the  sovereignty  of  the  American  people  is  inferior  to  any  other 
because  it  is  restrained  and  confined  within  constitutional  boundaries. 
If  that  be  true,  the  limited  monarchy  of  England  is  inferior  to  the 
despotism  of  Russia ;  if  that  be  true,  a  constitutional  republic  is 
inferior  to  an  unconstitutional  usurpation  ;  if  that  be  ture,  a  man 
restrained  by  the  moral  law,  and  obeying  the  dictates  of  a  con- 
science, is  inferior  to  the  reckless,  hardened,  unrestrained  criminal. 


CHAPTER  X. 
Porto    Rico 

Its  Close   Relations  to  This  Country — The  Earliest  of  the   New* 
Possessions    to    Receive    Attention — Its    Revenues    and    Ex- 
penses— Its   New    Government — ^Senator    Foraker's    De- 
fence   of    the    Policy    of    the    Administration — The 
Policy  Criticised  by  Senators  Proctor  and   Hoar 

LITTLE  did  Americans  expect  when  in  their  enthusiasm  to 
help  poor  Cuba  in  its  struggle  to  free  itself  from  the  oppres- 
sion of  the  Spanish  rule  that  they  would  be  called  upon  to 
care  for  that  beautiful  gem  of  the  Antilles,  Porto  Rico.  The 
resources  and  beautiful  physical  features  of  the  island  are  described 
elsewhere.  Not  only  devastated  by  the  uncertainties  of  war  and 
the  march  of  armies,  but  also  laid  waste  by  the  hurricanes  which,  in 
a  manner  heretofore  almost  unknown  even  in  these  tropical  climes, 
had  visited  the  island. 

Porto  Rico  at  the  beginning  of  1900  was  in  a  deplorable 
condition.  Under  our  Republican  form  of  Government — with 
Congress  to  take  time  to  learn  the  needs  of  the  island  and  require- 
ments of  the  situation,  time  has  been  lost  in  rendering  to  the 
island  the  assistance  it  needed.  In  his  annual  message  to  Congress 
in  December,  the  President — knowing  full  well  the  desires  of  the 
people  of  the  island  and  the  trend  of  public  sentiment  here,  j 
reviewed  the  situation  and  spoke  as  follows  : 

"Since  the  session  Porto  Rico  has  been  denied  the  principj^l  markets  she  had 
long  enjoyed,  and  our  tariffs  have  been  continued  against  her  products  as  when  she 
was  under  Spanish  sovereignty.  The  markets  of  Spain  are  closed  to  her  products 
except  upon  terms  to  which  the  commerce  of  all  nations  is  subjected.  The  island  of 
Cuba,  which  used  to  buy  her  cattle  and  tobacco  without  customs  duties,  now  imposes 
the  same  duties  upon  these  products  as  from  any  other  country  entering  her  ports. 
10  I69 


I70  PORTO  RICO 

She  has,  therefore,  lost  her  free  intercourse  with  Spain  and  Cuba,  without  any- 
compensating  benefits  in  this  market.  Her  coffee  was  httle  I'cnown  and  not  in  use 
by  our  people,  and,  therefore,  there  was  no  demand  here  for  this,  one  of  her  chief 
products.  The  markets  of  the  United  States  should  be  opened  up  to  her  products. 
Our  plain  duty  is  to  abolish  all  customs  tariffs  between  the  United  States  and  Porto 
Rico,  and  give  her  products  free  access  to  our  markets. ' ' 

,         Again  on  March  2,  1900,  he  sends  a  special  message  to  Con- 
i^ress,  as  follows  : 

"Since  the  evacuation  of  Porto  Rico  by  the  Spanish  forces  on  the  i8th  day 
of  October,  1898,  the  United  States  has  collected  on  products  coming  from  that 
island  to  the  ports  of  the  United  States  the  duties  fixed  by  the  Dingley  act,  and 
amounting  to  ^2,095,455.88,  and  will  continue  to  collect  under  said  law  until 
Congress  shall  otherwise  direct.  Although  I  had  the  power,  and,  having  in  mind 
the  best  interests  of  the  people  of  the  island,  used  it,  to  modify  duties  on  goods 
and  products  entering  into  Porto  Rico,  I  did  not  have  the  power  to  remit  or 
modify  duties  on  Porto  Rican  products  coming  into  the  ports  of  the  United  States. 
In  view  of  the  pressing  necessity  for  immediate  revenue  in  Porto  Rico  for 
conducting  the  government  there  and  for  the  extension  of  public  education,  and  in 
view  also  of  the  provisional  legislation  just  inaugurated  by  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives and  for  the  Ipurpose  of  making  the  principle  embodied  in  that  legislation 
applicable  to  the  immediate  past  as  well  as  to  the  immediate  future,  I  recommend 
that  the  above  sum,  so  collected  and  the  sums  hereafter  collected  under  existing 
law,  shall,  without  waiting  for  the  enactment  of  the  general  legislation  now  pending, 
be  appropriated  for  the  use  and  benefit  of  the  island. ' ' 

In  response  to  this  message  Congress  at  once  passed  a 
measure,  authorizing  the  treasurer  of  the  United  States  to  refund 
to  the  account  of  Porto  Rico  all  revenues  collected  from  the  island 
amounting  to  $2,000,000. 

Government  of  the  Island 

Subsequently  and  after  sharp  debate  the  bill  was  passed  and 
signed  by  the  President,  providing  for  the  government  of  the  island. 

It  declares  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  island,  except  such  as 
shall  elect  before  a  given  date  to  remain  subjects  of  Spain,  are 
citizens  of  Porto  Rico,  and  as  such  entitled  to  the  protection  of 
the  United  States;  provides  that  all  laws  and  ordinances  now  in 
force  shall  continue  so,  except  as  changed  by  this  act  or  by  military 


PORTO  RICO  171 

orders  at  present  in  force,  or  as  they  are  in  conflict  with  the  stat- 
utory laws  of  the  United  States  ;  repeals  the  law  forbidding-  the 
marriage  of  priests,  and  provides  for  divorce  on  the  ground  of 
adultery ;  retires  the  coins  of  Porto  Rico,  and  substitutes  therfor 
United  States  coinage ;  transfers  all  titles  acquired  in  Porto  Rico 
by  the  United  States  to  bridges,  water-powers,  highways,  harbor 
shores,  and  the  like,  to  the  Porto  Rican  Government,  for  the  bene- 
fit of  the  people  of  Porto  Rico  ;  and  requires  all  officials  to  take 
oath  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  as  well  as 
the  laws  of  Porto  Rico.  Under  the  bill,  the  government  of  the 
island  is  to  be  exercised  by  a  Governor,  an  Executive  Council,  and 
a  House  of  Delegates.  The  Governor  and  Executive  Council  are 
to  be  appointed  by  the  President;  the  House  of  Delegates  is  to  be 
elected  by  the  people.  The  Governor  is  vested  with  the  general 
powers  of  a  Governor  of  a  Territory  of  the   United  States. 

The  Excutive  Council  and  the  House  of  Delegates 

The  Executive  Council,  consisting  of  a  secretary,  Attorney- 
General,  Treasurer,  Auditor,  Commissioner  of  the  Interior,  a  Com- 
missioner of  Education,  and  five  other  members,  is  vested  with  the 
legislative  powers  of  an  upper  chamber,  and  Is  authorized  to  deter- 
mine the  qualifications  for  popular  suffrage,  and  such  regulations 
respecting  registration  as  it  deems  expedient.  Five  members  of  this 
Council  must  be  Porto  Ricans.  The  House  of  Delegates  is  to  be 
composed  of  thirty-five  members,  elected  biennially,  five  from  each  of 
the  seven  districts  into  which  the  island  is  to  be  divided  by  the  Ex- 
ecutive Council ;  but  no  person  is  eligible  to  membership  unless  he 
,is  25  years  of  age,  and  is  able  to  write  either  the  Spanish  or  the 
'  English  language,  or  is  possessed  in  his  own  right  of  taxable  prop- 
erty situated  in  Porto  Rico.  No  franchises  of  a  public  or  quasi- 
public  nature  can  be  granted  except  with  the  approval  of  Congress. 
The  judicial  power  is  vested  in  the  courts  of  Porto  Rico  as  already 
established  ;  the  Chief  Justice  and  Associate  Justices  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  to  be  appointed  by  the  President,  the  judges  of  the 
district  courts  by  the  Governor,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 


172  PORTO  RICO 

Executive  Council ;  the  other  court  officials  to  be  chosen  as  the 
Legislative  Assembly  may  direct.  A  resident  Commissioner  is  to 
be  elected  by  popular  suffrage,  who  shall  reside  at  Washington,  to 
represent  the  Porto  Rican  Government  there.  He  must  be  a 
bona-fide  citizen  of  Porto  Rico,  and  able  to  read  and  write  the 
English  language.  A  Commission  of  three  members  is  also  pro- 
vided to  revise  and  codify  the  laws  of  Porto  Rico.  A  tariff  is| 
enacted  equal  to  15  per  cent,  of  the  Dingley  duties,  on  imports 
into  the  United  States  from  Porto  Rico,  and  on  imports  into 
Porto  Rico  from  the  United  States,  with  some  modifications  it, 
however,  is  to  cease  to  be  operative,  except  as  to  imports  into 
Porto  Rico  from  countries  other  than  the  United  States,  on  March 
I,  1902,  "or  sooner,  if  Porto  Rico  shall  have  enacted  a  law  and 
put  into  operation  a  system  of  local  taxation  sufficient  to  meet  the 
necessities  of  its  government." 

In  explanation  and  defense  of  this  measure,  Senator  J.  B. 
Foraker,  Jr.,  of  Ohio,  says  : 

"  Criticism  of  the  Porto  Rico  legislation  has  been  due  to  two 
misapprehensions  :  First,  as  to  the  attitude  of  the  President  in  re- 
gard to  it,  and,  second,  as  to  the  legal  relation  of  Porto  Rico  to  the 
United  States. 

The  President,  in  good  faith,  recommended  free  trade  between 
the  United  States  and  Porto  Rico,  but  earnestly  favored,  and  per- 
sonally, as  well  as  officially,  approved  the  bill  that  has  been  passed, 
because,  in  the  first  place,  its  provisions  are  a  substantial  and  almost 
a  literal  compliance  with  his  recommendation,  and,  in  the  second 
place,  they  are  far  more  liberal  and  generous  than  his  recommenda- 
tion was. 

i 

What  the  President  Urged 

The  President,  in  his  message,  used  this  much-quoted  language : 
'Our  plain  duty  is  to  abolish  all  customs  tariffs  between  the  United 
States  and  Porto  Rico,  and  give  her  products  free  access  to  our 
markets.'  When  he  made  that  recommendation  he  had  reference 
to  what  had  occurred,  and  the  then  existing  conditions. 


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PORTO  RICO  175 

Before  Porto  Rico  was  ceded  to  us  she  traded  chiefly  — almost 
entirely — with  Spain  and  Cuba  ;  but  when  the  cession  occurred, 
both  Spain  and  Cuba  closed  their  ports  against  her  products,  ex- 
cept on  payment  of  tariff  duties  that  were  so  high  as  to  be  practi- 
cally prohibitive. 

The  President,  as  commander-in-chief,  during  the  military 
occupation,  could  control  the  tariff  duties  levied  on  imports  into 
the  island,  but  had  no  power  to  alter  those  imposed  by  law  on  im- 
ports into  the  United  States.  In  consequence,  our  ports  remained 
closed  to  Porto  Rico,  except  on  payment  of  full  Dingley  rates  of 
tariff,  as  were  those  of  Spain,  Cuba  and  the  rest  of  the  world.  As 
a  result  of  it  all,  the  war  took  from  Porto  Rico  the  markets  she 
had  and  gave  her  none  in  return.  This  occasioned  complete  busi- 
ness stagnation  and  paralysis.  Idleness  prevailed  everywhere,  and 
soon  tens  of  thousands  were  in  want  and  suffering  for  the  neces- 
saries of  life. 

Pauperized  by  a  Hurricane 

This  condition  was  relieved  slightly  by  an  executive  order  that 
placed  all  food  supplies,  implements  of  husbandry,  machinery,  etc., 
on  the  free  list,  going  into  Porto  Rico ;  but  matters  were  constantly 
growing  worse  when,  on  August  8,  1899,  the  island  was  visited  by 
a  hurricane  that  devastated  the  coffee  plantations  and  did  great 
injury  to  all  kinds  of  property. 

By  this  course  of  events  the  people  had  been  brought  to  abso- 
lute poverty  and  despair  when  the  President  wrote  his  message.  It 
occurred  to  him  that  the  greatest  and  speediest  measure  of  relief 
would  be  realized  by  giving  them  free  access  to  our  markets.  But 
in  that  message  the  President  also  pointed  out  the  necessity  of  pro- 
viding for  Porto  Rico  a  civil  government  to  take  the  place  of  mili- 
tary rule,  and  recommended  immediate  action  in  that  respect. 

Both  recommendations  were  general  in  their  nature  ;  both  were 
made  with  full  knowledge  that  action  on  the  part  of  Congress 
could  not  be  taken  until  an  investigation  might  be  made,  and  that 
the  results  of  that  investigation  would,  of  course,  control  and  de- 
termine the  exact  character  of  action  to  be  taken. 


176  PORTO  RICO 

In  view  of  these  considerations,  we  decided,  first,  that  we 
would  find  some  way  to  exempt  the  people  of  that  island  from  the 
direct  taxation  of  their  property,  such  as  every  other  State  and 
Territory  of  the  Union  has  always  been  subjected  to.  The 
generosity  of  this  proposition  was  far  greater  and  more  helpful 
than  that  recommended  by  the  President,  No  such  favor  has  evet;^ 
been  shown  to  any  other  people  for  whom  we  have  legislated. 

Unusual   Favors  Extended 

We  next  decided,  for  the  reasons  already  given,  that  we  would 
not,  for  the  time  being,  undertake  to  apply  and  enforce  our  internal 
revenue  laws  in  the  island,  but,  except  on  merchandise  imported 
into  the  United  States,  we  would  exempt  the  people  of  Porto  Rico 
therefrom — another  unprecedented  favor  never  before  shown  to 
anybody.  In  the  third  place  we  decided  that  we  would  protect 
their  coffee  from  injurious  competition  by  levying  a  duty  of  five 
cents  a  pound  on  all  coffee  imported  into  Porto  Rico. 

Finally,  we  determined  that  there  should  be  collected  on  all 
goods  imported  into  Porto  Rico  from  foreign  countries  tariff  duties 
as  provided  by  the  tariff  laws  of  the  United  States,  but  that,  instead 
of  turning  this  money  over  to  the  National  Treasury  for  the  benefit 
of  the  United  States,  as  we  have  always  heretofore  done  asi:o  every 
other  Territory,  we  would  turn  it  over  to  Porto  Rico,  for  the  benefit 
and  support  of  its  Government. 

DiNGLEY   Tariff  Reduced 

We  then  found,   according    to    the    best    estimates  we  could 
make,  that  when  all  this  had  been  done  there  would  remain  a  large'; 
deficiency,    amounting    to  from    $1,000,000   to    $1,500,000.      The( 
question  then  was  how  further    we    could    raise  revenue  without 
directly  taxing  the  property  of  the  island  to  meet  this  deficiency. 

We  found  that  we  could,  in  our  opinion,  best  accomplish  this 
by  leaving  a  light  tariff  duty  upon  the  commerce  between  the 
United  States  and  Porto  Rico.  For  this  reason  we  finally 
concluded,  and  provided  in  the  bill,  that,   instead  of  absolute  free 


PORTO  RICO  177 

trade,  which  all  desired,  as  well  as  the  President,  we  would,  for  a 
short  time,  until  the  local  government  could  be  put  in  operation 
and  devise  a  system  of  taxation  for  its  support,  reduce  the  tariff  on 
dutiable  goods  coming  from  Porto  Rico  into  the  United  States 
only  85  per  cent.,  instead  of  entirely  remitting  it,  and  that  we 
would,  for  the  present,  allow  all  food  products  and  necessaries  of 
life,  farm  implements,  machinery,  etc.,  to  enter  Porto  Rico  free  of 
duty ;  but,  on  other  articles,  whatever  they  might  be,  we  would 
reduce  the  Dingley  rates  85  per  cent. 

Our  Democratic  friends  said  :  "The  Constitution  follows  the 
flag,"  and  that  we  were  violating  that  instrument ;  that  it  required 
that  duties,  customs  and  imposts  should  be  uniform  throughout  the 
United  States,  and,  consequently,  we  could  not  have  free  coffee 
here  and  protected  coffee  there  ;  internal  revenue  taxation  here, 
and  no  such  taxation  there  ;  that  we  could  not  collect  tariff  taxes 
there,  except  as  here,  for  the  common  benefit  of  the  whole  country  ; 
and  that  Porto  Rico,  being  a  part  of  the  United  States,  we  could 
not  collect  tariff  duties  on  commerce  between  there  and  here  any 
more  than  between  New  York  and  Pennsylvania. 

I  think  they  believed  what  they  said  ;  and,  no  matter  what 
happens,  I  think  they  will  always  believe  it ;  but  I  think,  neverthe- 
less, they  were  wrong  about  i-t — just  as  they  were  wrong  when  they 
contended,  in  1861-65,  that  there  was  no  constitutional  power  to 
preserve  the  Constitution  ;  and  when,  a  year  ago,  they  contended 
that  we  could  not  acquire  territory,  even  by  discovery  or  conquest, 
except  with  the  present  intention  of  ultimately  admitting  it  to  state- 
hood. 

But,  however,  that  may  be,  we  answered  that,  in  our  opinion,] 
Congress  had  power  to  govern  these  new  acquisitions,  and,  if  so,  it[ 
must  be  a  power  to  govern  them  according  to  the  varying  conditions 
of  each  ;  that  if  the  best  interest  of  Porto  Rico  required  a  duty 
on  coffee,  we  ought  to  be  able  to  give  it,  or  surrender  the  island ; 
that  if  the  destitution  and  poverty  of  the  people  of  that  island  were 
such  as  to  require  an  exemption  of  their  property  from  taxation,  we 
ought  to  be  able  to  grant  it,  or  confess  our  incompetency  to  govern." 


178  PORTO  RICO 

On  the  other  hand,  the  question  as  to  the  validity  and  justice 
of  the  measure  has  arisen,  and  involves  the  interpretation  of  the 
Constitution.  One  of  the  ablest  of  American  constitutional  law- 
yers, Ex-Senator  George  F.  Edmunds,  takes  issue  with  those  who 
defend  the  Porto  Rican  law,  and  writes  as  follows  to  Senator  Red- 
field  Proctor,  of  Vermont,  who  also  opposed  the  measure  : 

"  I  have  yours  of  the  20th  instant,  and,  both  as  an  American 
citizen  and  an  original  and  constant  Republican,  am  very  glad  to 
learn  that  you  are  opposed  to  legislation  having  the  effect  of  im- 
posing on  the  people  of  Porto  Rico  (whether  we  call  them  citizens 
or  subjects  of  the  United  States)  any  kind  of  revenue  burden  or 
benefit  that  is  not  common  to  the  whole  people  of  the  United 
States.  Any  such  measure,  if  enacted,  will,  I  believe,  be  unique  in 
our  whole  history.  It  will  imitate  and  parallel  the  acts  of  the 
British  Parliament  which  forced  our  fathers  to  just  resistance  and 
revolution,  and  led  them  to  establish  a  Constitution  which,  in 
studied  and  explicit  terms,  forbade  any  such  discrimination. 

The  Constitution  Greater  Than  Congress 

I  know  there  are  many  gentlemen  engaged  in  public  affairs 
whose  intelligence  and  patriotism  are  above  question,  who  believe 
that  our  Constitution  does  not  embrace  the  Territories,  and  that  as 
to  them  the  President  and  Congress  possess  the  same  omnipotent 
powers  that  the  British  Crown  and  Parliament  have  always  possessed 
over  their  possessions.  While  I  think  that  position  is  untenable 
as  a  matter  of  law,  I  believe,  the  proposed  action  is  still  less  defen- 
sible, viewed  in  the  light  of  those  principles  of  liberty,  justice  and 
equality  of  rights  we  all  profess  to  believe  in,  and  which,  whether 
we  believe  in  and  practice  or  not,  are  still  living  and  will  live  and 
bear  fruits  more  and  more  among  men,  in  spite  of  all  the  tyrants — 
well  meaning  or  otherwise — in  the  world. 

I  need  not  weary  you  by  referring  to  the  often  stated  argu- 
ments on  the  general  subject,  but  I  will  mention  one  aspect  of  it, 
which,  so  far  as  I  have  noticed,  has  not  been  particularly  adverted 
to.     Congress  is  the  creature   of  the   Constitution    and    not    the 


PORTO  RICO 


179 


reverse.  A  law  passed  by  Congress  in  its  creation — a  mere  expres- 
sion of  its  will  which  it  may  repeal  or  change  at  pleasure.  If,  there- 
fore (assuming  that  the  Constiution  does  not  exist  in  Porto  Rico), 
Congress  were  to  enact  a  statute  declaring  that  the  present  Consti- 
tution shall  be  extended  over  and  be  in  force  in  that  island,  the 
Constitution  gets  its  only  force  there  by  virtue  of  the  statute  ;  it  is 
a  statutory  Constitution  and  nothing  else,  and  a  repeal  of  the  statute 
would  extinguish  it.  But  the  Constitution  as  such,  I  suppose  all 
admit,  is  not  subject  to  the  control  of  Congress  either  to  enlarge  or 
diminish,  to  expand  or  contract,  or  to  be  applied  to  or  withdrawn 
from  any  people  or  place.  It  is  not  a  movable  think  like  the  Ark 
of  the  Covenant  of  the  Israelites,  to  be  set  up  and  moved  here  and 
there  as  the  tribes  might  wander.  It  is  the  actual  event  and  con- 
dition and  not  the  legislative  or  executive  will  that  must  in  the 
nature  of  things  determine  the  status  of  a  man  or  a  country  under  it. 

Constitution  and  Laws  Already  There 

The  instances  in  which  Congress  has  declared  in  statutes 
organizing  Territories  that  the  Constitution  and  laws  should  be  in 
force,  there  are  no  evidence  that  they  were  not  already  there,  for 
Congress  and  all  legislative  bodies  have  often  made  enactments  that 
in  effect  merely  declared  existing  law.  In  such  cases  they  declare  a 
pre-existing  truth  to  ease  the  doubts  of  casuists.  Porto  Rico  and 
its  people  came  under  the  sovereignty  of  the  United  States  by 
force  of  the  treaty  with  Spain,  and  I  think  all  will  agree  that  if  any 
part  of  the  people  of  the  island  levied  war  against  the  United 
States  or  adhered  to  our  enemies,  etc.,  they  would  be  guilty  of 
treason.  But  treason  is  an  exclusively  defined  constitutional  crime, 
and  it  cannot  exist  on  the  island  unless  the  Constitution  that 
defines  it  is  in  force  there. 

Apart,  however,  from  considerations  of  fundamental  equal  law 
for  all  who  owe  allegiance  to  our  flag  of  liberty  and  justice,  there 
are,  it  seems  to  me,  other  very  weighty  and  commanding  reasons 
why  we  should  treat  the  people  of  Porto  Rico  on  the  basis  of  abso- 
lute civil  equality  of  right  and  circumstance  with  the  citizens  of  our 


i8o  PORTO  RICO 

states  and  home  territories,  and  in  doing  so,  if,  as  is  contended,  the 
Constitution  is  not  in  force  there,  we  make  no  precedent  for  the  terri- 
tories on  the  other  side  of  the  globe,  for,  like  all  measures,  within  the 
discretion  of  Congress,  each  subject  must,  of  course,  be  dealt  with 
when  it  arises  under  its  own  peculiar  circumstances  and  condtions. 
These  people  gladly  yielded  to  our  dominion  on  assurances  never 
disowned  or  withdrawn  of  our  commanders  and  other  officers  thatl 
they  would  become  free  and  equal  citizens  of  the  Republic,  with  all 
the  rights  implied  by  that  term." 

The  Porto  Rico  act  provides  for  a  territorial  form  of  govern- 
ment with  officers  and  salaries  as  follows  ; 

Provisions  of  the  Measure 

A  Governor,  salary  $8,000,  with  free  use  of  executive  mansion  ; 
a  Secretary,  with  a  salary  of  $4,000  ;  an  Attorney  General,  $4,000  ; 
a  Treasurer,  $5,000;  an  Auditor,  $4,000  ;  a  Commissioner  of  the 
Interior,  $4,000;  a  Commissioner  of  Education,  $3,000;  a  Chief 
Justice,  $5,000  ;  two  Associate  Justices,  $4,500  each;  a  Marshal, 
$3,000;  a  United  States  District  Judge,  $5,000;  a  United  States 
District  Attorney,  $4,000;  a  United  States  District  Marshal, 
$3,500,  and  eleven  Executive  Councilors  at  $2,500  each,  all  to  be 
appointed  by  the  President,  and  six  of  the  latter  to  be  Americans. 

For  comparison  with  a  territory  of  the  United  States  already 
organized,  we  take  Mexico,  with  much  less  population  and  less 
wealthy,  which  has  a  Governor  at  a  salary  of  $2,600  a  year,  a  Sec- 
retary at  $1,800,  an  Auditor  at  $3,000,  a  Treasurer  at  $2,5oo,a 
Chief  Justice,  a  Solicitor  General  at  $2,000,  and  a  Superintendent 
of   Public  Instruction  at  $2,500. 


CHAPTER  XL 

Shall  the  Government  Subsidize 

Merchant  Ships  i 

Hon.  Marcus    A,  Hanna    Favors    the    Proposition    and    President 
Arthur  T.  Hadley  of  Yale  Argues  Against   It. 

THE  leaders  of  the  Republican  party  have  been  in  favor  of 
subsidizing  the  merchant  vessels,  in  order  to  encourage  in 
this  country  the  building  of  a  larger  number  of  vessels  for 
the  purpose  of  carrying  commerce.  In  the  measure  before  the  Fifty- 
sixth  Congress,  it  is  proposed  to  expend  $9,000,000  a  year  for  a 
term  of  years,  as  subsidies  of  vessels  and  the  encouragement  of 
seamanship.  It  is  argued  that  this  will  give  larger  terms  which 
will  be  felt  in  our  industries.  It  will  create  a  larger  outlet  for  farm 
products  of  all  kinds  and  for  manufactured  articles. 

Senator  Marcus  A.  Hanna  sets  forth  very  clearly  his  reasons 
for  supporting  the  measure  now  before  Congress,  as  follows  : 

"If  every  American  citizen  could  take  the  time  to  acquaint  him- 
self with  the  provisions  of  the  shipping  bill  now  before  Congress,  I 
believe  that  not  one  in  five  hundred  would  then  oppose  it.  The 
thinor  the  friends  of  the- measure  most  court  is  a  fair  discussion  of 
its  details.  ■ 

Purpose  of  the  Proposed  Bill 

The  bill  is  not  difficult  to  understand.  Its  purpose  is  to  offer 
to  Americans  a  sum  from  the  National  Treasury  equal  for  a  period 
of  years  to  the  extra  cost  in  this  country  of  building  ships  and 
operating  them  in  competition  with  foreign  ships  in  our  foreign 
trade.  As  the  number  of  ships  increase,  their  compensation  de- 
creases. Simultaneously  the  cost  of  their  construction  will  undoubt- 
edly diminish,  as  will   the  cost  of    their  operation.      Finally,  it  is 

181 


1 82  SUBSIDIZING  MERCHANT  SHIPS 

hoped  that  the  compensation  may  cease  at  the  end  of  ten  and  twenty 
years,  as  to  old  and  new  vessels  respectively  without  arresting  the 
further  growth  of  Arnerican  shipping. 

It  has  been  demonstrated  before  the  Senate  Commerce  Commit- 
tee and  the  House  Merchant  Marine  and  Fisheries  Committee,  that 
it  costs  from  20  to  25  per  cent  more  to  build  ships  in  this  country 
than  it  does  to  build  them  in  Great  Britain.  This  difference  is  due  to 
the  wages  paid  to  the  workmen  in  American  shipyards  being  nearly 
double  the  wages  paid  in  British  shipyards.  In  this  country  em- 
ployment is  not  constant  in  shipyards.  For  this  reason  the  full 
efficiency  of  the  men  cannot  be  applied  to  construction.  Shop 
economies  are  impossible  where  the  men  are  intermittently  em- 
ployed. At  least  50  per  cent,  of  the  cost  of  a  finished  ship  is  paid 
to  labor  in  the  shipyard  alone.  When  there  is  steady  employment 
in  American  shipyards  for  a  few  years  the  efficiency  of  the  men  and 
the  economies  in  construction  will  enable  our  people  to  build  ships 
as  cheaply  as  they  are  built  in  other  countries  and  without  reducing 
the  wao"es  oaid  to  labor. 

Cost  of  Running  the  Ships 

Then  there  is  the  cost  of  running  the  ships.  The  wages  paid 
the  officers,  firemen  and  seamen  in  American  ships  are  fully  25  per 
cent,  higher  than  is  paid  in  other  coutries'  ships.  The  food  pro- 
vided in  American  ships  is  much  superior  in  quality  and  more 
abundant  in  quantity  than  in  foreign  ships.  ' 

In  many  of  our  states  vessel  property  is  taxed  on  its  value, 
while  the  practice  in  foreign  countries  is  to  tax  only  the  net  earn- 
ings of  the  ships. 

One  of  the  most  difficult  things  to  do  is  to  draw  the  trade  away 
from  the  men  whose  control  of  it  has  been  long  established,  and 
who  are  therefore  familiar  with  and  experienced  regarding  its 
changing  needs  and  conditions.  The  beginner  is  at  a  great  disad- 
vantage. To  build  up  a  new  line  of  ships  and  keep  them  con- 
stantly and  profitably  employed  requires  agents  in  all  parts  of  the 
country  to  which  the  ships  run,  as  well  as  agents  all  over  our  own 


SUBSIDIZING  MERCHANT  SHIPS  185 

country.  The  stability  and  permanence  of  the  line  must  be 
demonstrated  to  the  cautious  shippers  who  are  used  to,  and  possi- 
bly contented  with,  the  service  of  the  old-established  line.  This 
advantage  in  itself  is  an  enormous  one,  and  it  is  largely  that 
advantage  which  now  enables  British  ships  to  successfully  compete 
with  Norwegian,  Italian,  Dutch,  French  and  German  ships.  For 
American  ships  to  secure  the  larger  part  of  their  own  foreign  trade, 
and  of  which  they  now  carry  less  than  9  per  cent,  will  require  time, 
courage,  costly  experience,  probable  losses  and  little  profit  for  a 
long  time  to  come. 

Why  not  let  Present  Conditions  Continue 

Why  should  our  people  be  asked  to  build  up  an  American 
marine  in  the  foreign  trade — why  not  let  present  conditions  con- 
tinue ? 

There  are  many  good  reasons.  First,  this  nation  needs  mer- 
chant ships,  trained  and  experienced  officers  and  men,  for  the  rein- 
forcement of  the  navy  in  time  of  need  ;  for  auxiliary  naval  cruisers, 
for  troop  transports,  for  colliers,  and  for  many  other  purposes,  as 
was  shown  during  our  late  war  with  Spain.  Next,  there  is  the  eco- 
nomic unwisdom  of  sending  $200,000,000  out  of  the  country  each 
year  to  pay  our  bills  for  ocean  transportation.  It  is  too  serious  a 
drain  upon  our  gold.  We  need  all  the  favorable  trade  balances  we 
can  get  so  we  may  sooner  cease  to  be  a  debtor  nation. 

We  have,  in  the  greatest  abundance  and  cheapness,  all  the 
materials  needed  in  shipbuilding.  We  have  men  competent  to  take 
these  materials  in  their  raw  state  and  transform  them  into  all  of  the 
different  manufactured  shapes  and  articles  needed  in  the  construc- 
tion of  ships.  Hundreds  of  different  trades,  businesses  and  pro- 
fessions contribute  to  the  construction  of  one  modern  ship.  Each 
of  these  would  feel  the  stimulus  of  prosperity  that  would  follow 
the  American  construction  of  the  ships  we  need  for  the  carriage  of 
our  imports  and  exports. 

The  employment  afforded  in  keeping  up  a  shipping  amounting 
to  about  5,000,000  tons  is  varied,  extensive  and  profitable.  Fifty 
millions  of  dollars  a  year  would  be  a  very  conservative  estimate  of 


1 86  SUBSIDIZING  MERCHANT  SHIPS 

the  amount  that  would  be  spent  in  our  shipyards  if  our  own  people 
supplied  all  the  ships  our  foreign  commerce  employs. 

Having  bur  own  ships  we  could  obtain  arid  expand  new  foreign 
markets  for  our  ever-increasing  surplus  products.  If  we  could 
double  our  exports,  the  prosperous  conditions  now  prevailing  all 
over  the  country  would  be  still  more  augmented.  We  can  do  it 
Vith  our  own  ships.     We  cannot  do  it  without  them. 

Appeals  have  been  made  to  prejudices  by  the  widespread  dis- 
tribution and  extended  publication  of  the  assertion  that  wealthy 
corporations  would  get  the  lion's  share  of  the  compensation.  This 
is  untrue.  The  man  who  builds  the  most  ships  gets  the  most 
money.  The  man  who  builds  the  most  ships  best  serves  the  naval, 
economic  and  commercial  interests  of  the  country.  Whoever  gets 
the  most  under  this  bill  must  do  the  most.  It  is  equitable  in  every 
sentence.  No  ships  can  receive  compensation  unless  they  carry 
cargoes  from  the  United  States.  No  ship  can  be  profitably  run  for 
the  government  aid  alone,  as  in  no  case  does  this  compensation  ex- 
ceed one-fifth  of  the  actual  expense  of  the  ship  in  operation. 

Reasc^able  Profits  Must  be  Assured 

It  takes  money  to  build,  to  own  and  to  run  ships.  It  takes 
millions  to  build  and  run  lines  of  ships.  .  Only  men  of  large  means 
of  their  own,  or  who  are  able  to  command  what  they  require  or 
may  profitably  invest,  can  do  large  things  as  shipowners.  Such 
men  do  not  deserve  censure  and  ridicule.  They  do  not  deserve 
sneers.  They  deserve  fair  treatment — only  that.  We  cannot  ask 
them  to  invest  their  money  at  a  loss. 

If,  for  the  nation's  best  welfare,  for  the  nation's  auxiliary  naval 
needs,  for  our  commercial  expansion,  we  desire  to  induce  our  citi- 
zens to  invest  their  money  in  ships  built,  owned,  ofhcered  and 
manned  by  our  own  citizens,  they  must  be  assured  a  reasonable 
profit  or  they  will  invest  their  money  where  a  reasonable  profit  is 
assured.  Capital  need  not  care  whether  this  bill  passes  or  not. 
Labor  should  care.     The  nation  does  care. 


SUBSIDIZING  MERCHANT  SHIPS  187 

President  Arthur  T.  Hadley  of  Yale  University  takes  the  stand 
that  in  the  past,  the  subsidizing  of  steamship  lines  have  been  a  fail- 
ure, and  that  advantages  claimed  for  the  principle  will  not  be  found 
as  claimed.      He  says  in  a  recent  article  : 

"  The  United  States  has  in  two  instances  tried  the  policy  of 
steamship  subsidies  on  a  large  scale — with  the  Collins  line  in  1850- 
1858  and  with  the  Pacific  Mail  in  1 865-1 875.  In  neither  case  was 
the  result  satisfactory. 

The  subsidy  to  the  Collins  line  was  in  large  measure  due  to 
the  efforts  of  Mr.  King,  of  Georgia,  for  some  time  chairman  of  the 
House  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs.  As  early  as  1841,  only  two 
years  after  the  first  contract  of  the  English  Government  with  Sam- 
uel Cunard,  he  urged  the  United  States  to  follow  the  example  of 
England,  The  first  act  of  Congress  on  the  subject  was  passed  in 
1845  ;  th^  amounts  devoted  to  the  payment  of  steamship  lines  were 
gradually  increased  until  1852,  when  they  amounted  to  nearly 
$2,000,000  annually.  At  the  close  of  that  year  there  were  American 
steamship  lines  running  from  New  York  to  Liverpool,  Havre  and 
Bremen  ;  also  from  various  American  ports  to  the  West  Indies  and 
the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  with  connections  thence  to  Oregon. 

Dangers  of  the  subsidy  system 

Much  the  most  important  of  these  enterprises  was  the  Collins 
line,  which  made  fortnightly  trips  from  New  York  to  Liverpool,  for 
which  it  received  a  subsidy  of  $858,000.  The  history  of  this  line  is 
an  instructive  one,  because  it  shows  clearly  the  dangers  of  the 
subsidy  system  even  under  the  most  favorable  circumstances.  The 
boats  were  designed,  built,  and  managed  by  thoroughly  competent 
men.  They  were  the  finest  specimens  of  steamship  construction 
then  existing  ;  they  were  probably  the  best  sea-going  wooden  steam- 
ships which  have  ever  been  built.  They  were  much  more  comfort- 
able and  much  faster  than  the  English  boats  with  which  they  came 
into  competition ;  and  though  the  Cunard  line  was  forced  by  the 
influence  of  their  American  rivals  to  build  newer  and  better  boats 
than  they  had  before,  they  were  far  from  equaling  the  Collins  line 


1 88  SUBSIDIZING  MERCHANT  SHIPS 

in  speed  or  comfort.  Nor  was  the  American  line  dishonestly 
managed.  Mr.  Collins  was  largely  influenced  by  patriotic  motives. 
So  far  from  making  any  money  out  of  his  connection  with  this 
enterprise,  it  ultimately  caused  his  financial  ruin. 

But  the  fact  that  there  was  no  intentional  dishonesty  makes 
the  absence  of  good  economy  all  the  more  apparent.  The  managers 
believed  that  they  had  the  public  treasury  to  fall  back  upon.  They| 
indulged  in  all  sorts  of  expenditures,  necessary  and  unnecessary. 
Changes  were  made  while  the  vessels  were  in  process  of  construc- 
tion which  greatly  increased  their  cost,  in  many  cases  without  cor- 
responding advantage.  The  capital  stock  was  insuf^cient.  The 
company  was  heavily  in  debt  from  the  first.  The  care  in  manage- 
ment which  was  the  only  thing  that  could  have  enabled  them  to 
carry  this  load  of  debt  was  altogether  wanting.  If  any  one  desired 
an  illustration  of  the  danger  of  paralyzing  individual  thrift  by 
government  aid,  he  could  hardly  find  a  better  one  than  the  early 
history  of  the  Collins  line.  Under  such  circumstances  the  apparent 
prosperity  of  the  business  could  not  last  long.  The  rage  for  mak- 
ing fast  passages  rather  than  safe  ones  occasioned  the  loss  of  two 
steamers  ;  a  change  of  feeling  in  Congress  caused  the  subsidy  to  be 
withdrawn,  and  the  company  was  found  to  have  nothing  left  to 
stand  on. 

Discontinuance  of  the  Earlier  Subsidies  in   1858 

The  Pacific  Mail  had  a  much  longer  life ;  but  its  history  was  in 
many  respects  worse  than  that  of  the  Collins  line.  It  was  less 
harmed  by  the  discontinuance  of  the  earlier  subsidies  in  1858  than 
by  the  renewal  of  the  policy  in  1865.  The  $500,000  a  year  which 
was  paid  them  for  their  China  service  by  the  contract  of  1865 
proved  but  a  poor  compensation  for  the  unsound  methods  which 
were  introduced  into  the  management — in  part,  apparently,  as  the 
result  of  that  contract..  Up  to  1865  the  Pacific  Mail  had  been  a 
sound  concern.  Its  shares  stood  above  par.  After  that  it  fell  into 
the  hands  of  speculators ;  it  lost  nine  vessels  in  as  many  years ;  its 
shares  dropped  below  fourty.     An  additional  subsidy  of  another 


SUBSIDIZING  MERCHANT  SHIPS  189 

$500,000  was  voted  in  1872.  But  the  company  was  unable  to  get 
the  new  vessels  ready  for  service  within  the  time  stipulated ;  and 
while  the  government  was  hesitating  what  to  do,  a  series  of  dis- 
closures showed  that  the  contract  of  1872  had  been  obtained  by 
wholesale  corruption.  Public  opinion  was  strongly  aroused  against 
the  system.  The  contracts  of  1865  were  allowed  to  expire  and; 
were  not  renewed.  It  was  felt  that  the  trade  which  had  been^ 
encouraged  had  not  been  that  of  merchants  in  China,  but  of  specu- 
lators and  lobbyists  at  home. 

Such  facts  as  these  furnish  a  strong  argument  against  the 
attempt  to  build  up  and  American  steam  marine  by  means  of  sub- 
sidies. But  there  are  special  circumstances  which  render  the  lesson 
doubly  important  at  the  present  time. 

Tradition  That  Trade  Follows  the  Flag 

In  the  first  place,  the  difficulties  of  building  up  an  American 
carrying  trade  in  this  manner  to-day  are  exceptionally  great.  The 
cost  of  ships  in  America  is  greater  than  it  is  elsewhere.  No  foreign- 
built  ship  is  allowed  to  carry  the  American  flag.  Our  ship  owners 
are  thus  compelled  to  buy  in  a  dear  market  and  then  compete  on 
even  terms  with  those  whose  plant  is  cheaper.  But  this  is  not  all. 
Even  if  we  were  allowed,  by  a  change  in  the  navigation  laws,  to 
buy  our  ships  wherever  we  pleased,  we  should  not  be  on  an  equality 
with  our  competitors  in  this  matter.  In  order  that  American  capi- 
tal may  be  attracted  into  the  foreign  carrying  trade,  it  is  necessary 
that  the  rate  of  interest  obtainable  in  that  business  should  be  about 
as  high  as  that  which  can  be  had  in  other  lines  of  business  which 
offer  chances  for  investment.  That  is  not  the  case  at  the  present 
time.  Shipping  profits  have  been  cut  down  by  large  investments 
of  European  capital,  artificially  stimulated  by  subsidies.  They  have 
been  so  much  cut  down  that  there  has  been  for  two  or  three  years 
practically  no  money  to  be  made  in  the  business.  *         *  * 

There  is  a  tradition  that  "  trade  follows  the  flag  ; "  that  where 
our  ships  run  we  shall  develop  a  trade.  This  may  have  been  true 
before  the  invention  of  the  telegraph,  when  the  cargo  was  so  often 

II 


I90  SUBSIDIZING  MERCHANT  SHIPS 

a  matter  of  private  enterprise  on  the  part  of  the  ship  owner.  But 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  is  every  day  less  and  less  true  ;  and  it 
is  probably  furthest  from  the  truth  on  those  lines  of  communication 
where  subsidized  steamships  would  be  likely  to  run.  The  notion 
that  such  lines  would  act  as  drummers  for  New  York  houses  has 
very  little  basis  in  fact. 

'  If,  under  this  condition  of  things,  we  are  asked  to  grant  steam- 

ship subsidies  as  a  patiotic  way  of  getting  rid  of  the  surplus,  the 
presumption  is  strongly  against  the  wisdom  of  any  such  policy.  In 
all  the  affairs  of  life,  whether  public  or  private,  it  is  a  dangerous 
thing  to  spend  money  simply  because  you  have  it.  It  is  almost  cer- 
tain that  such  money  will  be  unwisely  spent.  This  is  conspicuously 
true  of  the  government  expenditures.  The  really  wise  ones  have 
not  been  made  where  an  overflowing  public  treasury  was  used  to 
help  individual  enterprise,  but  where  some  specific  need  was  felt, 
and  the  Government  set  about  to  have  that  need  met  in  the  most 
efficient  way. 

A  Matter  of  Bussiness 

England  has  at  times  given  large  steamship  subsidies,  but  she 
has  done  it  on  business  principles.  It  was  a  political  necesssity  for 
her  to  have  communication  with  her  colonies,  and  to  have 
steamships  which  could  furnish  her  with  a  naval  reserve  and  a 
transport  service  in  case  of  war.  In  order  to  do  this  she  had 
to  pay  for  it.  She  tried  to  pay  as  little  as  she  could  for  the  service 
rendered;  but  she  could  not,  without  political  suicide,  dispense  with 
such  service.  She  had  the  same  reasons  for  subsidizing  steamships 
that  we  have  for  maintaining  postal  communication  on  lines  which  do 
not  pay.  It  was  the  same  reason  which  has  led  Germany  and  Russia 
to  build  military  railroads  or  which  led  us  to  grant  liberal  aid  to  the 
Union  Pacific  in  1862  and  1864.  In  all  these  cases  it  was  a  matter 
of  business  for  the  government  to  secure  its  end.  The  fact  that  the 
returns  could  not  all  be  measured  in  dollars  and  cents  did  not  pre- 
vent its  being  sound  business  policy.  In  fact,  it  furnished  a  strong 
reason  why  the  government  might  properly  make  the  expenditure, 


SUBSIDIZING  MERCHANT  SHIPS  191 

because  there  was  an  advantage  to  be  gained  of  which  individual 
enterprise  could  not  reap  the  benefit. 

But  where  subsidies  have  been  given,  as  has  been  recently  the 
case  in  France  or  as  was  done  in  America  in  the  instances  already 
described,  as  a  means  of  encouraging  private  commercial  enterprise, 
it  has  not  proved  good  business  policy.  It  has  caused  waste  instead 
of  economy,  loss  rather  than  gain  ;  it  has  not  proved  a  source  of  naval 
strength  or  commercial  prosperity  for  every  nation  which  has 
adopted  it.  It  has  turned  out  to  be  simply  an  inducement  to 
extravagance. 

It  is  undoubtedly  desirable  to  reduce  the  treasury  surplus  ;  but 
why?  Just  because  it  offers  a  temptation  to  extravagant  uses  of 
the  money.  To  make  the  existence  of  such  a  surplus  a  justification 
for  subsidies  is  simply  to  court  the  evil  of  which  we  are  afraid.  If 
we  spend  our  money  recklessly  we  shall  not  have  so  much  left  to 
spend,  and  in  that  way  the  immediate  danger  may  be  diminished ; 
but  meantime  we  shall  have  done  the  very  harm  which  we  wished 
to  avoid.  More  than  this,  we  shall  have  laid  the  foundation  for 
future  evil  of  the  same  sort ;  for  any  such  lavish  expenditure  of 
money  conceals  the  need  of  wise  measures  to  prevent  its  accumu- 
lation." 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Future    Growth    of   American    Trade 

The   Demand  for  an  American  Merchant  Marine — The   Opening 

of  Foreign   Markets — A   Canal   to   Connect  the  Two 

Oceans    Necessary — Our   Possessions    in    the 

East  to   Help  Gain  the  Commercial 

Supremacy  in  the  East 

The  views  of  Senator  William  P.  Frye,  of   Maine 

THE  discussion  of  the  policy  of  the  present  administration  in 
regard  to  our  new  possessions,  in  regard  to  the  subsidizing 
of  American  steamship  lines,  the  construction  of  a  ship 
canal  on  the  Isthmus  connecting  the  two  great  continents  of  the 
Western  hemisphere  will  add  much  to  the  intelligent  understanding 
of  the  issues  which,  in  a  measure,  will  be  settled  during  the  admin- 
istration of  the  new  President. 

Senator  William  P.  Frye,  of  Maine,  has  been  one  of  the  most 
intelligent  students  of  all  these  great  problems,  and  commands  the 
respect  and  regard  of  men  of  all  parties.  His  public  utterances, 
therefore,  are  of  unusual  interest,  as  the  following  discussion  will 
indicate. 

All  intelligent  men  know  perfectly  well  to-day  that  in  the 
foreign  carrying  trade  we  have  nothing  to  do  whatever  ;  we  are  out 
of  it.  i 

Our  Ships  Seldom  Seen  Abroad 

Our  ships  are  never  seen  anywhere  in  the  world.  Four  ships 
of  the  American  Line  carry  the  American  flags  that  go  across  the 
water.  That  is  about  all  there  is  to  it.  Last  year,  with  all  our 
enormous  exports  and  imports  to  and  from  Europe,  our  ships  did 
not  carry  quite  2  per  cent.,  and  in  all  the  world  they  did  not  carry 
192 


FUTURE  GROWTH  OF  AMERICAN  TRADE  193 

quite  9  per  cent.  The  Produce  Exchange,  a  few  years  ago,  made 
a  report,  and  in  that  report  it  said  1 750  ships  cleared  from  the  port 
of  New  York  in  that  year  for  foreign  markets,  loaded  with  our 
products,  and  that  seven  of  them  carried  the  American  flag.  All 
of  you  know  that,  and  in  knowing  it  you  are  very  apt  to  forget  that 
we  have  such  a  thing  as  a  lake,  coastwise  and  river  freight.  We 
'  have  the  finest  in  the  whole  wide  world.  We  have  a  larger  one 
than  Germany,  France  and  England  combined  in  the  same  trade. 
To-day  our  tonnage  in  that  flleet,  or  documented  and  undocumented 
vessels,  will  reach  7,000,000.  Suez  Canal,  which  is  supposed  to 
carry  the  commerce  of  the  world,  passed,  last  year,  a  tonnage  of 
nearly  10,000,000.  The  Salte  Ste.  Marie,  in  eight  months  of  last 
year,  passed  a  tonnage  of  2  5, 000, 000 — more  than  entered  London 
or  Liverpool  in  the  same  time.  It  took  3,500,000  tonnage  to  carry 
the  freights  on  the  Mississippi  River  alone  last  year.  That  fleet 
carried,  last  year,  168,000,000  of  tons  of  freight  and  200,000,000  of 
passengers.  Your  ships  in  the  foreign-carrying  trade  are  unpro- 
tected and  compete  with  ships  that  are  protected.  Your  coastwise, 
lake  and  river  fleet  has  been  protected  for  a  hundred  years  by 
absolute  prohibition,  no  foreign  ship  being  permitted  to  engaged  in 
it  under  any  condition.  There  is  the  difference  between  protection 
and  non-protection. 

Foreign  Markets   Needed 

How  about  the  future  ?  Are  we  going  to  acquire  foreign 
markets  in  the  future  ?  Take  your  manufactured  product  alone, 
which  competes  with  the  world  ?  Your  manufactured  product  must 
meet  all  Europe,  in  all  the  markets  of  the  world,  you  paying 
double  the  wages  that  they  pay. 

Is  there  going  to  be  a  surplus  of  manufactured  product  ?  Last 
year  we  exported,  of  manufactured  product,  $1,000,000  worth  every 
day,  and  yet  consumption  at  home  was  greater  than  it  ever  had 
been  in  any  year  in  the  history  of  this  Republic.  Your  wages  were 
higher  than  they  had  ever  been  before,  your  product  was  greater 
than  ever  before,  and  your  export,  as  I  say,  was  $1,000,000  a  day. 


194  FUTURE  GROWTH  OF  AMERICAN  TRADE 

A  few  years  ago  your  export  of  manufactured  product,  as  compared 
to  that,  was  a  mere  bagatelle.  In  those  few  years  it  has  been  grow- 
ing in  that  way.  Your  surplus  product  is  increasing  every  hour  that 
we  live.  It  is  bound  to  increase  every  hour  we  live,  and  your 
necessity  for  a  foreign  market  is  growing  more  serious  every  single 
year.  The  danger  of  an  unsold  surplus  is  growing  every  year  to 
be  a  greater  and  greater  menace  to  the  prosperity  of  this  country. 

What  are  we  going  to  do  about  it  ?  We  must  double  what 
we  have  been  doing  at  least,  and  that  you  will  I  have  not  a  shadow 
of  doubt.  But  you  must  go  further  than  that.  You  must  look  to 
other  sources  and  in  other  directions  for  assistance.  Your  most 
dangerous  commercial  rival  in  the  next  twenty-five  years  is 
Germany  ;  indeed,  she  is  the  only  rival  you  have  any  occasion  to  be 
afraid  of,  and  you  have  occasion  to  be  afraid  of  her.  Her  people 
are  economical  and  very  hard-working.  She  patterns  your 
machinery  the  moment  you  get  it  out  of  the  inventor's  hands  to- 
day ;  she  even  patterns  your  goods,  and  in  some  instances  puts 
them  out  as  American  goods. 

Germany's  Enterprise 

She  is  determined  upon  having  the  markets  of  the  world, 
and  her  Emperor  equally  determined.  She  has  facilities  that  we 
have  not.  Witness  what  they  are  doing  to-day  in  establishing  great 
lines  to  the  great  East !  See  what  they  mean  by  it !  What  do 
they  mean  by  taking  the  Caroline  Islands  from  Spain  ?  What  do 
all  their  preparations  to-day  mean  but  a  commercial  war,  more 
savage  and  more  fierce  than  any  that  has  yet  been  fought  in  our 
time  ?  She  does  not  pay  half  the  wages  to-day,  in  making  the 
identical  goods  that  you  make.  Are  you  going  to  put  your  wages 
down  to  hers  in  order  to  compete  with  her?  That  would  be  a 
menace  to  the  life  of  the  Republic  itself.  You  cannot  cut  down 
the  wages  of  your  workmen  one-half  to  compete  with  Germany. 
If  you  do,  you  will  then  reduce  the  consuming  power  of  your 
people  one-half  and  thus  double  your  product.  Are  you  going  to 
stop  your  mills  and  run  them  on  one-half  time  ?     In  that  way  you 


FUTURE  GROWTH  OF  AMERICAN  TRADE  195 

simply  decrease   the   purchasing  power  of  your   own   people  and 
increase  the  cost  of  the  product.     That  will  not  do. 

Build  up  the  Merchant  Marine 

My  judgment  is  that  several  things  are  to  be  done.  In  the  first 
place,  I  believe  that  you  ought  to  carry  your  exports  and  imports 
in  American  ships,  under  the  American  flag,  with  American  masters. 
Make  every  master  of  an  American  ship  an  intelligent,  active  agent 
to  find  markets  for  your  goods  and  to  dispose  of  the  goods  when 
the  markets  are  found.  When  you  put  a  cargo  of  goods  from 
Philadelphia  in  a  British  ship,  do  you  expect  that  the  British 
master  is  going  to  help  you  dispose  of  those  goods?  He  is  going 
to  hurt  you  in  the  disposition  of  those  goods,  if  he  can.  The  idea 
of  our  paying  $500,000  every  day  that  we  live,  in  gold,  to  England 
and  Germany  to  carry  our  exports  and  bring  our  imports,  is  a 
humiliation  that  this  American  people  ought  not  to  submit  to  longer. 

I  have  taken  a  profound  interest  in  this  revival  of  our  merchant 
marine  for  a  good  many  years.  In  1891  I  spent  over  six  months 
months  on  the  matter,  sent  for  experts  from  all  over  the  United 
States  to  come  to  Washington  to  enable  me  to  draft  a  bill  which 
should  revive  our  merchant  marine.  We  drafted  a  mail  subsidy  bill 
and  a  bounty  bill.  Those  bills  were  reported  by  me  to  the  United 
States  Senate.  They  both  passed  the  Senate.  Then  they  went 
over  to  the  House,  and  the  House,  apparently  without  any  knowl- 
edge on  the  subject,  deliberately  cut  down  the  premiums  which 
were  to  be  paid  nearly  one-half,  defeated  the  bounty  bill  by  about 
six  votes — it  was  a  Democratic  House — passed  the  subsidy  bill  with 
the  life,  as  I  say,  taken  out  of  it,  the  very  last  day  of  the  session, 
too  late  for  a  remedy. 

It  was  a  failure,  and  a  failure  because  the  bill  had  been  emas- 
culated. Some  people  think  if  a  ten-knot  ship  takes  twenty  tons 
of  coal  a  day,  a  twenty-knot  ship  ought  to  take  but  forty.  If  a 
ten-knot  ship  takes  twenty  tons,  a  twenty-knot  ship  should  take  300 
tons  a  day,  and  100  men  to  handle  it.  All  that  we  got,  and  that 
was  by  a  trade,  was  these  four  ships  on  the  American  Line.     I  was 


196  FUTURE  GROWTH  OF  AMERICAN  TRADE 

not  for  a  free  ship  myself,  but  your  plausible  and  prevailing  Mr. 
Griscom  persuaded  me  to  let  him  build  two  of  his  ships  where 
he  chose,  if  he  would  build  two  of  them  just  here.  I  objected  to  it. 
We  let  them  in,  and  they  sail  from  here  to  England  to-day  under 
the  American  flag.  I  was  a  good  deal  discouraged  with  that  attempt. 
jit  ran  along  for  several  years.  About  three  years  ago  I  thought  I 
could  see  that  the  American  people  were  taking  a  new  interest  in 
this  matter  of  reviving  American  shipping,  and  thought  it  was  a 
good  time  to  try  over  again. 

Urging  Subsidies 

I  formed  a  committee  on  my  own  responsibility,  because  ex- 
perts were  an  absolute  necessity  to  making  any  kind  of  a  business 
deal.  I  formed  a  committee  of  about  twenty-five.  From  Philadel- 
phia I  took  Mr.  Griscom,  who  knows  pretty  well  about  ships ; 
I  took  Theodore  C.  Search  as  a  representative  of  the  manufactur- 
ing industries  ;  I  took  Charles  Cramp  as  a  shipbuilder ;  I  took  Mr. 
Mink,  who  has  to  do  with  the  coastwise  trade.  I  sent  out  to  the 
Lakes  'and  took  men  there  who  had  no  earthly  interest  in  the 
matter  except  as  patriotic  citizens.  I  took  men  who  were  engaged 
in  the  coastwise  trade,  who  had  no  interest  except  as  patriotic 
Americns.  I  took  men  who  believed  in  discriminating  differences. 
I  took  men  who  believed  in  bounties  and  made  up  a  committe  of 
twenty-five  men,  and  there  never  were  twenty-five  men  who  devoted 
so  much  time  to  any  one  single  piece  of  legislation  as  those  men 
devoted  to  that. 

Flag  upon  the   Ocean  Again 

We  finally  drafted  a  bill  which,  in  my  judgment,  will,  if  it 
becomes  a  law,  put  our  flag  upon  the  ocean  once  more.  It  has 
been  reported  by  me  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  When- 
ever it  gets  a  chance  for  consideration,  it  will  pass  the  United  States 
Senate,  and  I  hope  it  will  pass  the  National  House  of  Represen- 
tatives. If  it  does,  we  will  have  agents  of  our  own  and  ships  of  our 
own,  within  the  next  five  or  ten  years,  to  rival  the  ships  of  foreign 


FUTURE  GROWTH  OF  AMERICAN  TRADE  197 

countries,  and  meet  them  on  equal  terms  in  the  great  commercial 
ports  of  the  world. 

Another  thing  I  desire  to  briefly  call  your  attention  to  is : 
Where  are  you  going  to  look  for  your  export  trade  ?  You  have  to 
look  to  the  East.  Humboldt,  more  than  fifty  years  ago,  said 
the  Pacific  was  to  be  the  great  ocean  for  trade  in  the  future.  He 
was  a  true  prophet.  We  all  know  it  now.  The  conduct  of  Russia, 
England,  France  and  Germany,  within  the  last  two  years,  shows 
they  recognize  the  fact  that  Humbolt  was  a  prophet  and  an 
inspired  one. 

Dig  a  Canal 

How  can  we  reach  the  Eastern  trade  ?  How  can  we  get  our 
share  of  it  ?  There  is  the  problem  we  have  to  settle.  I  say  you 
want  first  to  build  an  isthmian  canal  right  across  the  Isthmus  down 
here  at  Panama.  Make  it  neutral  to  all  the  world,  if  you  please,  in 
peace  and  war,  but  not  neutral  with  a  country  that  is  at  war  with 
us.  What  effect  will  that  canal  have  ?  It  will  brine  New  York 
City  a  day's  sail  nearer  Shanghai  than  Liverpool  will  be,  and  Liv- 
erpool is  a  great  deal  nearer  Shanghai  to-day  than  New  York  is — 
thousands  of  miles  nearer.  Before  the  Suez  Canal  was  built,  we 
were  as  near  the  Orient  as  England,  and  after  it  was  built  we  were 
from  3,000  to  5,000  miles  further  off  than  England  was,  and  Eng- 
land has  been  reaping  the  benefit  of  it. 

Competing  in  East 
Her  commerce  increased  from  40  per  cent,  up  to  the  time 
that  canal  was  opened  to  88  per  cent,  to  the  Orient,  and  only  17 
per  cent,  to  the  rest  of  the  world.  That  shows  what  shortening  of 
distance  and  lowering  of  freights  does  for  commerce.  I  say  that 
canal  will  bring  New  York  a  day's  sail  nearer  to  Shanghai  than 
Liverpool  will  be.  It  will  bring  New  York  1,200  miles  nearer  the 
northern  ports  of  China,  where  our  trade  is  to-day,  and  where  it  must 
be  largely  in  the  future.  It  will  bring  New  York  2,000 miles  nearer 
Corea ;  it  will  bring  New  York  1,800  miles  nearer  Yokohama;  it 
will  bring  New  York  1,000  miles  nearer  Melbourne;   it  will  bring 


198  FUTURE  GROWTH  OF  AMERICAN  TRADE 

New  York  i,8oo  miles  nearer  Sydney  ;  it  will  bring  New  York 
more  than  2,000  miles  nearer  New  Zealand  ;  it  will  bring  New 
York  3,000  to  4,000  miles  nearer  to  the  west  coast  of  South 
America. 

Look  at  your  map  to-day  and  you  will  find  that  the  course 
from  New  York  to  the  west  coast  of  South  America  is  not  abso- 
lutely straight.  Now  is  there  an  intelligent  man  here  who  cannot 
see  that  in  the  enormous  decrease  of  distance  the  great  lowering  of 
freight  rates  is  going  to  enable  us  to  compete  with  England  in  the 
Orient,  or  with  Germany,  or  with  any  other  nation  in  Europe  ? 

New  Possessions  Will  Help  Commerce 
Our  recently  acquired  possessions  are  an  enormous  lift  for  us 
-in  this  contest  for  the  commerce  of  the  East  and  for  commerce 
generally.  Under  that  treaty  we  acquired  not  the  sovereignty  of 
Cuba,  because  we  yield  the  sovereignty  of  that  island  to  any  stable 
government  that  may  be  formed  there,  which  is  capable  of  preserv- 
ing order,  protecting  life  and  liberty  of  its  inhabitants,  making  treat- 
ies and  insisting  upon  their  rights  under  the  treaties,  and  observing 
their  obligations. 

But  to  whom  will  the  people  of  the  Island  of  Cuba  owe  relief 
from  that  despotic  power  of  Spain  which  has  ground  her  into  the 
dust  for  the  last  200  years  ?  To  whom  will  they  owe  their  release 
from  hunger  and  starvation  and  death  ?  To  whom  will  they  owe 
their  relief  from  the  most  ingenious  and  outrageous  taxation  that 
was  ever  imposed  upon  a  people?  Why,  to  us.  Will  they  not, 
through  gratitude  and  propinquity,  give  us  the  trade  of  that  beauti- 
ful island  ?  You  let  a  stable  government  be  formed.  Let  peace 
settle  on  the  island  once  more.  Let  American  capital  go  there,  as 
it  will,  and  the  trade  and  commerce  of  that  island  will  quadruple  in 
two  years,  and  it  will  be  ours.  Porto  Rico  is  ours.  Her  trade  is 
ours  and  will  be  ours. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

The  Presidential  Administrations  of  the 

Century  ; 

Personal  ,  Characteristics — Origin    of    Political     Parties — Leading 

Events  of  each  Administration — Information    Necessary 

to  Understand  Questions  of  To-day. 

WHEN  the  office  of  President  was  to  be  filled  for  the  first 
time,  grave  problems  were  to  be  solved.  The  hardship  and 
suffering  of  the  struggle  for  independence  were  yet  pres- 
ent in  the  minds  of  all  men  ;  the  weakness  and  failure  cf  the  Gov- 
ernment instituted  by  the  Articles  of  Confederation  had  compelled 
an  attempt  "to  form  a  more  perfect  Union  ;"  the  eyes  of  the  civil- 
ized world  were  upon  the  struggling  people,  and  to  men  who  had 
not  an  abiding  faith  in  the  principles  for  which  the  battles  of  the 
Revolution  had  been  fought,  it  seemed  that  the  experiment  of 
popular  government  was  to  end  in  early,  complete,  and  appropriate 
catastrophe. 

In  such  circumstances,  it  was  well  that  the  public  needs  were 
so  great  and  so  immediate  as  to  make  men  willing  to  forget  their 
differences  and  consider  measures  for  the  common  good  ;  and  par- 
ticularly was  it  well  for  the  future  of  our  country  that  there  was  one 
man  upon  whom  all  could  agree  as  uniting  the  wisdom,  the  mod- 
eration, the  experience,  the  dignity  necessary  to  the  first  President 
of  the  United  States. 

George  Washington,  i  732-1 799.     Two  Terms,  i  789-1 797 

George  Washington  was  the  only  man  ever  unanimously 
elected  President.  He  undertook  the  duties  of  the  Chief  Magis- 
tracy with  a  deep   sense  of  their  importance  and  their  difficulty, 

199 


200  THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS 

but  with  the  courage  and  devotion  which  characterized  all  his  con- 
duct He  selected  for  his  Cabinet  men  of  widely  different  political 
views,  but  men  whose  names  were  not  new  to  Americans,  men 
whose  past  services  justified  the  belief  that  they  would  find  means 
of  leading  the  country  out  of  its  present  difficulties,  and  of  setting 
the  affairs  of  the  Government  on  a  sure  foundation.  Jefferson, 
Hamilton,  Knox  and  Randolph  might  well  be  trusted  to  concert 
wise  measures. 

Washington's  second  election  was,  like  the  first,  without  oppo- 
sition, and  for  four  years  more  he  continued  to  guide  the  affairs  of 
State.  A  national  bank  had  been  established  early  in  his  first 
term,  and  also  the  Philadelphia  Mint,  and  the  currency  of  the 
country  was  now  on  a  fairly  satisfactory  basis ;  a  census  had  been 
taken  in  1 790  and  showed  that  the  country  had  already  begun  to 
grow  in  population,  and  the  outlook  was  much  more  favorable  than 
four  years  earlier. 

John  Adams,  1735-1826.     One  Term,  1797-1801 

Upon  the  announcement  of  Washington's  retirement,  the  two 
parties,  which  had  been  gradually  developing  an  organization,  pre- 
pared to  contest  the  election  of  the  second  President.  The  Feder- 
alists, who  advocated  a  strong  central  government,  favored  John 
Adams,  and  the  Republicans,  who  "  claimed  to  be  the  friends  of 
liberty  and  the  rights  of  man,  the  advocates  of  economy,  and  of  the 
rights  of  the  states,"  desired  the  election  of  Thomas  Jefferson.  The 
Federalists  were  in  a  slight  majority,  and  Mr.  Adams  was  elected. 
He  was  a  native  of  Massachusetts,  and  had  borne  a  leading  part  in 
the  struggle  for  independence  and  the  development  of  the  govern- 
ment. He  was  one  of  the  leaders  in  Massachusetts  in  resisting 
the  oppressive  measures  which  brought  on  the  Revolution  ;  he  sec- 
onded the  resolution  for  the  Declaration  of  Indpendence,  and 
assisted  in  framing  that  remarkable  document  ;  with  Franklin  and 
Jay,  he  negotiated  the  treaty  which  established  our  independence; 
he  had  represented  his  country  as  Minister  to  France,  and  to  Hol- 
land, and  was  the  first  United  States  Minister  to  England ;  he  had 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS  201 

been  Vice-President  during  Washington's  two  administrations,  and 
was  now  to  assume  office  as  the  second  President. 

His  Presidency  opened  with  every  prospect  of  war  with  the 
French.  That  nation  had  taken  offence  because  we  preserved  an 
attitude  of  neutraHty  in  their  contest  with  Great  Britain.  They 
actually  began  war  by  capturing  our  merchant  ships,  and  the  French 
Directory  refused  to  receive  the  new  United  States  Minister,  while 
three  commissioners,  who  were  sent  to  make  one  more  effort  for 
peace,  were  insulted.  Under  the  influence  of  the  war  spirit  thus 
excited,  the  Federalists  in  Congress  passed  two  acts,  known  as  the 
Alien  and  Sedition  Laws,  which  resulted  in  the  downfall  of  their 
party.  The  former  gave  the  President  authority  to  order  out  of 
the  country  any  alien  whom  he  considered  dangerous  to  its  welfare, 
and  the  latter  was  intended  to  suppress  conspiracies  and  malicious 
abuse  of  the  Government.  They  excited  great  opposition  and  were 
almost  immediately  repealed.  The  war  had  already  been  terminated 
on  the  accession  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte  to  power  in  France. 

Thomas  Jefferson,  1743-1826.     Two  Terms,   1801-1809 

Mr.  Adams  failed  of  re-election,  largely  because  of  the  division 
of  sentiment  in  regard  to  the  French  war.  His  great  patriotism, 
high  moral  courage,  and  his  ability  as  a  statesman,  were  somewhat 
marred  by  a  strange  lack  of  tact,  and  a  stupendous  vanity,  which 
sometimes  made  him  ridiculous,  but  his  countrymen  could  well 
afford  to  forget  such  minor  faults,  and  remember  only  his  manifold 
services  in  their  common  cause.  He  was  succeeded  by  a  man  no 
less  great.  Thomas  Jefferson  was  the  son  of  a  Virginia  planter, 
received  his  education  at  William  and  Mary  College,  studied  law 
and  engaged  in  its  practice.  He  resolved  on  entering  public  life, 
never  to  engage,  while  in  public  office,  in  any  kind  of  enterprise  for 
the  improvement  of  his  fortune,  nor  to  wear  any  other  character 
than  that  of  a  farmer.  When  he  came  to  the  Presidency  his  country 
already  owed  him  much.  As  a  member  of  the  Continental  Congress 
he  wrote  the  draft  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence;  returning 


202  THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS 

to  Virginia,  he  inaugurated  a  reformed  system  of  laws  in  that  state, 
and  becoming  its  Governor,  rendered  invaluable  aid  to  the  army 
during  he  closing  years  of  the  Revolution  ;  he  shared  with  Gouv- 
erneur  Morris  the  credit  of  devising  our  decimal  system  of  money  ; 
he  succeeded  Franklin  as  Minister  to  France,  and  on  his  return  from 
that  post,  was  informed  that  Washington  had  chosen  him  for  the  first 
Secretary  of  State.  He  wished  to  decline  further  public  service, 
but  "  It  is  not  for  an  individual,"  said  he  to  the  President,  "  to  chose 
his  post  ;  you  are  to  marshal  us  as  may  be  best  for  the  public  good." 
A  difference  of  three  electoral  votes  made  Adams  President  and 
Jefferson  Vice-President,  but  in  1800  apolitical  revolution  reversed 
the  the  majority  and  made  him  the  third  President.  Although  a 
leader  of  a  party,  he  exerted  himself  to  allay  partisan  rancor,  and 
he  resolutely  refused  to  make  official  positions  for  his  political 
friends  by  removing  from  office  men  whose  only  offence  was  a  dif- 
ference of  political  opinion. 

Jefferson  was  re-elected  by  a  largely  increased  majority.  Dur- 
ing his  administration,  the  territory  of  Louisana  was  purchased 
from  France  ;  the  famous  expedition  of  Lewis  and  Clarke  set  out 
to  explore  this  new  domain  ;  the  importation  of  slaves  was  forbid- 
den ;  the  pirates  of  Tripoli  and  Algiers  were  suppressed  ;  the  first 
steamboat  began  to  navigate  the  Hudson,  and  the  growing  troubles 
with  Great  Britain  and  France  caused  the  enactment  of  laws  called 
the  Embargo  and  Non-intercourse  Acts,  intended,  by  cutting  off 
our  commerce  with  those  countries,  to  compel  them  to  respect  our 
neutrality.  These  two  measures  resulted  in  little  but  failure,  as 
they  caused  great  distress  at  home,  and  were  repealed  before  they 
could  have  much  effect  abroad. 

James  Madison,   i  751-1836.     Two  Terms  i 809-181 7. 

When  James  Madison  came  to  be  the  fourth  President,  he 
found  the  difficulties  with  England  and  France  still  unsettled. 
These  countries  being  ancient  enemies  and  being  almost  continually 
at  war,  it  was  almost  impossible  to  be  on  friendly  terms  with  one 
without  making  an  enemy  of  the  other ;  neither  would  respect  our 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS  203 

rights  as  a  neutral  nation  ;  each  was  in  the  habit  of  seizing  and 
selHng  our  ships  and  cargoes  bound  for  the  ports  of  jthe  other,  and 
England,  in  addition,  assumed  the  right  to  search  our  vessels, 
examine  their  crews,  and  compel  to  enter  her  service  any  sailor 
who  had  been  an  English  subject.  These  troubles  were  not  new. 
Jay's  treaty,  in  1795,  had  vainly  attempted  to  adjust  a  part  of  them, 
and  as  our  country  grew  in  strength,  it  gradually  became  impossi- 
ble for  the  people  longer  to  submit. 

The  War  of  181 2,  the  "Second  War  for  Independence," 
occupied  most  of  Madison's  administration,  and  though  not  vigor- 
ously conducted,  it  demonstrated  the  military  and  naval  resources 
of  the  country  and  caused  the  American  flag  to  be  respected  all 
over  the  world  ;  and  by  cutting  off  the  supply  of  foreign  goods,  it 
compelled  the  starting  of  cotton  and  woolen  mills  in  this  country, 
and  this  resulted  in  the  building  up  of  home  manufactures. 

The  Presidency  of  Mr.  Madison  is  not  the  portion  of  his 
career  upon  which  his  fame  rests  ;  his  best  services  to  his  country 
were  in  his  work  as  a  constructive  statesman.  In  the  shaping  of 
the  Constitution  and  in  securing  its  adoption  he  shared  with  Hamil- 
ton the  chief  honors.  He  was,  doubtless,  happy  when,  at  the  close 
of  his  second  administration,  he  could  retire  to  his  Virginia  estate 
and  spend  the  remaining  twenty  years  of  his  life  in  scholarly  ease. 

James  Monroe,  1758-1831.     Two  Terms,  1817-1825 

Madison  was  succeeded  by  another  Virginian,  a  gallant  soldier 
of  the  Revolution,  who  had  laid  down  his  books  at  William  and 
Mary  College  to  complete  his  education  in  the  Continental  army. 
James  Monroe  was  eighteen  years  old  when  he  took  part  in  the 
battle  of  Trenton,  and  his  record  justified  the  confidence  with 
which  his  countrymen  universally  regarded  him.  In  his  inaugural 
address  he  took  as  a  symbol  of  the  enduring  character  of  the  Union, 
the  foundation  of  the  Capitol,  near  which  he  stood  to  deliver  the 
address  and  which  had  survived  the  ruins  of  the  beautiful  building 
recently  burnt  by  the  British. 


i04  THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS 

So  popular  was  President  Monroe,  and  so  wisely  did  he  admin- 
ster  the  affairs  of  state,  that  on  his  re-election  there  was  no  opposing 
candidate  and  he  lacked  but  one  of  a  unanimous  vote  in  the  elec- 
toral college.  This  vote  was  cast  for  John  Quincy  Adams,  simply 
in  order  "  that  no  later  mortal  should  stand  in  Washington's  shoes  " 
in  being  unanimously  elected.  Monroe's  two  terms  comprise  an 
eventful  period  in  our  history  ;  the  government  pensioned  its  Revo- 
lutionary soldiers  and  their  widows,  spending  in  all  $65,000,000  in 
this  noble  work  ;  Florida  was  purchased  from  Spain  ;  the  National 
Road  was  begun  at  Cumberland,  Md.,  finally  to  extend  as  far  as 
Illinois,  and  to  be  of  inestimable  service  in  the  opening  and  develop- 
ment of  the  West ;  but  the  subject  which  took  the  deepest  hold 
upon  the  minds  of  the  people  was  that  of  the  extension  of  slavery. 
Following  the  "  Era  of  Good  Feeling "  ushered  in  by  Monroe's 
administration,  came  a  serious  division  in  public  feeling  as  to 
whether  slavery  should  be  permitted  in  the  northern  part  of  the 
territory  west  of  the  Mississippi.  The  question  arose  so  suddenly 
and  was  so  fiercely  debated,  that  Jefferson  declared  that  it  terrified 
him,  "like  a  fire-bell  in  the  night,"  and  he  feared  serious  trouble 
between  the  states,  the  actual  outbreak  of  which  was  postponed,  by 
a  series  of  compromises,  for  a  period  of  forty  years.  Henry  Clay's 
Missouri  Compromise  quieted  the  quarrel  for  some  twenty-five 
years. 

Monroe  Doctrine 

President  Monroe  is  perhaps  most  widely  renowned  as  the 
author  of  the  "Monroe  Doctrine" — that  no  European  nation  has  a 
right  to  interfere  with  the  affairs  of  any  American  state — a  doctrine 
to  which  our  government  has  steadily  adhered.  It  is  interesting  to 
note  that  the  man  who  had  served  his  country  so  well  in  the  high 
position  of  its  chief  magistrate  was  willing,  after  the  close  of  his 
second  term,  to  accept  so  humble  a  post  as  that  of  Justice  of  the 
Peace,  and  so  continue  a  public  servant ;  but  it  is  sad  to  relate  that 
Mr.  Monroe's  great  generosity  and  public  spirit  left  him,  in  his  old 
age,  embarrassed  by  debt,  and  necessitated  the  giving  up  of  his  resi- 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS  205 

dence  at  Oak  Hill,  in  Virginia,  to  end  his  days  in  the  home  of  a 
son-in-law,  in  New  York. 

John  Quincy  Adams,    i 767-1848.     One  Term,  1825-1829 

The  "Era  of  Good  Feeling"  had  left  no  organized  national 
parties  in  politics,  and  there  were  four  candidates  voted  for  to  suc- 
ceed Monroe.  This  resulted  in  there  being  no  majority  in  the  elec- 
toral college,  and  the  final  choice  was  therefore  made  by  the  House 
of  Representatives,  John  Quincy  Adams  thus  becoming  the  sixth 
President.  He  was,  perhaps,  as  well  equipped  for  the  position,  at 
least  in  breadth  of  information,  knowledge  of  statecraft,  and  experi- 
ence in  political  affairs,  as  any  man  who  has  ever  filled  it.  At  the 
age  of  fifteen  he  was  secretary  to  the  Minister  to  Russia ;  after 
graduating  at  Harvard,  and  practicing  law  for  a  few  years,  he  be- 
came United  States  Minister  at  the  Hague,  and  afterwards  at  Ber- 
lin, St.  Petersburg  and  London ;  he  had  represented  Massachusetts 
in  the  national  Senate,  and  during  the  presidency  of  Mr.  Monroe 
he  had  been  Secretary  of  State.  His  administration  was  not 
marked  by  any  measure  of  national  importance,  but  is  notable  as 
the  era  in  which  a  number  of  projects  for  the  promotion  of  com- 
mercial intercourse  met  with  the  success  they  deserved 

We  have  already  mentioned  the  National  Road.  It  was  no 
more  important  than  the  Erie  Canal,  "  Clinton's  Big  Ditch,"  as  it 
was  derisively  called,  which  was  opened  in  1825;  and  the  experi- 
ments with  "steam  wagons"  resulted,  in  1828,  in  the  opening  of  a 
line  of  railroad  which  now  forms  part  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
system.  The  first  spadeful  of  earth  was  turned  by  the  venerablej 
Charles  Carroll,  of  Carrollton,  the  only  survivor  of  the  signers  ofi 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  who  remarked,  in  so  doing,  that  he 
considered  this  among  the  most  important  acts  of  his  life,  "second 
only  to  that  of  signing  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  if  second 
to  that." 

It  is  also  to  be  noted  that  this  era  marks  the  beginning  of  that 
social  movement  which   in  less   than   seventy  years  has  resulted  in 


2o6  THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS 

so  marked  a  change  in  the  views  of  Americans  regarding  the  use  of 
intoxicants. 

Andrew  Jackson,  1767-1845.  Two  Terms,  1829-1837 
Andrew  Jackson,  the  seventh  President,  was  the  first  who  was 
not  a  citizen  either  of  Massachusetts  or  Virginia.  He  was  also  the 
first  who  was  not  already  known  to  his  countrymen  as  a  distin- 
guished statesman.  He  was  exceedingly  popular,  however,  owing 
to  his  military  services  and  to  his  energetic,  honest  and  fearless, 
though  headstrong  character.  He  had  led  a  strange  and  eventful 
life.  In  his  boyhood  he  had  known  all  the  hardships  and  privations 
of  absolute  poverty ;  at  the  age  of  fourteen  he  was  a  prisoner  of 
war,  and  nearly  starved  by  his  British  captors.  He  studied  law  and 
emigrated  from  North  Carolina  to  Tennessee.  After  that  territory 
became  a  state  he  represented  it  in  Congress,  and  for  a  short  time 
in  the  senate.  He  was  continually  involved  in  quarrels,  fought 
several  duels,  and  made  many  bitter  enemies  as  well  as  many  warm 
friends.  His  success  in  leading  the  Tennessee  militia  against  the 
Indians  gained  for  him  the  reputation  which  caused  his  appoint- 
ment to  command  in  the  Southwest  near  the  close  of  the  war  of 
1812,  and  his  brilliant  defence  of  New  Orleans  gave  "Old  Hickory" 
a  place  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen,  which  resulted  in  their  elect- 
ing him  to  succeed  John  Quincy  Adams  as  President,  and  his  ability 
and  integrity  were  so  manifest  that  he  was  re-elected  in  1832  by  the 
electoral  votes  of  all  the  states  except  seven. 

An   Interesting  Period 

No  period  of  our  history  is  more  interesting  than  the  eight 
years  of  Jackson's  administration.  He  was  the  first  President  to 
dismiss  large  numbers  of  officials  in  order  to  replace  them  by  his 
own  partisans.  The  anti-slavery  movement  took  definite  shape 
during  this  time,  and  William  Lloyd  Garrison  began  the  publica- 
tion of  the  famous  Liberator,  and  American  literature  had  its 
beginnings. 

At  this  time  came  the  first  serious  danger  of  a  rupture  be- 
tween the  states.       It  grew  out  of  the  tariff  legislation,  which  South 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS  207 

Carolina,  under  the  lead  of  John  C.  Calhoun,  undertook  to  nullify. 
The  payment  of  the  duties  was  refused,  but  the  President  sent 
General  Scott  to  Charleston  to  enforce  the  law,  and  under  the 
advice  of  Henry  Clay  a  new  and  more  satisfactory  tariff  was 
adopted.  This  difficulty  and  Jackson's  determined  opposition  to 
the  United  States  Bank,  his  fight  against  it,  resulting  in  its  destruc- 
tion, are  the  events  of  this  administration,  which  produced  the  most 
marked  and  lasting  effect  upon  our  national  history.  After  the 
close  of  his  second  term  he  lived  in  retirement  at  his  home,  the 
famous  "  Hermitage,"  near  Nashville,  until  his  death,  eight  years 
later. 

Martin  Van  Buren,  1782-1862.     One  Term,  1837- 1841 

Martin  Van  Buren  had  hardly  entered  upon  the  duties  of  the 
Presidency  when  the  great  panic  of  1837  occurred.  It  resulted 
from  a  variety  of  causes,  among  which  may  be  mentioned  the  great 
number  of  worthless  banks  which  sprang  up  after  the  discontinuance 
of  the  United  States  Bank ;  the  prevalence  of  wild  speculation, 
particularly  in  land,  and  the  action  of  the  government  in  demand- 
ing that  the  banks  should  repay  their  deposits  in  coin.  One  good 
effect  of  this  great  public  calamity  was  the  establishment  of  a 
Treasury  of  the  United  States,  independent  of  any  bank  or  system 
of  banks. 

It  was  during  this  administration  that  the  Mormons  formed 
their  settlement  in  Nauvoo,  Illinois,  and  in  1840  a  regular  line  of 
steampships  was  established  between  Liverpool  and  Boston. 

Mr.  Van  Buren  was  a  native  of  New  York,  had  served  his 
state  in  various  offices  of  trust,  including  that  of  Governor ;  had 
been  its  representative  in  the  United  States  Senate ;  had  been 
Minister  to  England,  Secretary  of  State  during  most  of  Jackson's 
first  administration,  and  Vice-President  during  his  second.  He 
continued,  for  several  years  after  the  close  of  his  term  as  President, 
to  take  an  active  part  in  politics,  and  in  1848  he  was  the  candidate 
of  the  anti-slavery  Democrats,  or  "  Free  Democracy,"  for  President, 
after  which  he  took  no  part  in  public  affairs,  though  he  lived  at  his 


2oS  THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS 

native    place,    in   Columbia  county,    New  York,    until    nearly  the 
middle  of  the  war  of  the  Rebellion. 

William  Henry  Harrison,  i 773-] 841.  One  Month,  1841 
For  forty  years  the  Democrats  had  retained  control  of  the 
National  Government,  but  the  administration  of  Van  Buren  had 
not  been  popular,  and  the  change  in  public  sentiment  was  so  great 
that  in  the  election  of  1840  he  was  defeated  by  General  William 
Henry  Harrison,  who  had  been  the  unsuccessful  candidate  four 
years  before.  The  political  campaign  was  the  most  exciting 
that  had  yet  occurred  ;  the  enthusiasm  for  the  Whig  candidate  was 
very  great,  and  the  "  Log-cabin  and  Hard-cider  "  campaign  will  be 
long  remembered. 

The  character  of  the  successful  candidate  justified  high  expect- 
tations  of  his  administration.  Left  at  an  early  age  to  depend  upon 
himself,  he  had  entered  the  army  and  won  distinction  under  General 
Wayne,  in  the  Indian  wars  ;  he  had  been  long  identified  with  the 
development  of  what  are  now  Indiana  and  Ohio  ;  had  represented 
Ohio  in  the  United  States  Senate,  and  filled  several  other  offices  of 
more  or  less  note,  and  was  living,  when  elected,  on  his  farm,  not  far 
from  Cincinnati.  He  made  a  judicious  selection  of  cabinet  officers, 
but  within  a  month  after  his  inauguration,  and  before  any  definite 
line  of  policy  had  been  established,  he  died,  after  a  very  brief 
illness,  probably  caused  by  the  fatigue  and  excitement  of  his  inau- 
guration. 

John  Tyler,  i  790-1862.  One  Partial  Term,  1841-1845 
John  Tyler  was  the  first  Vice-President  of  the  United  States 
to  become  President.  He  had  been  made  the  Whig  candidate 
largely  from  motives  of  policy,  as  he  had  been  an  active  Democrat, 
and  as  a  member  of  that  party  had  been  elected  Governor  of 
Virginia,  and  had  represented  that  state  in  the  United  States 
Senate.  He  had,  however,  been  opposed  to  both  Jackson  and 
Van  Buren,  and  had  for  some  time  been  acting  with  the  Whigs. 
He  soon  quarreled,  however,  with  the  Whig  Congress,  the  subject 
of  contention  being  the   proposed  revival   of  the   United   States 


BAIvON  STEUBLN        GOV    A.RTHUR  ST  CL  \IR         SEC'Y  S\MUEL  A   OTIS  ROGl' K  SHERMAN  GOV.  GEORGE  CLINTON. 

CHANCKLI  OR  ROBERT  R.LIVINGSTO^.  GEORGIs,  ^VAhHI^&TO^.  GE^'LHE^R\  KNOX. 

INAUGURATION   OF  THE   FIRST  PRESIDENT. 

WASHINGTON  TAKING  THE  OATH,  APRIL  30,  17S9,  ON  THE  SITE  OF  THE  PRESENT 
TREASURY   BUILDING,  WALL  STREET,  NEW   YORK   CITY. 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRA  TIONS  2 1 1 

Bank.  This  quarrel  continued  throughout  the  presidential  term,  to 
the  great  hindrance  of  public  business.  Two  events  which  marked 
a  new  era,  the  one  in  our  methods  of  communication,  the  other  in 
the  relief  of  human  suffering,  took  place  during  this  time  ;  they 
were  the  invention  of  the  electric  telegraph,  and  the  use  of  ether 
in  surgery.  The  events  of  greatest  political  importance  were  the 
settlement,  by  the  Ashburton  treaty,  of  a  troublesome  dispute  with 
Great  Britain,  concerning  the  northeastern  boundary  of  the  United 
States,  and,  just  at  the  close  of  Tyler's  administration,  the  annexa- 
tion of  Texas.  The  latter  was  a  step  which  had  for  some  time 
been  under  discussion,  it  being  advocated  by  the  South  as  a  pro- 
slavery  measure,  and  opposed  by  the  anti-slavery  party.  Texas  had 
made  itself  independent  of  Mexico,  and  asked  to  be  annexed  to  the 
United  States,  a  request  which  was  thus  finally  granted.  Mr.  Tyler 
returned  to  private  life  at  the  close  of  his  presidential  term,  and 
took  little  part  in  public  affairs  until  the  breaking  out  of  the  Civil 
War.  At  the  time  of  his  death  he  was  a  member  of  the  Con- 
federate Congress. 

James  Knox  Polk,  i  795-1849.     One  Term,  1845-1849 

The  Democrats  were  again  successful  in  1844,  and  on  March 
4,  1845,  James  K.  Polk  became  the  eleventh  President.  He  was  a 
native  of  North  Carolina,  but  in  boyhood  had  removed  with  his 
father  to  Tennessee.  He  was  well  educated,  and  was  unusually 
successful  in  his  profession  of  the  law.  He  was  for  fourteen  years 
a  member  of  Congress  and  was  Speaker  of  the  House  for  five  con- 
secutive sessions.  On  his  declining  a  re-election  to  Congress  he 
was  made  Governor  of  Tennessee,  and  as  a  candidate  for  the 
Presidency  in  1844  was  successful  in  uniting  the  warring  factions  of 
the  Democrats.  He  came  to  the  Presidency  at  a  critical  time.  The 
annexation  of  Texas  had  involved  the  country  in  difficulties  with 
Mexico,  and  the  question  of  the  northern  boundary  west  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains  threatened  to  interrupt  the  cordial  relations  between  the 
United  States  and  England.  The  latter  question  was  settled  by 
accepting  the  parallel  of  forty-nine  degrees  of  north  latitude,  thus 


212  THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS 

making  the  boundary  continuous  with  that  east  of  the  mountains, 
but  the  trouble  with  Mexico  culminated  in  war,  which  resulted,  in 
less  than  two  years,  in  the  complete  conquest  of  that  country. 
California  and  New  Mexico  were  ceded  to  the  United  States  on  the 
payment  of  $15,000,000  and  the  assumption  of  certain  debts  of 
Mexico.  It  was  just  at  this  time  that  gold  was  discovered  in  Cal- 
ifornia, and  the  wonderful  emigration  to  that  territory  began. 
Mr.  Polk  survived  his  presidential  term  only  some  three  months. 

Zachary  Taylor,  i  784-1 850.     One    Partial   Term,  i 849-1 850 

The  pendulum  of  popular  favor  had  again  swung  over  to  the 
side  of  the  Whigs,  and  their  candidate  was  elected  the  twelfth 
President.  General  Zachary  Taylor  had  grown  up  amid  the  priva- 
tions and  difficulties  of  frontier  life  in  Kentucky.  By  the  influence 
of  Madison,  the  then  Secretary  of  State,  who  was  a  relative  of  the 
family,  he  received  an  appointment  as  lieutenant  in  the  United 
States  Army,  and  served  with  great  distinction  in  the  Indian  wars 
which  then  harassed  our  frontiers.  At  the  time  of  the  annexation 
of  Texas  he  was  in  command  of  the  army  in  the  Southwest,  with 
the  rank  of  Brigadier-General.  His  management  of  affairs  during 
the  time  which  preceded  the  Mexican  War  was  marked  by  great 
discretion,  and  his  brilliant  conduct  of  the  opening  campaign 
brought  him  great  popularity  and  led  to  his  nomination  for  the 
Presidency  by  the  Whigs,  to  the  great  chagrin  of  some  of  the  lead- 
ers of  the  party  who  saw  in  his  success  the  disappointment  of  their 
own  ambition,  and  who  distrusted  a  candidate  who  had  no  exper- 
ience in  legislative  or  executive  affairs.  This  distrust,  however, 
has  not  been  shared  by  the  majority  of  the  people,  either  in  the^ 
case  of  General  Taylor  or  of  other  presidential  candidates  of  purely 
military  renown,  and  such  a  candidate  has  usually  been  sure  of 
success. 

The  question  of  the  extention  of  slavery  was  again  being 
fiercely  agitated,  and  seemed  once  more  likely  to  disrupt  the  coun- 
try.     General    Taylor    lived  only  some    sixteen   months   after  his 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  A'DMINISTRA TIONS  2 1 3 

inauguration,  dying  before  the  heat  of  the  debate  in  Congress  had 
abated. 

Millard  Fillmore,  1800-1874.     One  Partial  Term,  1 850-1 853 

The  Vice-President,  who,  by  the  death  of  General  Taylor, 
came  to  be  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  country,  was  Millard  Fill- 
more, of  New  York.  He  was  an  admirable  type  of  the  American 
citizen,  owing  this  high  position  to  his  own  attainments,  and  to  his 
own  unaided  exertions.  He  received  no  pecuniary  assistance  after 
his  fourteenth  year,  except  a  small  loan,  which  he  punctually  repaid. 
With  exceedingly  little  previous  education,  he  began,  at  the  age  of 
nineteen,  the  study  of  law,  which  he  prosecuted  under  the  most 
adverse  circumstances,  but  so  successfully  as  to  place  him  in  the 
front  rank  of  the  lawyers  of  the  State  of  New  York,  He  was  for 
several  terms  a  member  of  the  lower  House  of  Congress,  where  he 
distinguished  himself  as  a  wise,  prudent,  honest  legislator.  He  was 
Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  which  framed  the 
tariff  of  1842,  and  although  he  claimed  no  originality  for  the 
principles  on  which  it  was  based,  he  is  justly  entitled  to  be  consid- 
ered its  author. 

Uncle  Tom's  Cabin 

His  presidential  term  is  chiefly  remembered  by  the  debate  in 
Congress  on  the  extention  of  slavery  in  the  territory  gained  by  the 
Mexican  War,  resulting  in  the  adoption  of  the  compromise  meas- 
ures proposed  by  Henry  Clay,  including  the  Fugutive  Slave  Law. 
This  law,  which  gave  the  owners  of  runaway  slaves  the  right  to  call 
on  all  citizens  to  assist  in  arresting  and  restoring  them  to  their  own- 
ers, was  exceedingly  unpopular  in  the  North,  and  did  much  to' 
prevent  Mr.  Fillmore's  renomination,  and  to  increase  anti-slavery 
sentiment  in  the  North. 

Mrs.  Stowe's  famous  story,  "  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin,"  was  pub- 
lished in  1852,  and  had  a  great  influence  in  hastening  the  impend- 
ing conflict.  At  the  close  of  his  term  Mr.  Fillmore  retired  to 
Buffalo,  where  he  resided  until  his  death,  in  1874. 


214  THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS 

Soon  was  heard  the  thunderous  attacks  of  the  abolitionists  and 
a  whisper  of  the  opening  of  the  "underground  railroad"  for  escaping 
slaves.  The  work  of  the  "Great  Pacificator"  Henry  Clay  and  the 
measures  he  proposed  seemed  soon  about  to  be  lost  in  bitter  and 
bloody  strife  of  civil  war. 

Franklin  Pierce,  i 804-1 868.  One  Term,  1853-185 7 
Again  the  Whigs  were  retired  from  control  of  the  National 
Government  and  a  Democratic  President  elected.  Franklin  Pierce 
had  been  a  life-long  resident  of  New  Hampshire.  He  was  a  grad- 
uate of  Bowdoin  College,  was  widely  known  as  an  able  and  success- 
ful lawyer,  and  though  his  name  was  not  especially  connected  with 
any  great  measure,  he  had  represented  his  state  in  both  Houses 
of  Congress.  He  expressed  in  his  inaugural  address  the  belief  that 
all  questions  concerning  slavery  should  be  considered  settled  by  the 
compromise  measures  of  1850,  and  the  hope  that  "no  sectional,  or 
ambitious,  or  fanatical  excitement  might  again  threaten  the  dur- 
abilty  of  our  institutions  or  obscure  the  light  of  our  prosperity." 

Crystal  Palace 
Among  the  notable  events  of  his  administration  may  be  men- 
tioned the  international  exhibition  in  the  "  Crystal  Palace,"  in  New 
York,  in  1853,  in  which  the  pre-emince  of  Americans  in  the  inven- 
tion of  labor-saving  machinery  was  manifested ;  the  expedition  of 
Commodore  Perry  to  Japan,  which  resulted  in  opening  to  American 
commerce  the  ports  of  that  interesting  country,  which  no  foreigners 
had  previously  been  allowed  to  enter  ;  and  the  adjustment  of  a  dis- 
pute with  Mexico  concerning  the  western  portion  of  the  boundary 
between  the  two  countries,  resulting  in  the  purchase  by  the  United 
States  of  a  considerable  district,  included  in  the  present  territories 
of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico.  But  the  facts  which  chiefly  charac- 
terize this  administration  concern  the  irrepressible  conflict  about 
slavery.  The  Kansas-Nebraska  Act  in  1854  repealed  the  Missouri 
Compromise,  and  made  the  question  of  slavery  in  all  the  territories 
optional  with  the  people  of  the  territories,  as  had  been  done  by  the 
Compromise  of  1850  for  the  territory  acquired  from  Mexico.      The 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS  215 

passage  of  this  law  led  to  much  ill-feeling,  and  to  great  efforts  by 
both  Northern  abolitionists  and  Southern  slaveholders  to  encour- 
age the  emigration  of  their  sympathizers  to  Kansas,  in  order  to 
govern  the  decision  in  regard  to  slavery.  The  strife  of  these  oppos- 
ing parties  became  so  serious  as  to  result  in  much  bloodshed,  and 
from  1854  to  1859  ^^^^  territory  deserved  the  name  of  the  "  Bleed- 
ing Kansas,"  and  during  much  of  that  time  it  was  in  a  state  of 
civil  war. 

James  Buchanan,    i 791-1868.     One  Term,    1857-1861 

Mr.  Pierce  took  no  prominent  part  in  public  affairs  after  his 
retirement  for  the  Presidency.  The  Whig  party  had  now  finally 
disappeared,  and  in  the  election  of  1856  the  Democrats  were  once 
more  successful.  James  Buchanan  was  a  Pennsylvania  lawyer,  a 
graduate  of  Dickinson  College,  and  so  prominent  in  his  profession 
that  his  name  appears  in  \\\^  Pennsylvania  Reports,  between  181 2 
and  1 83 1,  more  frequently  than  that  of  any  other  lawyer.  He  had 
served  ten  years  in  Congress,  had  represented  his  country  as  Min- 
ister to  Russia  and  to  England,  and  as  Secretary  of  State  under 
President  Polk  had  been  called  upon  to  adjust  questions  of  the 
gravest  and  most  delicate  character. 

Dred  Scott  Decision 

At  the  opening  of  his  administration  the  public  strife  was 
greatly  allayed  by  the  general  confidence  in  the  ability  and  the  high 
patriotism  of  the  President  ;  but  the  announcement  of  the  "  Dred 
Scott  Decision,"  which  had  been  deferred  so  as  not  to  give  new 
cause  for  excitement  during  a  presidental  campaign,  stirred  the  nation 
to  a  degree  before  unknown.  This  decision  declared  the  Missouri 
Compromise  unconstitutional,  and  therefore  void,  that  Congress  has 
no  right  to  forbid  the  carrying  of  slaves  into  any  state  or  territory, 
and  opened  all  the  free  states  to  at  least  a  temporary  establishment 
of  slavery.  This  was  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  the  contest. 
The  attempt  of  John  Brown,  a  citizen  of  Kansas,  with  about  twenty 
men,  to  liberate  the  slaves  in  Virginia,  their  seizure  of  the  Govern- 


2i6  THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS 

ment  buildings  at  Harper's  Ferry,  their  capture,  and  the  hanging  of 
the  leader,  with  six  of  his  men,  only  hastened  the  final  conflict. 

Panic  of  1857 

A  great  business  panic  occurred  in  1857,  and  the  discovery  of 
silver  in  Nevada  and  Colorado  the  following  year;  the  no  less 
important  discovery  of  petroleum  and  natural  gas  in  Pennsylvania 
occurred  in  1859. 

After  the  Presidential  election  of  i860  it  became  evident  that 
the  South  would  not  quietly  submit  to  the  defeat  which  they  had 
received,  and  South  Carolina,  followed  by  six  other  Southern 
States,  adopted  "ordinances  of  secession,"  assuming  to  dissolve 
their  union  with  the  other  States,  and  declaring  themselves  free  and 
independent  nations.  The  President  took  no  action  to  prevent 
secession,  and  most  of  the  forts,  arsenals,  and  other  national  prop- 
erty within  these  States  were  seized.  Mr.  Buchanan  retired  to 
private  life  at  the  close  of  his  term  as  President. 

Abraham  Lincoln,   i 809-1 865.     Two  Terms  (Died  in  Office) 

1861-1865 

Of  all  the  men  since  Washington  who  have  been  President  of 
the  United  States,  Abraham  Lincoln  holds  the  largest  share  in  the 
affections  of  the  ;people.  His  lowly  origin,  his  early  poverty  and 
privation,  the  never-failing  kindness  with  which  throughout  his  life 
he  met  all  classes  of  men,  and  the  homely  and  genial  wit  which 
enlivened  his  discussion  of  grave  matters  of  State  as  well  as  his 
casual  and  friendly  conversation,  gave  him  a  place  in  the  hearts  of 
the  common  people  not  held  by  any  other  American,  while  his 
unequaled  knowledge  of  men,  his  ability  to  cope  with  unforseen 
difficulties,  his  lofty  purpose  and  perfect  honesty,  together  with  his 
practical  good  sense,  not  only  brought  him  the  respect  and  esteem 
of  all  .who  came  to  know  him,  but  place  him  among  the  greatest 
statesmen,  not  of  America  alone,  but  of  all  countries  in  all  times. 

Born  and  reared  in  the  backwoods,  with  nothing  in  his  sur- 
roundings to  stimulate  ambition,  chopping  wood  and  splitting  rails. 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS  217 

learning  to  read  from  the  spelling-book  and  the  Bible,  sitting  up 
half  the  night  to  read  Pilgrim's  Progress  and  ^sop's  Fables  "by 
the  blaze  of  the  logs  his  own  ax  had  split,"  he  came  to  manhood 
with  little  education,  but  with  perfect  health  and  gigantic  strength. 
At  the  age  of  twenty-five  he  took  up  the  study  of  law,  and  early 
began  to  take  part  in  the  local  political  movements.  He  had  repre- 
sented his  district  in  Congress,  but  at  the  time  of  his  nomination 
for  President  had  little  reputation  outside  of  Illinois. 

The  Civil  War 

He  came  to  the  Presidency  amid  a  multitude  of  adverse  cir- 
cumstances. With  seven  States  already  seceded,  the  border  States 
apparently  ready  to  follow,  with  the  capital  surrounded  by  a  hostile 
population,  and  without  the  confidence  of  the  leaders  of  his  own 
party,  his  would  indeed  seem  a  difficult  task.  His  first  measures 
were  intended  to  convince  the  people  of  the  South,  if  they  were 
willing  to  be  convinced,  that  he  had  no  hostile  intention,  but  at  the 
same  time  that  he  proposed  to  "preserve,  protect,  and  defend"  the 
Union,  and  to  maintain  the  rights  and  the  authority  of  the  Govern- 
ment. The  story  of  the  War  of  the  Rebellion  cannot  be  told  here. 
It  is  a  story  the  like  of  which  forms  part  of  the  history  of  no  other 
nation — the  story  of  a  war  engaging  at  one  time  1,700,000  men,  the 
war  debt  of  the  North,  representing  but  a  part  of  the  cost  of  the 
war,  amounting  to  $3,000,000,000,  and  the  expense  frequently 
exceeding  $3,500,000  a  day. 

Emancipation  Proclamation 

Aside  from  the  essential  military  features  of  the  war,  the  most 
notable  event  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  administration  was  the  freeino-  of  the 
slaves,  which  was  done  as  a  war  measure,  by  the  Emancipation 
Proclamation,  January  i,  1863,  thus  finally,  after  he  expiration  of 
nearly  a  hundred  years,  making  good  in  our  country  the  words  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  that  "  all  men  are  created  equal." 

It  can  be  truthfully  said  that  President  Lincoln  carried  the 
administration  of  the  government  in  this  troublous  time,  not  only 


2i8  THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS 

as  a  load  upon  his  brain,  but  as  a  burden  in  his  heart  ;  a  united 
country  was  the  object  of  all  his  efforts,  and  when,  only  a  month 
after  his  second  inauguration,  he  was  assassinated  by  a  misguided 
and  mistaken  Southern  sympathizer,  the  bullet  of  the  m,urderer 
removed  as  true  a  friend  as  the  South  possessed.  The  war  was 
already  at  an  end,  and  had  Abraham  Lincoln  lived  to  rebuild  and 
reconstruct  the  Union  he  had  saved,  many  of  the  difficulties  of  the 
era  of  reconstruction  might  have  been  avoided — difficulties  whose 
evil  effects  have  not  yet  disappeared  from  our  national  politics. 

No  fact  in  our  history  demonstrates  more  fully  the  perfection 
of  our  system  of  government  and  the  hold  which  it  has  upon  the 
confidence  of  our  people  than  the  quiet  change  of  Chief  Magis- 
trates at  the  close  of  a  presidential  term.  Four  times  in  our  his- 
tory this  change  has  been  caused  by  death,  and  now,  when  the 
beloved  President  has  been  assassinated,  when  the  whole  country 
was  excited  and  alarmed,  when  grave  questions  were  pending  and 
matters  of  the  utmost  delicacy  required  adjustment,  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent quietly  assumed  the  office,  and  the  routine  of  government 
proceeded  as  before. 

Andrew  Johnson,   i 808-1 875.     One  Partial  Term,  i 865-1 869 

Andrew  Johnson  was  a  native  of  North  Carolina.  He  was 
the  son  of  poor  parents,  and  learning  the  tailor's  trade,  he  earned 
his  living  for  a  numher  of  years  as  a  journeyman.  He  taught  him- 
self to  read,  and  after  emigrating  to  Tennesee  he  learned  from  his 
wife  to  write  and  cipher.  He  represented  his  district  for  several 
terms  in  Congress,  and  was  chosen  United  States  Senator  in  1857. 
He  was  nominated  for  Vice-President  by  the  Republicans  in  1864, 
mainly  to  invite  votes  from  the  opposite  party,  as  until  the  war 
he  had  been  a  consistent  Democrat.  Unfortunately,  he  differed 
with  the  leading  Republicans  in  Congress  on  the  question  of  the 
manner  in  which  the  states  lately  in  rebellion  were  to  resume  their 
places  in  the  government,  and  the  difference  grew  into  a  violent 
quarrel,  which  lasted  till  the  close  of  his  term,  and  resulted  in  1868, 
in    the    impeachment    of    the    President    by    Congress.      He    was 


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THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS  221 

acquitted,  however,  the  vote  in  the  Senate  lacking  one  of  the  two- 
thirds  necessary  to  convict.  The  chief  poHtical  events  of  the 
administration  were  the  re-admission  of  six  of  the  seceded  states  and 
the  adoption  of  three  amendments  to  the  Constitution — the  Thir- 
teenth, abolishing  slavery ;  the  Fourteenth,  making  the  negro  a 
citizen,  and  the  Fifteenth  giving  him  the  right  to  vote. 

During  this  time,  also,  the  government  began  the  payment  of 
the  war  debt,  the  first  Atlantic  cable  was  laid,  and  Alaska  was 
added  to  our  national  domain. 

Ulysses  Simpson  Grant,  1822-1885.     Two  Terms,  1869-1877 

The  success  which  had  attended  the  Union  armies  after  they 
passed  under  the  command  of  General  Ulysses  S.  Grant  made  him 
the  popular  idol  and  obviously  the  most  available  candidate  for 
President.  He  was  a  native  of  Ohio,  a  graduate  of  West  Point, 
and  had  served  in  the  Mexican  War,  where  he  was  promoted  for 
meritorious  conduct  in  battle.  At  the  opening  of  the  civil  war  he 
raised  a  company  of  volunteers  in  Illinois,  of  which  state  he  was 
then  a  citizen,  was  soon  made  a  brigadier-general,  and  from  that 
point  the  story  of  his  life  is  a  part  of  the  history  of  the  war. 

General  Grant  was  the  recipient  of  honors  from  foreign  rulers 
and  governments  such  as  have  been  bestowed  upon  no  other  Ameri- 
can President.  His  fame  as  a  general  was  recognized  throughout 
the  world,  and  although  he  had  no  experience  in  civil  affairs,  he 
had  the  tact  to  call  into  his  Cabinet  men  of  great  ability,  and 
while  he  may  have  been  sometimes  misled  by  designing  men,  his 
administration  was  so  popular  that  he  was  re-elected  by  a  greatly 
increased  majority,  and  indeed  might  have  been  chosen  for  a  third 
term,  had  not  the  public  feeling  been  found  so  strongly  opposed  to 
violating  the  custom  inaugurated  by  Washington  of  giving  to  no 
President  more  than  two  terms  of  office.  During  these  two  terms 
the  first  Pacific  Railway  was  completed;  representatives  from  all  the 
remaining  seceded  states  were  admitted  to  Congress ;  a  treaty  was 
concluded  with  England  providing  for  the  arbitration  of  the  Ala- 
bama and  other  claims,  which  seemed  at  one  time  likely  to  involve 


222  THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS  ■ 

the  two  countries  in  war ;  the  great  fires  in  Chicago  and  Boston 
destroyed  many  milhons  of  property;  a  panic  of  almost  unprece- 
dented severity  occurred  (1873),  and  the  Centennial  Exhibition 
took  place  at  Philadelphia.  After  the  close  of  his  term  as  President, 
General  Grant  made  a  tour  of  the  world,  being  everywhere  received 
with  the  greatest  honor,  after  which  he  resided  in  New  York  until 
attacked  by  the  disease  which  ended  his  life  on  Mount  McGregor, 
in  1885. 

Rutherford  B.   Hayes,   1822-1893.     One  Term,   1877-1881 

It  has  frequently  happened  that  when  several  rival  leaders  of 
the  same  political  party  have  been  candidates  for  President,  the 
Presidential  Convention  has  found  it  wisest  to  nominate  some  less 
prominent  man,  thus  avoiding  the  loss  which  might  result  from  the 
choice  of  either  of  the  more  conspicuous  aspirants  for  the  office,  and 
the  consequent  offence  to  the  supporters  of  the  others.  This  was 
the  case  when  a  successor  to  General  Grant  was  to  be  chosen. 
While  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  had  been  a  Brigadier-General  in  the 
Union  army,  and  had  twice  been  elected  Governor  of  Ohio,  he  was 
by  no  means  conspicuous  as  a  national  leader.  There  was  great 
dissatisfaction  with  the  course  of  the  men  who  had  obtained  control 
of  the  political  machinery  of  the  Republican  party,  and  the  election 
depended  on  the  counting  of  the  electoral  votes  of  Louisiana  and 
Florida.  To  settle  the  legality  of  these  votes,  the  famous  Electoral 
Commission  was  appointed  by  Congress,  and  decided  in  favor  of 
General  Hayes  as  against  his  competitor,  Samuel  J.  Tilden.  The 
quiet  and  peaceful  solution  of  this  dispute  is  one  of  the  greatest 
triumphs  of  our  system  of  government.  The  Republican  party  had 
been  in  office  for  four  Presidential  terms,  had  successfully  conducted 
the  affairs  of  the  nation  during  the  trying  and  dangerous  periods  of 
the  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction.  Many  of  the  measures  which 
had  been  during  this  time  adopted  as  a  part  of  our  system  had  been 
consistently  and  strenuously  opposed  by  the  Democrats.  Under 
these  circumstances  the  Republicans  viewed  the  possible  accession 
to  power  of  the  Democratic  party  with  a  degree  of  alarm,  which  has 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS 

since  proved  to  be  unjustifiable.  Each  party  claimed,  and  proba- 
bly believed,  that  its  candidate  had  been  elected,  and  each  was  dis- 
posed to  insist  on  its  rights  under  the  Constitution.  Such  a  dis- 
pute in  a  country  where  men's  passions  are  less  under  the  control 
of  their  reason,  would  inevitably  have  led  to  civil  war.  The  two 
Houses  of  Congress  were  of  different  politics,  and  their  agreement 
upon  what  seemed  an  equitable  method  of  adjusting  the  dispute, 
together  with  the  acquiescence  of  all  parties  in  the  decision  of  the 
tribunal  thus  created,  make  it  a  remarkable  instance  of  the  adapta- 
bility of  our  institutions,  and  go  far  to  justify  the  most  complete 
faith  in  their  permanence.  General  Hayes  was  a  successful  lawyer, 
a  life-long  citizen  of  Ohio,  and  while  his  administration  gave  great 
offence  to  many  political  leaders,  it  was  generally  satisfactory  to 
the  people.  At  the  close  of  his  term  he  retired  to  his  native  state. 
The  chief  events  of  his  Presidency  were :  His  withdrawal  of 
troops  from  the  South,  thus  leaving  the  people  of  that  section  to 
settle  their  own  questions  in  their  own  way  ;  the  great  railroad  and 
coal  strikes,  during  which  United  States  troops  had  to  be  employed 
to  suppress  violence  at  Pittsburg,  and  the  resumption  of  specie  pay- 
ments, in  1879. 

James  A.   Garfield,  1831-1881.     One  Partial  Term,  1881 

The  twentieth  Prerident  was  likewise  a  citizen  of  Ohio.  The 
early  life  of  James  A.  Garfield  was  somewhat  similar  to  that  of 
Abraham  Lincoln.  He  had,  however,  the  advantage  of  early  con- 
tact with  cultivated  people,  and  while  he  at  one  time  drove  mules 
upon  the  tow-path  of  a  canal,  and  paid  for  his  tuition  by  acting  as 
janitor  of  the  school-house,  he  had  opportunities  for  education  of 
which  he  availed  himself  to  the  utmost,  paying  his  own  way  through 
school  and  finally  graduating  at  Williams  College.  At  the  opening 
of  the  war  he  entered  the  Union  army,  and  was  promoted  for  his 
services  at  the  battle  of  Chickamauga  to  the  rank  of  Major-General. 
He  left  the  army  to  enter  Congress,  where  he  took  a  leading  part, 
and  was  chosen  Senator  for  Ohio,  but  before  taking  his  seat  was 
elected  President.      He  surrounded  himself  with  able  advisers,  and 


224  THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS 

high  hopes  were  entertained  of  a  notably  successful  administration, 
when  he  was  shot  by  a  disappointed  offtce-seeker,  dying  after  two 
months  of  suffering,  during  which  the  public  sympathy  was  excited 
to  an  extraordinary  degree  and  was  manifested  in  every  possible 
way. 

The  single  event  for  which  the  few  months  of  his  Presidency 
are  remarkable  is  the  quarrel  between  the  President  and  Senator 
Conkling,  of  New  York,  as  to  some  of  the  Federal  appointments  in 
that  state.  The  Senator  from  New  York  resigned,  and  the  difficulty 
was  not  adjusted  at  the  time  of  the  President's  death. 

Chester  Alan  Arthur,    1830-1886.     One  Partial 
Term,   1881-1885 

The  Vice-President  elected  with  Garfield  was  Chester  A. 
Arthur,  of  New  York.  He  was  not  widely  known  outside  his  own 
state  before  his  nomination,  and  he  was  made  the  candidate  in  order 
to  retain  the  favor  of  a  large  portion  of  the  Republican  party  in  New 
York,  which  had  advocated  the  claims  of  another  candidate,  and  it 
was  feared  would  hot  otherwise  assist  in  the  election  of  Garfield. 

Mr.  Arthur  had  great  experience  as  a  political  manager,  but 
little  knowledge  of  the  manner  in  which  the  government  is  con- 
ducted ;  but  he  proved  a  careful,  conscientious  President,  and  the 
country  was  well  satisfied  with  his  administration.  As  he  had  been' 
an  adherent  of  the  political  faction  with  which  President  Garfield, 
at  the  time  of  his  assassination,  was  at  war,  he  was  placed  in  an 
exceedingly  delicate  position,  and  grave  fears  were  entertained  by 
many  people  that  backward  steps  would  be  taken  ;  but  the  new 
President  extricated  himself  from  his  difficulties  with  a  dignity  and 
a  tact  which  astonished  even  those  who  knew  him  best,  and  which 
gained  for  him  the  respect  of  the  entire  country. 

During  the  term  of  President  Arthur,  Congress  passed  the 
Civil  Service  Act,  providing  for  the  appointment  of  subordinate 
employees  of  the  government  on  the  basis  of  merit  rather  than 
that  of  political  influence  ;  the  completion  of  the  great  East  River 
Bridge   united   the   cities  of    New  York  and    Brooklyn,   and   the 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS  225 

immense  growth  and  prosperity  of  the  New  South  justified  the 
brightest  anticipations  for  the  future  of  that  section.  Mr.  Arthur 
died  in  New  York  a  few  months  after  the  close  of  his  term. 

Stephen  Grover  Cleveland,  1837.     First  Term,  1885- 1889. 
Second  Term,  i 893-1 897 

The  RepubHcan  party  had  now  held  control  of  the  Government 
for  twenty-five  years,  and  Grover  Cleveland  was  the  first  Demo- 
cratic President  since  Buchanan.  Although  a  native  of  New  Jersey, 
he  had  been  since  boyhood  a  citizen  of  New  York.  He  began  the 
study  of  law  in  Buffalo  at  the  age  of  18,  and  early  took  an  active 
part  in  politics.  Having  filled  several  local  offices,  he  was,  in  1882, 
elected  Governor  of  the  State  by  a  phenomenal  majority,  and  in 
1884  was  the  successful  candidate  for  President. 

The  transfer  of  the  Government  from  the  hands  of  one  political 
party  to  its  opponent  resulted  in  no  disturbance  to  the  business  or 
social  relations  of  the  people,  and  although  a  large  number  of  office- 
holders were  replaced  by  men  of  the  opposite  political  faith,  the 
business  of  the  government  went  on  as  before. 

During  Cleveland's  administration  laws  were  enacted  providing 
for  the  succession  to  the  Presidency  of  the  various  members  of  the 
Cabinet  in  case  of  the  death  or  disability  of  the  President  and 
Vice-President ;  laying  down  rules  for  the  counting  of  the  electoral 
votes,  thus  supplying  the  strange  deficiency  of  the  Constitution  in 
this  respect ;  regulating  inter-state  commerce,  and  forbidding  the 
immigration  of  Chinese  laborers  into  this  country.  Events  of  great 
importance  were  the  extended  labor  strikes,  which  occurred  in  1886, 
and  the  Anarchist  riot  in  Chicago  in  May  of  that  year.  Although  his 
administration  had  been  very  satisfactory  to  the  country  at  large, 
Mr.  Cleveland  failed  of  re-election,  the  principal  question  at  isuse 
being  that  of  a  protective  tariff.  He  left  Washington  to  take  up 
the  practice  of  law  in  New  York  city. 

Benjamin  Harrison,   1833.     One  Term,   1889-1893 
Mr.  Cleveland  was  succeeded  by  General  Benjamin  Harrison, 
who  secured  233   electoral  votes  to  168  cast  for  Mr.   Cleveland. 


226  THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS 

Mr.  Harrison  is  the  grandson  of  the  ninth  President,  and  the  great- 
grandson  of  one  of  the  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 
He  is  a  native  of  Ohio,  is  well  educated,  and  was  for  many  years 
one  of  the  leading  lawyers  of  Indiana.  He  entered  the  Union 
army  in  1862,  and  was  promoted  until,  near  the  close  of  the  war,  he 
reached  the  rank  of  Brigadier-General.  He  was  made  a  United 
States  Senator  in  1880,  and  came  to  the  Presidency  well  equipped 
for  the  discharge  of  its  duties. 

During  his  four  years  of  service  many  events  took  place 
which  have  had  great  weight  in  moulding  the  future  of  the  country. 
A  Congress  of  the  American  Republics  met  in  Washington,  in  1889, 
and  devised  measures  by  which  it  is  hoped  to  bring  about  a  closer 
commercial  union  between  the  Americas  ;  six  new  states  were  added 
to  the  Union  ;  the  tariff  laws  were  revised  and  clauses  added  grant- 
ing to  such  nations  as  offer  us  reciprocal  advantages  free  admission 
for  certain  of  their  exports ;  the  country  is  being  rapidly  furnished 
with  a  new  and  efficient  navy ;  the  long-standing  difficulty  with 
England  concerning  seal  fishing  in  Behring  Sea  was  adjusted  by  a 
treaty  providing  for  arbitration,  and  annoying  difficulties  with  Ger- 
many, Italy  and  Chili  were  happily  settled. 

Republican  Land-Slide 

The  presidential  campaign  of  1892  was  remarkable  in  several 
respects.  The  leading  candidates,  ex-President  Cleveland  and 
President  Harrison,  were  both  men  of  the  highest  character  and 
integrity,  each  of  whom  had  served  the  country  with  notable  ability 
as  President  for  a  term  of  four  years.  The  people  were,  therefore, 
so  well  acquainted  with  the  candidates  that  personalities  entered 
little  into  the  campaign,  a,nd  the  canvass  was  conducted  with  less 
popular  enthusiasm  and  excitement  than  ever  before.  The  question 
most  largely  discussed  was  that  of  the  McKinley  tariff,  but  other 
important  questions,  such  as  the  free  coinage  of  silver  and  the 
revival  of  state  banks,  entered  largely  into  the  discussion,  and  had 
much  to  do  with  influencing  the  result,  especially  in  the  Western 
States,  where  party  lines  were  very  largely  broken  up.     The  result 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS  227 

of  the  election  was  almost  a  political  revolution,  ex-President  Cleve- 
land being  elected  by  an  overwhelming  majority.  The  Populists 
also  polled  a  very  large  vote. 

The  result  of  the  election  was  generally  accepted  as  meaning  a 
condemnation  of  the  McKinley  tariff.  For  the  first  time  in  thirty 
years  the  Democratic  party  had  full  possession  of  all  branches  of 
the  Government.  „ 

Grover  Cleveland,    i 893-1 897.     Panic  of   1893 

In  the  spring  and  summer  of  1893  the  country  experienced 
an  unexpected  and  remarkable  stringency  in  the  money  market, 
which  was  largely  attributed  to  the  operations  of  what  is  known  as 
the  Sherman  law,  by  which  the  Government  was  compelled  to  pur- 
chase 4,500,000  ounces  of  silver  every  month.  President  Cleveland 
called  an  extra  session  of  Congress  to  meet  early  in  August,  for  the 
purpose  of  repealing  the  purchasing  clause  of  the  "  Sherman  Law." 
This  appeared  to  bring  some  relief  in  the  way  of  restoring  confi- 
dendce,  but  it  did  not  come  until  the  country  had  suffered  greatly 
from  the  general  depression  of  trade  and  the  withdrawal  of  credits. 
The  banks  in  New  York,  Philadelphia  and  Boston  declined  to  pay 
large  sums  on  the  checks  of  their  customers  in  currency,  but 
insisted  upon  payments  being  accepted  in  Clearing  House  certifi- 
cates. President  Cleveland  was  very  generally  commended  for  his 
wise  and  patriotic  action  in  dealing  with  the  questions  affecting  the 
public  interest  during  this  critical  period,  though  he  met  with 
serious  opposition  within  his  own  party. 

The   Hawaiian  Difficulty 

One  of  the  most  unusual  and  important  events  of  1893  was  the 
movement  for  the  annexation  of  the  Sandwich  Islands.  Early  in  the 
year,  by  a  successful  revolution,  without  bloodshed,  the  native 
Queen,  Lilioukalani,  was  overthrown  and  a  provisional  govern- 
ment established,  the  chief  officers  of  which  were  Americans  by 
birth  or  parentage.  A  proposition  for  annexation  was  made  by 
them  to  the  United  States,  and  a  treaty  looking  to  that  end  was 


228  THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS 

negotiated  under  the  administration  of  President  Harrison,  and 
sent  to  the  Senate  for  ratification.  On  President  Cleveland's 
accession  to  office  in  March,  he  withdrew  the  treaty,  and  sent  Hon. 
James  H.  Blount  as  commissioner  to  Hawaii  to  make  further  inves- 
tigation. After  some  months  Mr.  Blount  made  a  report,  stating 
that  the  Hawaiian  revolution  had  been  accomplished  by  the  active 
aid  of  the  American  minister,  who  had  used  American  war  vessels 
and  troops  for  that  purpose.  The  President  thereupon  made  a 
demand  upon  the  provisional  government  that  the  Queen  should  be 
restored,  and  in  a  special  message  to  Congress  urged  that  view. 
The  provisional  government  of  Hawaii,  however,  declined  to  com- 
ply, and  Congress  took  no  measures  to  restore  the  monarchy.  The 
affair  occasioned  intense  feeling  in  the  United  States,  public 
opinion  in  regard  to  annexation  and  the  policy  of  the  President 

being  sharply  divided. 

China  and  Japan 

During  the  war  between  China  and  Japan,  in  1894,  President 
Cleveland  had  a  conspicuous  opportunity  to  show  the  world  the 
great  advantage  this  country  enjoys  as  a  mediator  between  other 
belligerent  nations,  owing  to  our  well-known  policy  of  avoiding 
foreign  entanglements. 

Conflict  Between  Labor  and  Capital 

In  July,  1894,  occurred  the  most  tremendous  conflict  between 
capital  and  labor  that  has  ever  taken  place  in  this  country.  The 
American  Railway  Union,  a  labor  organization  of  railway 
employees,  ordered  a  general  strike  on  all  railroads  running  Pull- 
man cars.  For  two  weeks  traffic  was  almost  at  a  standstill,  and  a 
reign  of  terror  existed  in  Chicago,  and  also  in  parts  of  California 
and  other  States  of  the  West.  The  railroad  tracks  entering 
Chicago  were  besieged  by  a  violent  mob ;  cars  were  derailed  and 
burned,  switches  torn  up,  miles  of  loaded  freight  cars  set  on  fire, 
and  every  means  employed  to  stop  completely  the  movement  of 
trains.  President  Cleveland  finally  sent  troops  of  the  regular  army 
to   Chicago,  and  the  riot  was  soon  quelled.      In  December,  1894, 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS  229 

Eugene  V.  Debs  and  other  leaders  of  the  strike  were  sentenced  to 
terms  of  imprisonment. 

Another    Political   Revolution 

The  autumn  of  1894  brought  a  political  revolution  even 
greater  than  that  of  1892 — the  Republicans  being  nearly  every- 
where victorious,  The  universal  depression  of  business,  and  the 
failure  of  Congress  to  deal  with  the  tariff  and  financial  measures, 
created  a  great  revulsion  of  feeling  against  the  Democrats,  who 
were  overwhelmingly  defeated  in  nearly  every  State  of  the  Union. 
The  extent  of  the  revolution  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  while  the 
House  of  Representatives  elected  in  1892  contained  219  Demo- 
crats and  127  Republicans,  the  House  elected  in  1894  contained  104 
Democrats  and  246  Republicans. 

The  Presidential  nominations  of  1896  showed  that  the  Pres- 
ident did  not  have  the  full  support  of  his  party.  His  administra- 
tion was  not  endorsed  except  by  the  gold  wing,  which  held  a 
convention  at  Indianapolis. 

William  McKinley  was  inaugurated  March  4th,  1897,  having 
Congress  in  both  branches  of  the  same  political  faith  as  himself. 
The  Senate  of  the  55th  Congress  stood  Democrats  34,  Republi- 
cans 46,  Independents  and  Populists,  10.  The  House,  Democrats 
134,  Republicans  206,  Independents  and  Populists  16.  In  the  56th 
Congress  it,  stood.  Senate  Democrats  26,  Republicans  55,  Inde- 
pendents 9.  In  the  House,  Democrats  163,  Republicans  185,  Inde- 
pendents 9.  The  chief  events  of  his  administration  are  set  forth 
in  full  in  another  chapter. 

The  twenty-four  men  who  have  filled  the  presidential  chair 
have  been  varied  in  ability  ;  they  have  represented  all  classes  of  our 
American  people  and  widely  different  schools  of  political  thought, 
but  in  the  century  of  their  aggregate  terms  no  country  of  the  world 
has  had  better  men  as  chief  executives. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

The  People's  Party— Their  Candidates  and 

Platforms 

THE   People's   Party,  on  May   lo,  1900,  held  two  conventions 
to  nominate  Presidential  candidates,  and  to  adopt  platforms 
embodying  principles  on  which  the  campaign  is  to  be  fought. 
The  convention   held   at  Sioux  Falls,  S.  D.,  represented  that 
portion    of  the   party  which    favored    the    nomination  of  William 
Jennings  Bryan,  for  President,  with  the  expectation  that  he  would 
also  be  the  candidate  of  the  Democratic  Party. 

The  convention  which  met  on  the  same  day,  at  Cincinnati, 
Ohio,  favored  a  separate  and  distinct  party  ticket,  and  a  platform 
of  principles  embodying  the  distinctive  views  held  by  that  portion 
of  the  party,  commonly  designated  as  the  "  middle  of  the  road " 
party. 

The  Populist  National  Convention,  at  Sioux  Fall 

The  Populist  National  Convention,  at  Sioux  Falls,  S.  D.,  was 
called  to  order  May  10,  1900,  9.45  a.  m.,  by  temporary  chairman, 
Rino-dal. 

The  Committee  on  Credentials  presented  its  report,  declaring 
that  there  were  no  contesting  delegations,  and  recommending  that 
the  vote  of  Missouri  be  increased  by  two  votes,  that  of  Ohio  by 
two  votes,  and  that  of  South  Dakota  by  three  votes.  The  report 
was  adopted. 

The  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization  reported  the  name 

of  Thomas   M.  Patterson,  of  Colorado,  for  Permanent  Chairman  ; 

T.  H.  Curran,  of  Kansas  ;    Leo  Vincent,  of  Colorado,  and    E.  M. 

Deisher,    as    Permanent    Secretaries.      Mr.    Patterson's   name  was 

230 


THE  PEOPLE'S  PARTY  231 

greeted  with  great  applause,  which  expanded  into  vociferous  cheers 
as  he  came  to  the  front  of  the  platform. 

After  Chairman  Patterson's  speech  and  the  adoption  of  an 
order  of  business,  a  recess  was  taken  until  afternoon.  In  the 
meantime  the  Chairman  of  the  State  delegations  met  and  tried 
without  success  to  agree  on  some  plan  of  action  in  reference  to  the 
Vice  Presidential  nomination. 

At  the  afternoon  session,  which  began  at  2.10  p.  m,.  Chairman 
Patterson  called  for  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions, 
but  that  committee  was  not  ready,  and  a  long  delay  ensued,  A 
number  of  short  speeches  were  made  to  entertain  the  Convention 
while  the  report  was  being  waited  for. 

The  Committee  on  Resolutions  then  reported,  and,  at  the 
conclusion  of  the  reading,  Jerry  Simpson  moved  that  the  platform 
be  adopted  as  read,  and  the  committee  discharged.  The  motion 
received  half  a  dozen  seconds.  A  standing  vote  was  called  for,  and 
amid  great  cheering  every  delegate  in  the  tent  arose, 

Allen  to  the  Front 

"The  platform  is  adopted  by  unanimous  vote,"  said  Chairman 
Patterson.  "The  next  thing  before  the  Convention,"  said  he  "  is 
the  presentation  of  the  names  of  candidates  for  the  nomination  for 
the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States."  Then  without  paus- 
ing or  calling  for  any  call  of  States  he  went  on  : — 

"  I    have    the    pleasure    of    introducing    Senator  Allen,  of 
Nebraska," 

This  could  mean  but  one  man,  and  that  was  Bryan,  and  before 
Senator  Allen  could  come  to  the  front  of  the  platform  the  Conven- 
tion was  on  its  feet  cheering  frantically,  waving  flags,  hats,  and 
handkerchiefs.  The  speech  of  Senator  Allen  was  brief  and  to  the 
point.     Referring  to  William  J,  Bryan,  he  spoke  as  follows  : — 

"  He  embodies  in  his  political  convictions,  in  his  life,  all  that  is 
good  in  an  American  citizen,  all  that  is  pure  and  loyal,  all 
that  the  most  exacting  could  desire,  a  statesman  of  ripe 
experience,    a    philosopher,    a    patriot    without     a    peer    on     this 


232  THE  PEOPLE  'S  PARTY 

or  any  oifier  continent.  Peerless,  bold,  determined,  thoroughly 
united  to  the  interests  of  the  great  mass  of  his  countrymen,  who 
would  make  and  will  make  an  ideal  candidate  for  the  exalted  office 
of  President  of  these  United  States. 

"Has  Been  But  One  Name" 

"Since  the  result  of  the  election,  in  1896,  was  known  to  the 
American  people  among  the  fusion  forces  of  the  United  States, 
there  has  been  but  one  name  connected  with  the  office  and  with 
the  nomination  at  this  time.  He  is  the  embodiment  of  all  that 
opposes  plutocracy,  that  opposes  greed,  that  opposes  the  exercise 
of  criminal  power  in  public  life.  He  is,  in  my  judgment,  the  most 
American  citizen  of  the  age.  I  think  he  is  as  an  orator,  as  a  states- 
man, the  equal  of  Webster  and  Clay,  if  not  their  superior.  He 
was  a  Nebraskan,  but  belongs  now  to  the  world.  Without  further 
discussion,  without  further  description  of  this  magnificent  man,  I 
present  to  this  Covention,  this  hero,  statesman  and  orator,  William 
Jennings  Bryan." 

The  announcement  of  Mr.  Bryan's  name  was  the  signal  for 
another  enthusiastic  outburst.  The  Minnesota  delegation  hoisted  a 
large  star  having  the  portrait  of  Mr.  Bryan  in  the  center,  and 
the  Convention  cheered  again,  more  vigorously  than  before. 

When  his  voice  could  be  heard  Chairman  Patterson  announced  : 
"  I  have  the  pleasure  to  introduce  General  James  B.  Weaver, 
of  Iowa." 

Another  round  of  cheers  rang  out  as  the  veteran  from  Iowa 
came  forward  to  second  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Bryan. 

Jerry  Simpson  was  then  announced  amid  more  cheers.  Mr. 
Bryan,  he  declared,  represented  the  struggle  for  human  rights 
and  he  wanted  the  Populists  to  do  all  in  their  power  to  elect  him. 
G.  F.  Washburn,  of  Massachusetts,  then  added  his  eulogy. 

J.  H.  Davis,  of  Texas,  Senator  Butler,  of  North  Carolina,  and 
W.  J.  Thomas,  of  Colorado,  made  brief  second  speeches,  and  Mr. 
Olds,  of  Pennsylvania,  86  years  old,  was  introduced. 


THE  PEOPLE'S  PARTY  233 

Mr.  Olds,  bent  and  white  bearded,  said  that  he  had  walked 
1,000  miles  to  vote  for  Henry  Clay  in  1844.  "  I  came  1,000  miles 
to  vote  for  William  Jennings  Bryan  in  this  convention,"  said  Mr. 
Olds,  "  and  I  hope  you  will  not  allow  me  to  be  defeated  as  I  was 
in  1844." 

Cries  of  "  We  won't"  greeted  Mr.  Olds  as  he  sat  down. 

Senator  Allen,  of  Nebraska,  then  stepped  forward. 

A  Terrible    Din  Followed 

'i  Mr.  Chairman,"  said  he,  mid  perfect  silence,  ''  I  move  that  the 
rules  of  this  convention  be  suspended  and  that  William  Jennings 
Bryan  be  nominated  by  acclamation  for  President  of  the  United 
States." 

Amid  the  din  that  followed  Senator  Allen's  motion  and  its 
seconding,  the  speaker's  voice  was  faintly  heard  calling  on  those 
delegates  who  favored  the  motion  to  rise  and  remain  standing. 

As  one  man  the  convention  arose,  cheering  for  Bryan. 

"  I  propose  three  cheers  for  William  Jennings  Bryan,"  cried 
George  F.  Washburn,  of  Massachusetts.  They  were  given  and 
the  convention  quieted  down. 

"  I  announce  the  nomination  by  a  unanimous  vote,  of  William 
Jennings  Bryan  for  President  of  the  United  States,"  said  Chair- 
man Patterson,  as  soon   as  he   could  be  heard. 

Another  cheer  greeted  this  announcement,  and  then  the  dele- 
gates settled  in  their  seats  for  the  fight  over  the  Vice-Presidential 
nomination. 

"  The  next  thing  on  the  program,"  said  Chairman  Patterson  "  is 
according  to  the  rules  adopted,  to  take  action  regarding  the  nomi- 
nation of  a  Vice-President." 

Instantly  there  was  confusion.  Resolutions,  amendments, 
counter-amendments  came  in  too  fast  to  count  soon.  The  conven- 
tion became  tangled  up  in  a  maze  of  parliamentary  proceedings. 
Finally  adjournment  was  announced  until  8  p.  m. 

The  night  session  was  picturesque.  It  lasted  till  after  midnight 
The  following  nominations  for  the  Vice-Presidency  were  made  : 


234  THE  PEOPLE  'S  PARTY 

John  J.  Lentz,  Ohio  ;  T.  T.  Rynder,  Pennsylvania  ;  F.  Gerry 
Brown,  Massachusetts;  John  Breiderbat,  Kansas;  J.  H.  Davis, 
Texas,  and  H.  S.  Taylor,  Illinois. 

The  spirit  of  the  convention  then  turned  to  Towne,  and  he 
was  named  by  acclamation. 

Platform  of  the  People's  Party 
Adopted  at  Sioux  Falls,  S.  D.,  May  lo,  1900. 

The  People's  Party  of  the  United  States  in  convention  assem- 
bled, congratulates  its  supporters  on  the  wide  extension  of  its  prin- 
ciples in  all  directions,  does  hereby  re-afifirm  its  adherence  to  the 
fundamental  principles  proclaimed  in  its  two  prior  platforms  and 
calls  upon  all  who  desire  to  avert  the  subversion  of  free  institutions 
by  corporate  and  imperialistic  power,  to  unite  with  it  in  bringing 
the  government  back  to  the  ideals  of  Washington,  Jefferson, 
Jackson  and   Lincoln. 

It  extends  to  its  allies  in  the  struggle  for  financial  and 
economic  freedom  assurances  of  its  loyalty  to  the  principles  which 
animate  the  allied  forces  and  the  promise  of  honest  and  hearty 
co-operation  in  every  effort  of  their  success, 

To  the  people  of  the  United  States  we  offer  the  following 
platform  as  the  expression  of  our  unalterable  convictions  : 

The  Currency  Act  Denounced. 

Resolved,  That  we  denounce  the  act  of  March  14,  1900,  as 
the  culmination  of  a  long  series  of  conspiracies  to  deprive  the 
the  people  of  their  constitutional  rights  over  the  money  of  the 
nation,  and  to  relegate  to  a  gigantic  money  trust  the  control  of  the 
purse  and  hence  of  the  people. 

We  denounce  this  act,  first,  for  making  all  money  obligations, 
domestic  and  foreign,  payable  in  gold  coin  or  its  equivalent,  thus 
enormously  increasing  the  burdens  of  the  debtors  and  enriching 
the  creditors. 

Second.  For  refunding  "coin  bonds"  not  to  mature  for 
years  into  long  time  gold  bonds  so  as  to  make  their  payment  im- 
probable and  our  debt  perpetual. 


THE  PEOPLE'S  PARTY  235 

Third.  For  taking  from  the  Treasury  over  fifty  miUions  of 
dollars  in  a  time  of  war,  and  presenting  it,  at  a  premium,  to  bond- 
holders to  accomplish  the  refunding  of  bonds  not  due. 

Fourth.  For  doubling  the  capital  of  bankers  by  returning  to 
them  the  face  value  of  their  bonds  in  current  money  notes  so  that 
they  may  draw  one  interest  from  the  government  and  another  from 
the  people. 

Fifth.  For  allowing  banks  to  expand  and  contract  their  circu- 
lation at  pleasure,  thus  controlling  prices  of  all  products. 

Sixth.  For  authorizing  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  issue 
new  crold  bonds  to  an  unlimited  amount  whenever  he  deems  it 
necessary  to  replenish  the  gold  hoard,  thus  enabling  usurers  to 
secure  more  bonds  and  more  bank  currency,  by  drawing  gold  from 
the  Treasury,  thereby  creating  an  "endless  chain  "  for  perpetually 
adding  to  a  perpetual  debt. 

Seventh.  For  striking  down  the  greenback  in  order  to  force 
the  people  to  borrow  three  hundred  and  forty-six  millions  of  dollars 
more  from  the  banks  at  an  annual  cost  of  over  twenty  millions  of 
dollars. 

While  barring  out  the  money  of  the  Constitution,  this  law 
opens  the  printing  Mints  of  the  Treasury  to  the  free  coinage  of 
paper  money  to  enrich  the  few  and  impoverish  the  many. 

We  pledge  anew  the  People's  Party  never  to  cease  the  agita- 
tion until  this  financial  conspiracy  is  blotted  from  the  statute  books, 
the  Lincoln  greenbacks  restored,  the  bonds  all  paid  and  all  corpora- 
tion money  forever  retired. 

Silver    Coinage  at   16  to   i 

We  reaffirm  the  demand  for  the  reopening  of  the  Mints  of  the 
United  States  for  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  and  gold, 
at  the  present  legal  ratio  of  i6to  i,  the  immediate  increase  in  the 
volume  of  silver  coins  and  certificates  thus  created  to  be  substituted, 
dollar  for  dollar,  for  the  bank  notes  issued  by  private  corporations 
under  special  privilege  granted  by  law  of  March  14,  1900,  and  prior 
national  banking  laws,  the  remaining  portion  of  the  bank  notes  to 


236  THE  PEOPLE'S  PARTY 

be  replaced  with  full  legal  tender  government  paper  money,  and  its 
volume  so  controlled  as  to  maintain  at  all  times  a  stable  money 
market  and  a  stable  price  level. 

We  demand  a  gfraduated  income  and  inheritance  tax  to  the  end 
that  aggregated  wealth  shall  bear  its  just  proportion  of  taxation. 

We  demand  that  postal  savings  banks  be  established  by  the 
Government  for  the  safe  deposit  of  the  savings  of  the  people  and 
to  facilitate  exchange. 

With  Thomas  Jefferson  we  declare  the  land,  including  all 
natural  sources  of  wealth,  the  inalienable  heritage  of  the  people. 
Government  should  so  act  to  secure  homes  for  the  people  and 
prevent  land  monopoly.  The  original  homestead  policy  should  be 
enforced  and  future  settlers  upon  the  public  domain  should  be 
entitled  to  a  free  homestead  while  all  who  have  paid  an  acreage 
price  to  the  Government  under  existing  laws  should  have  their 
homestead  rights  restored. 

Transportation  being  a  means  of  exchange  and  a  public 
necessity,  the  Government  should  own  and  operate  the  railroads  in 
the  interest  of  the  people  and  on  a  non-partisan  basis,  to  the  end 
that  all  may  be  accorded  the  same  treatment  in  transportation,  and 
that  the  extortion,  tyranny  and  political  power  now  exercised  by 
the  great  railroad  corporations,  which  result  in  the  impairment,  if 
not  the  destruction  of  the  political  rights  and  personal  liberties  of 
the  citizen,  may  be  destroyed.  Such  ownership  is  to  be  accom- 
plished in  a  manner  consistent  with  sound  public  policy. 

The  Trust    Question 

Trusts,  the  overshadowing  evil  of  the  age,  are  the  result  and 
culmination  of  the  private  ownership  and  control  of  the  three  great 
instruments  of  commerce — money,  transportation  and  the  means  of 
transmission  of  information  ;  which  instruments  of  commerce  are 
public  functions  and  which  our  forefathers  declared  in  the  Consti- 
tution should  be  controlled  by  the  people  through  their  Congress 
for  the  public  welfare.  The  one  remedy  for  the  trusts  is  that  the 
ownership  and  control  be  assumed  and  exercised  by  the  people. 


THE  PEOPLE  '5  PARTY  237 

We  further  demand  that  all  tariffs  on  goods  controlled  by  a 
trust  shall  be  abolished. 

To  cope  with  the  trust  evil  the  people  must  act  directly, 
without  the  intervention  of  representatives,  who  may  be  controlled 
or  influenced.  We,  therefore,  demand  direct  legislation,  giving  the 
people  the  lawmaking  and  veto  power  under  the  initiative  and 
referendum.  A  majority  of  the  people  can  never  be  corruptly 
influenced. 

Wars  of  Conquest  Condemned 

Applauding  the  valor  of  our  army  and  navy  in  the  Spanish 
war,  we  denounce  the  conduct  of  the  administration  in  changing  a 
war  for  humanity  into  a  war  of  conquest.  The  action  of  the 
administration  in  the  Philippines  is  in  conflict  with  all  the  pre- 
cedents of  our  national  life,  at  war  with  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  the  Constitution  and  the  plain  precepts  of  humanity. 
Murder  and  arson  have  been  our  response  to  the  appeals  of  the 
people  who  asked  only  to  establish  a  free  government  in  their  own 
land.  We  demand  a  stoppage  of  this  war  of  extermination  by  the 
assurance  to  the  Filipinos  of  independence  and  protection  under 
a  stable  government  of  their  own  creation. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence,  the  Constitution  and  the 
American  flag  are  one  and  inseparable.  The  Island  of  Porto  Rico 
is  a  part  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  and  by  levying  special 
and  extraordinary  customs  duties  on  the  commerce  of  that  island 
the  administration  has  violated  the  Constitution,  abandoned  the 
fundamental  principles  of  American  liberty  and  has  striven  to  give 
the  lie  to  the  contention  of  our  forefathers  that  there  should  be  no' 
taxation  without  representation. 

Out  of  the  imperialism  which  would  force  an  undesired 
domination  on  the  people  of  the  Philippines  springs  the  un- 
American  cry  for  a  large  standing  army.  Nothing  in  the  character 
or  purposes  of  our  people  justifies  us  in  ignoring  the  plain  lesson 
of  history  and  putting  our  liberties  in  jeopordy  by  assuming  the 
burden  of  militarism,  which  is  crushing  the  people  of  the  Old  World. 


238  THE  PEOPLE  'S  PARTY 

We  denounce  the  administration  for  its  sinister  efforts  to  substitute 
a  standing  army  for  the  citizen  soldiery,  which  is  the  best  safeguard 
of  the  Republic. 

Sympathy  for  the  Boers 

We  extend  to  the  brave  Boers  of  South  Africa  our  sympathy 
and  moral  support  in  their  patriotic  struggle  for  the  right  of  self- 
government,  and  we  are  unalterably  opposed  to  any  alliance,  open 
or  covert,  between  the  United  States  and  any  other  nation  that  will 
tend  to  the  destruction  of  human  liberty. 

And  a  further  manifestation  of  imperialism  is  to  be  found  in 
the  mining  districts  of  Idaho.  In  the  Coeur  d'Alene  soldiers  have 
been  used  to  overawe  miners  striving  for  a  greater  measure  of  in- 
dustrial independence.  And  we  denounce  the  state  government  of 
Idaho  and  the  Federal  government  for  employing  the  military  arm 
of  the  government  to  abridge  the  civil  rights  of  the  people  and  to 
enforce  an  infamous  permit  system  which  denies  to  laborers  their 
inherent  liberty,  and  compels  them  to  foreswear  their  manhood  and 
their  right  before  being  permitted  to  seek  employment. 

The  importation  of  Japanese  and  other  laborers  under  contract 
to  serve  monopolistic  corporations  is  a  notorious  and  flagrant  viola- 
tion of  the  immigration  laws.  We  demand  that  the  Federal  orov- 
ernment  shall  take  cognizance  of  this  menacing  evil  and  repress  it 
under  existing  laws.  We  further  pledge  ourselves  to  strive  for  the 
enactment  of  more  stringent  laws  for  the  exclusion  of  Mongolian 
and  Malayan  immigration. 

Municipal  Ownership  and  Free  Ballot 

We  endorse  municipal  ownership  of  public  utilties,  and  declare 
that  the  advantages  which  have  accrued  to  the  public  under  that 
system  would  be  multiplied  loo  fold  by  its  extention  to  natural 
interstate  monopolies. 

We  denounce  the  practice  of  issuing  injunctions  in  the  cases 
of  dispute  between  employers  and  employes,  making  criminal  acts 
by  organizations  which  are  not  criminal  when  performed  by  indi- 
viduals, and  demand  legislation  to  restrain  the  evil. 


THE  PEOPLE'S  PARTY  239 

We  demand  that  United  States  Senators  and  all  other  officials, 
as  far  as  practicable,  be  elected  by  direct  vote  of  the  people. 

Believing  that  the  elective  franchise  and  untrammeled  ballot 
are  essential  to  a  government  of,  for  and  by  the  people,  the  People's 
party  condemns  the  wholesale  system  of  disfranchisement  by  coer- 
sion  and  intimidation,  adopted  in  some  states,  as  unrepublican  and 
undemocratic.  And  we  declare  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  several 
state  legislatures  to  take  such  action  as  will  secure  a  full,  free  and 
fair  ballot  and  an  honest  count. 

We  favor  home  rule  in  the  territories  and  the  District  of  Col- 
umbia, and  the  early  admission  of  the  territories  as  states.  We 
denounce  the  expensive  red  tape  system,  political  favoritism,  cruel 
and  unnecessary  delay  and  criminal  evasion  of  the  statutes  in  the 
management  of  the  Pension  Office,  and  demand  the  simple  and 
honest  execution  of  the  law  and  the  fulfillment  by  the  nation  of  its 
pledges  of  service  pension  to  all  its  honorably  discharged  veterans. 

Cincinnati  Convention  of  the  People's  Party 

Thursday,  May  loth,  at  4.40  p.m.,  the  People's  Party  National 
Convention  assembled  in  Cincinnati  pursuant  to  call.  It  nomi- 
nated Wharton  Barker,  of  Pennsylvania,  for  President,  and  Igna- 
tius Donnelly,  of  Minnesota,  for  Vice-President,*adopted  a  platform 
upon  which  they  stand,  rules  for  the  organization  and  government 
of  the  party,  and  chose  Joseph  A.  Parker,  of  Kentucky,  National 
Chairman. 

Upon  motion  of  Mr.  Donnelly,  Mr.  Barker  was  then  invited 
to  address  the  convention,  and  he  took  the  platform  and  first  dis- 
cussed some  of  the  phases  of  the  trust  question. 

Mr.  Barker  said  that  he  would  not  detain  the  convention  by 
discussing  questions  or  repeating  thoughts  that  had  been  so  ably 
presented  by  previous  speakers,  that  he  would  not  stop  to  dwell  on 
the  demand  for  the  initiative  and  referendum  which,  he  mieht 
say  In  passing,  he  regarded  as  the  most  important  of  all  the  Popu- 
list demands;  that  he  would  not  touch  upon  the  money  question, 
but  desired  to  direct  attention  to  one  or  two  phases  of  the  trust 


240  THE  PEOPLE  'S  PARTY 

question  that  he  did  not  think  had  been  sufficiently  emphasized  by 
those  who  had  spoken  before.  He  declared  that  trusts  were  of 
three  kinds.  First,  there  were  trusts  that  might  be  spoken  of  as 
natural  trusts,  and  were  the  product  of  our  industrial  evolution, 
trusts  the  outgrowth  of  efforts  to  avail  of  the  savings  and  econo- 
mies in  production  and  distribution  that  concentration  and  combina- 
tion make  possible.  These  trusts,  as  natural  as  might  be  their 
growth,  could  not  be  expected  to  be  superior  to  temptation,  and 
not  being  superior  to  temptation  naturally  fall  to  abusing  their 
power.  The  only  way  to  rid  ourselves  of  the  evil  coming  with 
these  trusts  was  for  the  government  to  take  the  ownership  and 
management  of  such  into  its  own  hands. 

Then  there  were  those  trusts  that  are  reared  upon  railroad 
rebates,  and  can  be  dealt  with  by  the  government  taking  over  the 
railroads.  Mr.  Barker  cited  the  Carnegie  Company  as  a  combina- 
tion that  had  been  reared  upon  rebates,  and  was  now  ensconced 
behind  them  exacting  tribute  from  the  people.  He  recalled  that 
recent  differences  among  the  partners  in  that  combination  had 
brought  out  the  fact  that  the  profits  for  last  year  were  $20,000,000, 
and  that  it  was  estimated  that  this  year's  profits  would  be 
$40,000,000.  He  wanted  to  know  if  anyone  thought  that  the 
employees  of  the  Carnegie  Company  got  their  just  share  of  what 
their  labor  produced. 

The  Lesson  of  a  Picture   Gallery 

Next  Mr.  Barker  spoke  of  those  monopolies  resting  on  muni- 
cipal franchises.  Upon  the  private  ownership  of  such  franchises 
many  great  fortunes  had  been  reared.  And  no  wonder,  for  posses- 
sion of  such  franchises  confers  the  power  to  tax.  He  instanced  the 
case  of  the  Elkins-Widener  syndicate.  He  said  that  within  a  mile  - 
and  a  half  from  where  he  lived  was  a  palace  lately  erected  by  Mr. 
Widener  in  which  there  was  a  picture  gallery  said  to  contain  pictures 
that  had  cost  $2,400,000.  It  had  been  his  pleasure  to  go  through 
that  gallery  not  long  since.  He  did  not  decry  the  expenditure  of 
money  in  the  collection  of  those  at  treasures  as  a  waste  of  wealth. 


THE  PEOPLE  '  S  PARTY  2 4 1 

He  believed  in  the  expenditure  of  money  for  art,  for  picture  gal- 
leries, for  anything  that  would  elevate  the  thought.  It  was  not  a 
waste.  But  he  could  not  help  thinking  that  that  picture  gallery 
ought  to  be  the  people's  picture  gallery.  For  it  was  paid  for  by 
the  people's  money,  by  money  taxed  from  the  people  just  as  much 
as  if  the  city  had  taxed  it.  Managing  to  get  control  of  franchises, 
Mr.  Widener  had  gotten  from  the  city  the  power  to  levy  upon  the 
people  who  must  ride  an  indirect  tax ;  levying  such  tax,  he  accum- 
ulated a  fortune  out  of  which  he  had  created  a  princely  picture 
gallery.  But  the  city  should  never  have  given  away  that  power  to 
tax,  it  should  have  kept  that  power  to  itself,  and  if  it  had,  the  pic- 
ture gallery  that  is  now  the  property  of  one  citizen  might  have  been 
the  property  of  all.  And  in  getting  it  they  would  have  been  no 
more  burdened,  no  more  heavily  taxed  than  they  have  been  to 
create  the  gallery  which  is  not  theirs. 

The  Platform 

Col.  J.  S.  Felters,  of  Illinois,  read  the  platform  as  recommened 
by  the  Platform  Committee,  which,  with  the  addition  of  the  7th 
article,  was  adopted.      It  is  as  follows  : 

The  People's  party  of  the  United  States,  assembled  in 
National  Convention,  this  loth  day  of  May,  1900,  affirming  our 
unshaken  belief  in  the  cardinal  tenets  of  the  People's  party  as  set 
forth  in  the  Omaha  platform,  and  pledging  ourselves  anew  to  con- 
tinued advocacy  of  those  grand  principles  of  human  liberty  until 
right  shall  triumph  over  might,  love  over  greed,  do  adopt  and  pro- 
claim this  declaration  of  faith  : 

First.  We  demand  the  initiative  and  referendum  and  the 
imperative  mandate  of  such  changes  of  existing  fundamental  and 
statute  law  as  will  enable  the  people  in  their  sovereign  capacity  to 
propose  and  compel  the  enactment  of  such  laws  as  they  desire  ;  to 
reject  such  as  they  deem  injurious  to  their  interests,  and  to  recall 
unfaithful  public  servants. 

Second.  We  demand  the  public  ownership  and  operation  of 
those  means  of  communication,  transportation  and  production  which 

14 


242  THE  PEOPLE'S  PARTY 

the  people  may  elect,  such  as  railroads,  telegraphs  and  telephone 
lines,  coal  mines,  etc. 

Third,  The  land,  including  all  natural  sources  of  wealth,  is  a 
heritage  of  the  people,  and  should  not  be  monopolized  for  specula- 
tive purpose,  and  alien  ownership  of  land  should  be  prohibited. 
All  land  now  held  by  railroads  and  other  corporations  in  excess  of 
their  actual  needs,  and  all  lands  now  owned  by  aliens  should  be 
reclaimed  by  the  government  and  held  for  actual  settlers  only. 

Fourth.  A  scientific  and  absolute  paper  money,  based  upon 
the  entire  wealth  and  population  of  the  nation  not  redeemable  in 
any  specific  commodity,  but  made  a  full  legal  tender  for  all  debts, 
and  receivable  for  all  taxes  and  public  dues,  and  issued  by  the  gov- 
ernment only,  without  the  intervention  of  banks,  and  in  sufficient 
quantity  to  meet  the  demands  of  commerce,  is  the  best  currency 
that  can  be  devised  ;  but  until  such  a  financial  system  is  secured, 
which  we  shall  press  for  adoption,  we  favor  the  free  and  unlimited 
coinage  of  both  silver  and  gold  at  the  legal  ratio  of  i6  to  i. 

Fifth.  We  demand  the  levy  and  collection  of  a  graduated 
tax  on  incomes  and  inheritances,  and  a  constitutional  amendment  to 
secure  the  same  if  necessary. 

Sixth,  We  demand  the  election  of  President,  Vice-President, 
Federal  Judges  and  United  States  Senators,  by  direct  vote  of  the 
people. 

Seventh,  We  are  opposed  to  trusts,  and  declare  the  conten- 
tion between  the  old  parties  on  the  monopoly  question  is  a  sham 
battle,  and  that  no  solution  of  this  mighty  problem  is  possible 
without  the  adoption  of  the  principles  of  public  ownership  of  public 
utilities. 

The  convention  adjourned  sine  die.  And  therewith  passed 
into  history  what  was  probably  the  last  national  convention  the 
People's  Party  will  ever  hold ;  for,  by  the  rules  of  party  organiza- 
tion adopted,  the  convention  system  was  abolished  and  the  system 
of  making  nominations  by  direct  vote  of  the  people,  under  the 
rules  of  the  initiative  and  referendum,  declared  inaugurated  in 
its  stead. 


CHAPTER    XV. 

Life  and  Public  Services  of  William  McKinley 

Republican  Candidate  for  President 
Nominated  June  21,  1900. 

Career    in   War    and     Peace,   as   Soldier,    Lawyer,    Congressman, 
Governor  and  President — His   Commanding  Influence   in 
Tariff  and  Financial  Legislation — His  Adminis- 
tration a  Notable  One. 

WILLIAM  McKINLEY  was  born  at  Niles,  O.,  January  29, 
1843,  and  is  therefore  just  past  57  years  of  age.  He  is 
now  in  the  prime  of  vigorous  manhood,  and  his  powers  of 
endurance  are  not  excelled  by  any  American  of  his  age.  The  best 
evidence  of  this  is  the  many  campaigns  which  he  has  made  during 
his  public  life  in  behalf  of  the  Republican  party.  He  has  proved  his 
ability  and  endurance  by  the  number  and  perfection  of  the  speeches 
which  he  has  delivered. 

His  education,  for  reasons  that  could  not  be  surmounted,  was 
limited  to  the  public  schools  of  Ohio  and  to  a  brief  academic  course 
in  Allegheny  College.  He  taught  school  in  the  country  and  accu- 
mulated the  small  means  necessary  to  defray  the  expenses  of  that 
sort  of  an  education.  This  is  the  kind  of  schooling  that  has  pro- 
duced many  of  the  most  eminent  Americans  in  public  and  private 
life. 

His  War    Services 

McKinley  entered  the  Union  Army  in  June,  1861,  enlisting  in 
the  Twenty-third  Ohio  Infantry  when  a  little  more  than  17  years  of 
age.  This  was  a  noted  regiment.  Among  its  earlier  field  officers 
may  be  mentioned  General  W.  S.  Rosecrans,  General  Scammon, 
General  Stanley  Matthews,  General  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  General 
Comley,  and  many  other  conspicuous  men. 

243 


244  LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

He  served  during  the  entire  war,  rising  from  the  position  of  a 
private  to  the  rank  of  major.  He  was  a  soldier  on  the  front  line, 
served  in  battles,  marches,  bivouacs  and  campaigns,  and  received 
the  official  commendation  of  his  superior  officers  on  very  many 
occasions. 

He  returned  to  Ohio  with  a  record  of  which  any  young  man 
might  well  be  proud,  and  to  which  the  old  soldiers  of  the  country 
will  point  with  great  enthusiasm.  There  are  in  the  United  States 
at  this  time  more  than  a  million  soldiers  of  the  late  war  who  served 
on  the  Union  side  still  living  and  voting,  and  they  have  sons  and 
their  relatives,  all  of  whom,  taken  in  the  aggregate,  become  a  power 
in  a  presidential  election. 

His  military  career,  while  he  was  not  in  high  command,  is  full 
of  heroic  incidents,  which  are  proven  not  only  by  contemporaneous 
publications  in  the  newspapers,  but  by  official  reports  of  his  superior 
officers.  He  was  not  only  a  gallant  and  splendid  soldier,  full  of 
endurance  and  personal  energy,  but  he  was  the  calm,  judicious  staff 
officer  who  won  the  commendations  of  his  superiors  by  exhibition 
of  good  judgment  and  wise  administrative  capacity. 

Choosing  His  Employment  for  Life 

Returning  from  the  war,  he  found  it  necessary  to  choose  his 
employment  for  life,  and  without  further  schooling  he  entered 
earnestly  upon  the  study  of  law  in  the  office  of  Judge  Poland,  and 
was  a  careful,  faithful,  industrious  and  competent  student.  He 
entered  the  Albany  Law  School  and  graduated  from  that  institution 
with  high  honors.  He  then  began  the  practice  of  law  in  Canton 
with  the  same  enthusiasm  and  devotion  to  duty  which  he  had 
always  manifested.  As  a  practitioner  at  the  bar  he  at  once  exhibited 
superior  qualities,  careful,  studious  and  faithful.  He  was  elected 
Prosecuting  Attorney  of  his  county  and  distinguished  himself  by 
his  learning,  fidelity  and  efficiency  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties  to 
the  public  and  his  clients. 

He  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Forty-fifth  Congress  Con- 
gress,  and  served   in  that  Congress  and  the   Forty-sixth,    Forty- 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY  247 

seventh,  Forty-eighth,  Forty-ninth,  and  was  certified  as  elected  to 
the  Fiftieth,  but  was  excluded  by  a  Democratic  majority  in  a  con- 
test, but  was  returned  to  the  Fifty-first,  making  his  Congressional 
career  nearly  fourteen  years.  As  a  member  of  Congress  he  was 
attentive,  industrious  and  untiring,  working  his  way  gradually  until 
he  reached  the  post  of  leader  of  the  Republican  majority  of  the 
Fifty-first  Congress. 

Work  in  Congress 

He  did  not  attain  this  position  by  accident  or  by  any  fortuitous 
circumstances,  but  by  constant  attention  to  his  duties  and  a  careful 
study  of  the  public  measures  of  importance.  He  was  a  candidate 
for  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Fifty-first 
Congress.  Mr.  Reed,  the  successful  candidate,  appointed  him  as 
chairman  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  and  he  entered  upon 
the  duties  incident  to  that  position  with  energy  and  intelligence. 
There  was  a  necessity  and  a  well-defined  public  demand  for  tariff 
legislation  in  that  Congress. 

The  Republican  party  had  come  into  power  by  the  election  of 
Mr.  Harrison,  with  the  understanding  and  pledge  that  tariff  revision 
should  be  accomplished  at  once.  The  tariff  laws  of  1883  required 
amendment  and  improvement  on  account  of  the  lapse  of  time  and 
change  of  circumstances.  In  1890  it  was  decided  to  present  a  com- 
plete revision  of  the  tariff,  and  to  this  work  McKinley  devoted 
himself  with  untiring  industry.  He  had  upon  that  committee  many 
competent  assistants,  but  the  chief  burdens  necessarily  fell  upon  the 
chairman. 

His  Tariff  Measure 

Speaker  Reed  was  in  hearty  sympathy  and  earnest  co-opera- 
tion, and  the  House  of  Representatives,  on  the  21st  day  of  May, 
1890,  passed  the  bill  known  as  the  McKinley  Tariff  Bill.  Any  one 
turning  to  the  great  debate  in  the  House  of  Representatives  pend- 
ing the  passage  of  that  measure  in  the  Committee  of  the  Whole, 
will  appreciate  the  great  scope  of  McKinley 's  knowledge  of  the 
subject-matter  of  that  enactment. 


248  LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

It  has  never  been  claimed  by  McKinley's  friends  that  he  was 
the  sole  author  of  the  McKinley  Bill. 

Not  only  did  he  have  able  supporters  and  assistants,  but  he 
yielded  to  them,  under  all  circumstances,  opportunities  for  demon- 
strating their  leadership  upon  subjects  connected  with  the  bill,  and 
over  and  over  again  expressed  in  public  and  in  private  his  great 
admiration  for  the  assistance  contributed  by  his  colleagues  in  the 
committee. 

But  it  is  fair  to  say  that  McKinley  mastered  the  whole  subject 
in  Congress  in  detail.  He  has  made  the  subject  of  protective  tariff 
a  life  study.  Born  and  reared  within  the  sound  of  the  rollincr-mill 
and  beneath  the  smoke  and  flame  of  furnaces,  and  with  the  full 
knowledge  of  the  calls  of  labor  and  the  necessities  of  capital,  he 
has  grown  up  from  childhood  a  student  of  economic  questions 
involved  in  American  legislation,  and  so  he  has  brought  to  every 
task  as  legislator  and  executive  remarkable  knowledge  of  details 
and  thorough  equipment  for  the  great  work  devolved  upon  him. 
McKinley  is  a  man  of  conspicuous  modesty.  He  never  claimed 
the  exclusive  authorship  of  the  tariff  law,  but  it  must  be  admitted 
that  he  contributed  more  than  any  one  else  to  the  policy  of  combin- 
ing in  a  tariff  law  ample  provision  for  sufficient  revenue  to  meet  the 
expenditures  of  the  government,  and  at  the  same  time  to  protect 
and  foster  impartially  all  domestic  labor  and  production  from  undue 
competition  with  the  poorly  paid  labor  of  foreign  nations. 

The  Campaign  of   1892 

It  is  often  asserted  that  the  McKinley  Act  failed  in  providino- 
sufficient  revenue  to  support  the  government.  This  is  not  true,  as 
it  did  furnish  revenue  to  meet  expenditures,  but  it  did  not  provide^ 
a  surplus  equal  to  the  sinking  fund  for  the  reduction  of  the  public 
debt.  This  was  not  the  fault  of  McKinley  or  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  but  of  the  Senate,  which  insisted  upon  reciprocity 
clauses  which  largely  reduced  the  revenue  provided  by  that  act. 

It  was  the  misfortune  of  the  McKinley  Act  that  it  took  effect 
at  the  opening  of  a  presidential  contest,  and  when  "labor  troubles" 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY  249 

excited  the  public  mind.  The  election  of  1892  fell  with  demoraliz- 
ing and  almost  crushing  weight  upon  the  Republican  party  of  the 
country.  The  law  of  1890  was  everywhere,  by  Republicans  and 
Democrats,  denominated  the  McKinley  Law,  and  from  ocean  to 
ocean  the  common  people  learned  so  to  denominate  it. 

At  that  time  Major  McKinley  not  only  did  not  seek  to  evade 
the  responsibility  of  his  position,  but  frankly  and  openly  admitted 
it,  and  he  counseled  courage  and  fortitude,  and  gave  assurance  of 
his  strong  faith  in  the  ultimate  triumph  of  the  Republican  party 
upon  the  very  principles  which  then  seemed  to  be  repudiated  by  the 
people. 

After  the  passage  of  the  tariff  act  of  1890  the  country  rang 
with  the  designation  "  McKinley  Law "  as  a  term  of  reproach. 
The  man  who  had  given  his  name  to  that  act  when  it  was 
denounced,  boldly  proclaimed  his  responsibility  for  it.  When  the 
tide  turned  in  his  favor  he  heartily  acknowledged  the  aid  of  his 
colleagues. 

Powers  of  Leadership 

Mr.  McKinley  has  won  friends  from  all  parties  by  uniform 
courtesy  and  fairness,  unyielding  in  sustaining  the  position  of  his 
party  upon  every  question  on  the  floor  of  the  House  while  he  was 
leader  of  that  body.  His  leadership  was,  nevertheless,  not  offen- 
sive or  aggressive,  and  while  he  carried  his  points,  he  was  always 
courteous  to  his  opponents,  impersonal  in  debate,  and  always 
ready  to  concede  honest  motives  to  his  opponents. 

At  the  close  of  the  Fifty-first  Congress,  and  when  his  services 
as  Congressman  ended,  he  retired  without  leaving  behind  him  a 
single  enemy,  and  yet  he  had  been  unswerving  in  party  fealty  and 
uncompromising  upon  every  question  of  principle.  His  name 
became  linked  with  the  great  measure  of  that  Congress  by  the  com- 
mon voice  of  the  people  of  the  whole  country  and  by  the  world 
at  large. 

He,  shortly  after  his  service  in  Congress,  entered  upon  the 
campaign  for  Governor  of  Ohio.  He  was  nominated  by  acclama- 
tion in  1 89 1.     The  state  had  been  carried  in  1890  by  the  Republi- 


250  LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

cans  by  a  very  close  majority,  and  the  drift  in  the  country  was 
ao"ainst  the  success  of  the  RepubHcan  party.  The  discussion  by 
Major  McKinley  in  Ohio  of  the  tariff  and  currency  questions  was 
one  of  the  most  thorough  and  instructive  of  all  the  debates  in  that 
state.  It  was  a  counterpart,  in  large  measure,  of  that  of  1875,  when, 
after  a  series  of  defeats  throughout  the  country,  growing  out  of  the 
use  of  irredeemable  paper  money,  President  Hayes,  then  a  candi- 
date for  Governor  of  Ohio,  boldly  advocated  the  resumption  of 
specie  payments,  and  was  elected  on  that  issue.  It  was  a  campaign 
where  principles  won  against  prejudices. 

So,  in  the  campaign  of  1891,  Governor  McKinley,  disregard- 
ing threatened  disasters,  adhered  without  compromise  to  the  plat- 
form of  principles  involved  in  the  tariff  legislation  of  Congress. 
He  neither  apologized  nor  modified  his  position,  and  his  election 
by  upwards  of  20,000  majority  in  that  year  was  the  significant  result. 

In  January,  1896,  he  retired  from  the  office  of  Governor,  at 
the  end  of  his  second  term,  with  the  hearty  good-will  of  all  the 
people  of  the  state.  He  had  yielded  to  no  unworthy  influence, 
made  duty,  honor,  integrity  and  fidelity  the  criterion  of  his  adminis- 
tration, and  he  took  his  place  in  the  ranks  of  the  private  citizens  of 
the  state  in  the  town  from  which  he  had  first  entered  Congress. 

Knowledge  on  Many  Topics 

It  has  been  said  that  Governor  McKinley's  knowledge  is  lim- 
ited to  a  single  subject,  and  that  his  speeches  have  been  confined 
to  the  tariff  question.  This  is  a  great  mistake.  His  studies  and 
speeches  embraced  a  great  variety  of  subjects  and  extended  to 
nearly  every  measure  of  importance  discussed  while  he  was  in  Con- 
gress, and  his  addresses  to  the  people,  a  long  list  of  which  has  been 
published,  cover  every  variety  of  subjects  appropriate  to  the  time 
and  place  when  they  were  delivered. 

On  the  vital  question  of  the  currency  he  has  held  the  position 
of  the  Republican  party.  When,  under  the  stress  of  war,  the 
United  States  was  compelled  to  use  irredeemable  money,  he  acqui- 
esced in  conditions  he  could  not  change;  but  every  step  taken  to 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY  251 

advance  the  credit  and  value  of  the  United  States  notes  while  he 

has  been  in  public   life,  he  has  supported.  He   supported  the  act 

for  the  resumption  of  specie  payments  and  the  successful  accom- 
plishment of  that  measure. 

A  Popular  and  Favorite  Candidate 

With  his  advanced  views  on  tariff  and  money  question,  and 
with  his  marked  success  as  governor  of  the  large  and  national 
State  of  Ohio,  and  a  reputation  which  is  known  in  all  the  states  in 
the  Union,  it  is  not  a  surprise  that  he  was  a  popular  and  favorite 
candidate  at  the  National  Convention,  which  assembled  in  St.  Louis, 
June  16,  1896.  At  no  time  had  there  been  a  greater  number  of 
brilliant  and  able  men  named  for  the  honor  of  nomination  than 
during  the  few  months  which  preceded  the  convention.  Among 
these  were  "  Tom  "  Reed,  of  Maine,  who  has  no  superior  in  brains, 
wit  and  ability,  and  all  the  qualifications,  which  would  make  him  a 
chief  magistrate,  equal  to  any  who  have  sat  in  the  presidential 
chair ;  also  William  B,  Allison,  the  distinguished  Congressman  and 
Senator,  a  man  of  national  reputation  for  statesmanship,  and  from 
the  great  State  of  Ohio,  and  Levi  P.  Morton,  the  Governor  of  the 
imperial  State  of  New  York,  were  also  candidates.  But  after  all 
that  was  said  and  done  in  and  out  of  the  convention  in  upholding 
of  other  candidates,  William  McKinley  was  by  far  the  choice  of 
the  convention  and  received  the  nomination  at  the  end  of  the  first 
and  only  ballot,  having  received  661  j4  votes,  Thomas  B.  Reed, 
84^  votes,  Matthew  S.  Quay  61^,  Morton  58,  Allison  35^.  The 
election  in  November,  1896,  showed  that  William  McKinley  had 
received  271  electoral  votes,  and  the  popular  vote  of  7,104,779,  as 
against  William  J.  Bryan,  who  received  176  electoral  votes,  and 
the  popular  vote  of  6,502,925. 

In  his  domestic  life  President  McKinley  is  a  model  American 
citizen.  It  is  not  the  purpose  of  the  writer  of  this  sketch  to  use 
fulsome  language  or  to  comment  upon  his  private  life,  beyond  the 
mere  statement  that  he  is  and  has  been  an  affectionate  and 
devoted  husband  and  a  true  friend.      In  his  family  and  social  life, 


252  LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

and  in  his  personal  habits,  he  commends  himself  to  the  friends  of 
order,  temperance  and  good  morals.  In  private  he  is  exemplary, 
in  public  life  a  patriotic  citizen. 

It  may  be  said  of  him,  with  great  propriety,  that  no  man  can 
more  fully  represent  in  his  own  career  than  he  the  great  issues  upon 
which  the  Republican  party  will  contest  the  election  of  1900. 

William  McKinley  as  President 

The  presidential  administration  of  Mr.  McKinley  has  been 
one  of  the  most  eventful  in  our  history.  It  has  marked  our 
entrance  among  the  leading  nations  of  the  world  in  the  field  of 
territorial  expansion  beyond  the  limits  of  our  own  continent  and 
hemisphere.  During  the  four  years  that  have  passed.  New  York 
City  has  become  Greater  New  York  by  absorbing  Brooklyn  and 
other  suburbs,  becoming  thereby  not  only  the  metropolis  of  the 
western  hemisphere,  but  also  the  second  city  in  the  world  in  popu- 
lation. New  York  City  and  State,  with  the  aid  of  contributions 
from  the  various  parts  of  the  United  States,  have  erected,  at 
Morningside  Heights  on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  a  beautiful 
tomb  for  the  remains  of  General  Grant.  President  McKinley  was 
present  at  the  dedication,  and  delivered  a  most  glowing  tribute  to 
the  memory  of  the  great  general. 

There  was  much  excitement  throughout  the  country  in  1897  over 
the  reported  discoveries  of  rich  deposit  of  gold  in  the  Klondike,  as 
the  region  along  the  Yukon  River  in  Alaska  is  called.  These 
reports  were  discredited  at  first,  but  they  were  repeated,  and  proof 
soon  appeared  that  they  were  based  upon  truth.  In  the  autumn 
of  1896,  about  fifty  miners  visited  the  section,  led  thither  by  the 
rumors  that  had  come  to  them.  None  of  the  men  carried  more 
than  his  outfit  and  a  few  hundred  dollars,  but  when  they  returned 
they  brought  gold  to  the  value  of  from  $5,000  to  $100,000  apiece, 
besides  leaving  claims  behind  them  that  were  worth  thousands  of 
dollars.  In  July,  1897,  a  party  of  miners  arrived  at  Seattle  from 
the  Klondike,  bringing  with  them  nuggets  and  gold-dust  weighing 
more  than  a  ton  and  worth  a  million  and  a  half  of  dollars.      Besides 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY  253 

this,  other  men  continually  came  back  with  such  quantities  of  the 
precious  metal  that  it  was  apparent  that  not  only  were  the  reports 
justified,  but,  what  is  the  exception  in  such  cases,  the  whole  truth 
had  not  been  told, 

Klondike  Gold  Excitement 

The  natural  consequence  was  that  a  rush  set  in  for  the  Klon- 
dike, which  is  the  name  of  a  tributary  of  the  Yukon,  and  flows 
through  the  richest  gold  fields,  where  the  mining  days  of  early 
California  were  repeated.  Dawson  City  was  founded  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Klondike,  and  in  a  short  time  had  a  population  5,000.  Before 
the  year  closed,  500  ciaims  were  located,  with  more  taken  up  daily. 
As  was  inevitable,  there  was  much  suffering,  for  the  Yukon  is 
closed  by  ice  during  the  greater  part  of  the  year,  and  the  winter 
climate  is  of  Arctic  severity.  The  most  productive  fields  were 
found  to  be  not  in  Alaska,  but  in  the  British  provinces  known  as 
the  Northwest  Territories.  While  many  gathered  fortunes  in  the 
Klondike,  the  majority,  after  great  hardships  and  suffering,  returned 
to  their  homes  poorer  than  when  they  left  them. 

This  Administration  will  occupy  an  important  part  in  American 
History,  because  of  the  brief  and  decisive  war  with  Spain.  Presi- 
dent McKinley  was  not  eager  for  war  with  Spain,  and  showed  great 
tact  and  good  judgment  in  trying  to  avert  it.  He  at  no  time 
showed  any  fear  or  hesitancy  in  upholding  the  rights  of  the 
American  people.  He  treated  Spain  with  the  greatest  courtesy 
and  consideration,  and  in  every  way  possible,  by  word  and  act, 
tried  to  keep  down  the  war  fever  which  seemed  to  take  possession 
of  the  people  ;  but  the  accounts  of  Spanish  oppression  in  Cuba 
reached  the  ears  of  the  people  and  sympathy  wide  spread  was 
evidenced  in  public  meetings  and  resolutions.  A  Congressional 
party  visited  Cuba  in  March,  1898,  and  witnessed  the  hideous 
suffering  of  the  Cubans,  of  which  more  than  100,000  had  been 
starved  to  death,  with  scores  still  perishing  daily.  In  referring  to 
what  they  saw,  Senator  Proctor,  of  Vermont,  said  :  "  I  shall  refer 
to  these  horrible  things  no  further.      They  are  there.      God  pity 


254  ^/^^  ^NI^  SERVICES  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

me,  I  have  seen  them  ;  they  will  remain  in  my  mind  forever,  and 
this  is  almost  the  twentieth  century.  Christ  died  1,900  years  ago, 
and  Spain  is  a  Christian  nation.  She  has  set  up  more  crosses  in 
more  lands  beneath  more  skies,  and  under  them  has  butchered 
more  people  than  all  the  other  nations  of  the  earth  combined, 
God  grant  that  before  another  Christmas  morning  the  last  vestige 
of  Spanish  tyranny  and  oppression  will  have  vanished  from  the 
western  hemisphere." 

The  Cuban  Troubles 

The  ferocious  measures  of  Weyler  brought  so  indignant  a 
protest  from  our  country  that  he  was  recalled,  and  his  place  taken 
by  General  Ramon  Blanco,  who  reached  Havana  in  the  autumn  of 
1897.  Under  him  the  indecisive  fighting  went  on  much  as  before, 
with  no  important  advantage  gained  by  either  side.  Friends  of 
Cuba  made  appeals  in  Congress  for  the  granting  of  belligerent 
rights  to  the  insurgents,  but  strict  international  law  demanded  that 
their  government  should  gain  a  more  tangible  form  and  existence 
before  such  rights  could  be  conceded. 

Matters  were  in  this  state  of  extreme  tension  when  the 
blowing-up  of  the  Maine  occurred.  While  riding  quietly  at  anchor 
in  the  Harbor  of  Havana,  on  the  night  of  February  15,  1898,  she 
was  utterly  destroyed  by  a  terrific  explosion,  which  killed  266 
ofihcers  and  men.  The  news  thrilled  the  land  with  horror  and  rage, 
for  it  was  taken  at  once  for  granted  that  the  appalling  crime  had 
been  committed  by  Spaniards,  but  the  absolute  proof  remained  to 
be  brought  forward,  and  the  Americans,  with  their  proverbial  love 
of  justice  and  fair-play,  waited  for  such  proof. 

Competent  men  were  selected  for  the  investigation,  and  they 
spent  three  weeks  in  making  it.  They  reported  that  it  had  been 
established  beyond  question  that  the  Maine  was  destroyed  by  an 
outside  explosion,  or  submarine  mine,  though  they  were  unable  to 
determine  who  was  directly  responsible  for  the  act. 

The  insistence  of  Spain,  of  course,  was  that  the  explosion  was 
accidental  and  resulted  from  carelessness  on  the  part  of  Captain 


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LIFE  AND  SER  VICES  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY  257 

Sigsbee  and  his  crew  ;  but  it  may  be  doubted  whether  any  of  the 
Spanish  officials  in  Havana  ever  really  held  such  a  belief.  While 
Spain  herself  was  not  directly  responsible  for  the  destruction  of 
the  war-ship  and  those  who  went  down  in  her,  it  was  some  of  her 
officials  who  destroyed  her.  The  displacement  of  the  ferocious 
Weyler  had  incensed  a  good  many  of  his  friends,  some  of  whom 
most  likely  expressed  their  views  in  this  manner,  which,  happily 
for  the  credit  of  humanity,  is  exceedingly  rare  in  the  history  of 
nations. 

The  momentous  events  that  followed  are  given  in  another 
chapter. 

The  President  has  had  a  most  difficult  course  to  pursue,  as  so 
many  new  problems  have  arisen  for  which  he  has  had  no  precedent 
in  American  history.  Unexpectedly  to  him  and  to  every  one,  it 
became  necessary  for  him,  in  concluding  peace  with  Spain,  to 
acquire  the  Philippine  Islands.  He  had  driven  from  those  islands 
the  already  established  government  of  Spain,  which  left  the  people 
of  the  Philippines  without  any  organized  form  of  government. 
They  had  themselves  not  been  used  to  taking  the  initiative.  They 
had  for  many  generations  been  subject  to  the  cupidity  and  malfea- 
sance in  office  of  the  Spaniards.  When  the  Spanish  power  was 
destroyed  there  seemed  to  be  only  two  things  to  be  done,  either  to 
assume  entire  possession  and  control  of  the  islands,  or  to  hand  them 
back  to  Spain,  who  had  lost,  in  consequence  of  her  defeat  in  the 
war,  what  little  respect  she  had  among  the  Filipinos. 

The  Paris  Commission 

The  President  showed  his  good  judgment  in  appointing  on  the 
commission,  which  met  in  Paris,  public  spirited  and  representative 
men  of  both  of  the  great  political  parties,  and  men  who  had 
diverse  ideas  as  to  the  terms  of  peace  which  should  be  made. 
The  report  of  their  discussions  and  deliberations  at  Paris  indicate 
that  all  the  commissioners  were  prompted  by  the  highest  patriotic 
sentiments,  and  the  country  was  willing  to  accept  their  judgment 
as  right  and  proper.     However,   as    in  all  great  crises,  there  are 


258  LIFE  AND  SER  VICES  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

those  who  just  as  conscientiously  beHeve  that  the  other  course 
should  have  been  taken.  Also,  although  many  voted  for  the 
acceptance  of  the  treaty  of  peace  as  laid  down  at  Paris,  who  really 
did  not  desire  the  acquisition  of  so  much  territory,  yet  when  the 
decision  came  as  to  how  these  territories  should  be  governed,  there 
naturally  has  arisen  a  wide  divergence  of  opinion.  President 
McKinley  has  recognized  from  the  very  first  that  it  is  a  matter 
for  Congress  to  decide.  His  duty  as  commander-in-chief  of  the 
army  and  navy  of  the  United  States  was  plain,  namely,  to  provide 
only  for  provisional  government  until  a  permanent  form  should  be 
arranged  for  by  Congress. 

The  war  has  necessitated  a  very  large  increase  in  the  standing 
army  of  the  United  States,  and  entailed  an  expenditure  of  money 
which  the  ordinary  revenues  would  not  meet.  In  consequence,  with 
the  war  came  the  measures  necessary  to  raise  the  Increased  revenue. 
Almost  immediately  >vith  the  declaration  of  war  was  passed  the  act 
called  the  Internal  Revenue  Bill.  This  is  levied  by  stamp  duties 
and  revenue  on  all  forms  of  commercial  paper,  including  bank 
checks,  notes,  deeds  and  legal  documents,  besides  sleeping  car  and 
steamboat  tickets,  patent  medicines,  and  many  other  articles,  too 
numerous  to  be  mentioned.  This  was  successful  in  raising  the 
required  revenue.  In  fact,  since  the  successful  conclusion  of  active 
military  operations  the  expenditures  of  the  government  have 
decreased,  and  the  revenue  has  increased  to  such  an  extent  that  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  estimates  that  there  will  be  a  surplus  of 
more  than  $70,000,000.  The  administration  also  has  endeavored 
to  fulfil  its  obligation  in  regard  to  financial  legislation  by  the  pass- 
ing of  the  so-called  Gold  Bill,  in  March,  1900.  This  is  discussed 
in  another  chapter.  President  McKinley's  administration  will  go 
before  the  people  during  the  campaign  of  1900  with  questions  of 
vital  importance  upon  some  of  which  action  has  already  been  defi- 
nitely taken,  and  on  others  action  is  yet  to  be  taken,  which,  no 
doubt,  will  be  influenced  by  the  voters  themselves.  These  ques- 
tions are  mentioned  and  discussed  in  other  chapters 


LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY  259 

In  conclusion,  President  McKinley  has  been  fortunate  in  his 
administration  in  helping-  to  obliterate  the  last  vestige  of  estrange- 
ment between  the  North  and  South.  His  wise  selection  of  officers 
for  important  military  commands  from  the  ex-Confederate  generals, 
his  presence  at  unveiling  and  other  ceremonies  in  the  South,  his 
speeches  expressing  kindly  feeling,  all  have  endeared  him  to  the 
South  as  well  as  the  North  as  the  Nation's  President.  With  the 
close  of  his  official  term,  we  enter  upon  a  new  century,  which  also 
marks  the  beginning  of  the  second  era  in  the  Republic's  history. 
William  McKinley  has  been  tried  and  has  proved  a  willing  and 
able  public  servant  should  it  be  required  of  him  to  guide  the  ship 
of  state  for  another  term 

His  Re-nomination 

Only  a  few  times  in  our  country's  history,  has  a  President 
received  a  re-nomination  with  the  enthusiasm  and  confidence  of 
his  party,  as  did  President  McKinley  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  21st  of 
June,  1900.  It  recalled  in  many  ways  the  re-nomination  of  President 
Grant  for  a  second  term  in  the  same  city.  His  presidential  term 
has  made  him  one  of  the  foremost  statesmen,  whose  principles,  pur- 
poses and  policy  are  of  moment  in  all  the  world's  wide  affairs. 
From  war  and  from  peace  alike,  President  McKinley  has  harvested 
results  which  enrich  the  nation  and  ennoble  its  history.  He  was 
nominated  in  1896  because  he  represented  protection  and  became, 
as  it  were,  a  balance  of  conflicting  issues  and  probabilities.  His 
second  nomination  seemed  to  sum  up  in  his  person  the  character  of 
the  determination  and  purpose  of  his  party  who  propose  to  commit 
to  him  its  standard.  In  him  it  claims  to  represent  protection  of 
home  industry,  protection  of  the  foreign  market,  sound  currency 
and  gold  standard,  higher  wages  for  labor,  the  widening  of  national 
influence,  and  a  full  knowledge  of  the  power  and  resources  of  the 
United  States,  through  all  the  islands  of  the  sea.  Therefore,  with 
great  confidence  and  with  much  enthusiasm,  his  party  has  again 
placed  him  before  the  country  for  the  campaign  of  1900. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

The    Spanish-American  War 

How  the  War  was  Brought    on — Preparations  for   War — Opera- 
tions in  Cuba — In  Porto  Rico — The  Great  Engagements 
of  the  War — Its  Sudden  Termination — The 
Treaty  of  Peace. 

THE  war  between  the  United  States  and  Spain  was,  in  brief,  a 
war  for  humanity,  for  America  could  no  longer  close  her  ears 
to  the  wails  of  the  dead  and  dying  that  lay  perishing,  as 
may  be  said,  on  her  very  doorsteps.  It  was  not  a  war  for  conquest 
or  gain,  nor  was  it  in  revenge  for  the  awful  destruction  of  the 
Maine,  though  few  nations  would  have  restrained  their  wrath  with 
such  sublime  patience  as  did  our  countrymen  while  the  investiga- 
tion was  in  progress.  Yet  it  cannot  be  denied  that  this  unparalleled 
outrage  intensified  the  war  fever  in  the  United  States,  and  thou- 
sands were  eager  for  the  opportunity  to  punish  Spanish  cruelty 
and  treachery.  Congress  reflected  this  spirit  when  by  a  unanimous 
vote  it  appropriated  $50,000,000  "for  the  national  defense.""  The 
War  and  Navy  Departments  hummed  with  the  activity  of  recruit- 
ing, the  preparations  of  vessels  and  coast  defenses,  the  purchase 
of  war  material  and  vessels  at  home,  while  agents  were  sent  to 
Europe  to  procure  all  the  war-ships  in  the  market.  Unlimited 
capital  was  at  their  command,  and  the  question  of  price  was 
never  an  obstacle.  When  hostilities  impended  the  United  States 
was  unprepared  for  war,  but  by  amazing  activity,  energy,  and  skill 
the  preparations  were  pushed  and  completed  with  a  rapidity  that 
approached  the  marvelous. 

War  being  inevitable.  President  McKinley  sought  to  gain  time 
for  our  consular  representatives  to  leave  Cubn  where  the  situation 
260 


THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR  261 

daily  and  hourly  grew  more  dangerous.     On  April  i8th  the  two 
houses  of  Congress   adopted  the  following 

Resolutions 

Whereas,  The  abhorrent  conditions  which  have  existed  for  more  than  three 
years  in  the  island  of  Cuba,  so  near  to  our  own  borders,  have  shocked  the  moral ; 
sense  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  have  been  a  disgrace  to  Christian  civiliza- 
tion, culminating  as  they  have,  in  the  destruction  of  a  United  States  battle-ship 
with  266  of  its  officers  and  crew,  while  on  a  friendly  visit  in  the  harbor  of  Havana, 
and  cannot  longer  be  endured,  as  has  been  set  forth  by  the  President  of  the  United 
States  in  his  message  to  Congress  of  April  11,  1898,  upon  which  the  action  of  Con- 
gress was  invited ;  therefore. 

Resolved,  By  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  in  Congress  assembled — 

First — That  the  people  of  the  island  of  Cuba  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be, 
free  and  independent. 

Second — That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  United  States  to  demand,  and  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  does  hereby  demand,  that  the  government  of  Spain  at 
once  relinquish  its  authority  and  government  in  the  island  of  Cuba,  and  withdraw 
its  land  and  naval  forces  from  Cuba  and  Cuban  waters. 

Third — That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be,  and  he  hereby  is,  directed 
and  empowered  to  use  the  entire  land  and  naval  forces  of  the  United  States,  and  to 
call  into  the  actual  service  of  the  United  States  the  miHtia  of  the  several  states,  to 
such  an  extent  as  may  be  necessary  to  carry  these  resolutions  into  eifect. 

Fourth — That  the  United  States  hereby  disclaims  any  disposition  or  intention 
to  exercise  sovereignty,  jurisdiction,  or  control  over  said  island,  except  for  the  paci- 
fication thereof,  and  asserts  its  determination  when  that  is  completed  to  leave  the 
government  and  control  of  the  island  to  its  people. 

This  resolution  was  signed  by  the  President  April  20th,  and  a 
copy  served  on  the  Spanish  minister,  who  demanded  his  passports, 
and  immediately  left  Washington.  The  contents  were  telegraphed 
to  United  States  Minister  Woodford  at  Madrid,  with  instructions  to 
officially  communicate  them  to  the  Spanish  government,  giving  it 
until  the  23d  to  answer.  The  Spanish  authorities,  however,  antici- 
pated this  action  by  sending  the  American  minister  his  passports 
on  the  morning  of  the  21st.  This  act  was  of  itself  equivalent  to 
a  declaration  of  war. 

15 


262  THE  SPANISH  -AMERICAN  WAR 

The  making  of  history  now  went  forward  with  impressive 
swiftness. 

War  Preparations 

On  April  22d  the  United  States  fleet  was  ordered  to  blockade 
Havana.  On  the  24th  Spain  declared  war,  and  the  United  States 
Congress  followed  with  a  similar  declaration  on  the  25th.  The 
call  for  75,000  volunteer  troops  was  increased  to  125,000  and  subse- 
quently to  200,000.  The  massing  of  men  and  stores  was  rapidly 
begun  throughout  the  country.  Within  a  month  expeditions  were 
organized  for  various  points  of  attack,  war-vessels  were  bought,  and 
ocean  passenger  steamers  were  converted  into  auxiliary  cruisers 
and  transports.  By  the  first  of  July  40,000  soldiers  had  been  sent  to 
Cuba  and  the  Philippine  Islands.  The  rapidity  with  which  prepara- 
tions were  made  and  the  victories  gained  and  the  progress  shown 
by  the  Americans  at  once  astonished  and  challenged  the  admiration 
of  foreign  nations  who  had  regarded  America  as  a  country  unpre- 
pared for  war  by  land  or  sea.  On  April  2  7th,  following  the  declaration 
of  war  on  the  25th,  Admiral  Sampson,  having  previously  blockaded 
the  harbor  of  Havana,  was  reconnoitering  with  three  vessels  in  the 
vicinity  of  Matanzas,  Cuba,  when  he  discovered  the  Spanish  forces 
building  earthworks,  and  ventured  so  close  in  his  efforts  to  investi- 
gate the  same  that  a  challenge  shot  was  fired  from  the  fortification, 
Rubal  Cava.  Admiral  Sampson  quickly  formed  the  New  York,  Cin- 
cinnati and  Ptiritan,  into  a  triangle  and  opened  fire  with  their  eight- 
inch  guns.  The  action  was  very  spirited  on  both  sides  for  the  space 
of  eighteen  minutes,  at  the  expiration  of  which  time  the  Spanish 
batteries  were  silenced  and  the  earthworks  destroyed,  without 
casualty  on  the  American  side,  though  two  shells  burst  dangerously 
near  the  New  York.  The  last  shot  fired  by  the  Americans  was 
from  one  of  the  Puritan's  thirteen-inch  guns,  which  landed  with 
deadly  accuracy  in  the  very  centre  of  Rubal  Cava,  and,  exploding, 
completely  destroyed  the  earthworks.  This  was  the  first  action  of 
the  war,  thoug  it  could  hardly  be  dignified  by  the  name  of  a  battle. 


THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR  263 

It  was  expected  that  the  next  engagement  would  be  the  bom- 
bardment of  Morro  Castle,  at  Havana.  But  it  Is  the  unexpected 
that  often  happens  in  war.  In  the  Philippine  Islands,  on  the  other 
side  of  the  world,  the  first  real  battle — one  of  the  most  remarkable 
in  history — was  next  to  occur. 

The  Battle  of  Manila 

On  April  25th  the  following  dispatch  of  eight  potent  words  was 
cabled  to  Commodore  Dewey  on  the  Coast  of  China  :  "  Capture  or 
destroy  the  Spanish  squadron  at  Manila."  "  Never,"  says  James 
Gordon  Bennett,  "  were  instructions  more  effectively  carried  out. 
Within  seven  hours  after  arriving  on  the  scene  of  action  nothing 
remained  to  be  done."  It  was  on  the  27th  that  Dewey  sailed  from 
Mirs  Bay,  China,  and  on  the  night  of  the  30th  he  lay  before  the 
entrance  of  the  harbor  of  Manila,  700  miles  away.  Under  the 
cover  of  darkness,  with  all  lights  extinguished  on  his  ships,  he  dar- 
ingly steamed  into  this  unknown  harbor,  which  he  believed  to  be 
strewn  with  mines,  and  at  daybreak  engaged  the  Spanish  fleet. 
Commodore  Dewey  knew  it  meant  everything  for  him  and  his  fleet 
to  win  or  lose  this  battle.  He  was  in  the  enemy's  country,  7,000 
miles  from  home.  The  issue  of  this  battle  must  mean  victory, 
Spanish  dungeons,  or  the  bottom  of  the  ocean.  "•  Keep  cool  and 
obey  orders  "  was  the  signal  he  gave  to  his  fleet,  and  then  came  the 
order  to  fire.  The  Americans  had  seven  ships,  the  Olympia,  Balti- 
more, Raleigh,  Petrel,  Concord,  Boston,  and  the  dispatch  boat  Mc- 
Cullough.  The  Spaniards  had  eleven,  the  Reina  Christina,  Cas- 
tilla,  Don  Antonio  de  Ulloa,  Isla  de  Luzon,  Isla  de  Cuba,  General 
Lezo,  Marquis  de  Duero,  Cano,  Velasco,  Isla  de  Mindanao,  and  a 
transport. 

From  the  beginning  Commodore  Dewey  fought  on  the  offen- 
sive,  and,  after  the  manner  of  Nelson  and  Farragut,  concentrated 
his  fire  upon  the  strongest  ships  one  after  another  with  terrible 
execution.  The  Spanish  ships  were  inferior  to  his,  but  there  were 
more  of  them,  and  they  were  under  the  protection  of  the  land  bat- 
teries.    The  fire  of  the   Americans  was   especially   noted  for    its 


264  THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR 

terrific  rapidity  and  the  wonderful  accuracy  of  its  aim.  The  battle 
lasted  for  about  five  hours,  and  resulted  in  the  destruction  of  all  the 
Spanish  ships  and  the  silencing  of  the  land  batteries.  The  Spanish 
loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  estimated  to  be  fully  i,ooo  men, 
while  on  the  American  side  not  a  ship  was  even  seriously  damaged, 
and  not  a  single  man  was  killed  outright,  and  only  six  were  wounded. 

Thanked  and  Promoted  by  his  Country 

More  than  a  month  after  the  battle,  Captain  Charles  B.  Gridley, 
commander  of  the  Olympia,  died,  though  his  death  was  the  result 
of  an  accident  received  in  the  discharge  of  his  duty  during  the 
battle,  and  not  from  a  wound.  On  May  2d  Commodore  Dewey  cut 
the  cable  connecting  Manila  with  Hong  Kong,  and  destroyed  the 
fortifications  at  the  entrance  of  Manila  Bay,  and  took  possession  of 
the  naval  station  at  Cavlte.  This  was  to  prevent  communication 
between  the  Philippine  Islands  and  the  government  at  Madrid,  and 
necessitated  the  sending  of  Commodore  Dewey's  official  account  of 
the  battle  by  the  dispatch  boat  McCullough  to  Hong  Kong,  whence 
it  was  cabled  to  the  United  States.  After  its  receipt.  May  9th, 
both  Houses  abopted  resolutions  of  congratulation  to  Commodore 
Dewey  and  his  officers  and  men  for  their  gallantry  at  Manila,  voted 
an  appropriation  for  medals  for  the  crew  and  a  fine  sword  for  the 
gallant  Commander,  and  also  passed  a  bill  authorizing  the  President 
to  appoint  another  rear-admiral,  which  honor  was  promptly  con- 
ferred upon  Commodore  Dewey,  accompanied  by^the  thanks  of  the 
President  and  of  the  nation  for  the  admirable  and  heroic  services 
rendered  his  country. 

The  Battle  of  Manila  must  ever  remain  a  monument  to  the 
daring  and  courage  of  Admiral  Dewey.  However  unevenly 
matched  the  two  fleets  may  have  been,  the  world  agrees  with  the 
eminent  naval  critic  who  declared  :  "  This  complete  victory  was  the 
product  of  forethought,  cool,  well-balanced  judgment,  discipline, 
and  bravery.  It  was  a  magnificent  achievement,  and  Dewey  will 
go  down  in  history  ranking  with  John  Paul  Jones  and  Lord  Nelson 
as  a  naval  hero." 


THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR  265 

Admiral  Dewey  might  have  taken  possession  of  the  city  of 
Manila  immediately.  He  cabled  the  United  States  that  he  could 
do  so,  but  the  fact  remained  that  he  had  not  sufficient  men  to  care 
for  his  ships  and  at  the  same  time  effect  a  successful  landing  in  the 
town  of  Manila.  Therefore  he  chose  to  remain  on  his  ships,  and 
though  the  city  was  at  his  mercy,  he  refrained  from  a  bombardment 
because  he  believed  it  would  lead  to  a  massacre  of  the  Spaniards  on 
the  part  of  the  insurgents  surrounding  the  city,  which  it  would  be 
beyond  his  power  to  stop.  This  humane  manifestation  toward  the 
conquered  foe  adds  to  the  lustre  of  the  hero's  crown,  and  at  the 
same  time  places  the  seal  of  greatness  upon  the  brow  of  the  victor. 
He  not  only  refrained  from  bombarding  the  city,  but  received  and 
cared  for  the  wounded  Spaniards  upon  his  own  vessels.  Thus, 
while  he  did  all  that  was  required  of  him  without  costing  his  coun- 
try the  life  of  a  single  citizen,  he  manifested  a  spirit  of  humanity 
and  generosity  toward  the  vanquished  foe  fully  in  keeping  with  the 
sympathetic  spirit  which  involved  this  nation  in  the  war  for 
humanity's  sake. 

Difficulties  for  the  Government 

The  Battle  of  Manila  further  demonstrated  that  a  fleet  with 
heavier  guns  is  virtually  invulnerable  in  a  campaign  with  a  squad- 
ron bearing  lighter  metal,  however  gallantly  the  crew  of  the  latter 
may  fight. 

Before  the  Battle  of  Manila  it  was  recognized  that  the  govern- 
ment had  serious  trouble  on  its  hands.  On  May  4th  President 
McKinley  nominated  ten  new  Mayor-Generals,  including  Thomas 
H.  Wilson,  Fitzhugh  Lee,  William  J.  Sewell  (who  was  not  commis- 
sioned), and  Joseph  Wheeler,  from  private  life,  and  promoted 
Brigadier-Generals  Breckinridge,  Otis,  Coppinger,  Shafter,  Graham, 
Wade,  and  Merriam,  from  the  regular  army.  The  organization 
and  mobilization  of  troops  was  promptly  begun  and  rapidly  pushed. 
Meantime  our  naval  vessels  were  actively  cruising  around  the  Island 
of  Cuba,  expecting  the  appearance  of  the  Spanish  fleet. 

On  May  nth  the  gunboat  Wilmington,  x^n^ww^-qmXX^x  Hud- 
son, and  the  torpedo-boat  Winslow  entered  Cardenas  Bay,  Cuba,  to 


266  THE  SPANISH- AMERICAN  WAR 

attack  the  defences  and  three  small  Spanish  gunboats  that  had 
taken  refuge  in  the  harbor.  The  Winslow,  being  of  light  draft, 
took  the  lead,  and  when  within  eight  hundred  yards  of  the  fort  was 
fired  upon  with  disastrous  effect,  being  struck  eighteen  times  and 
rendered  helpless.  Ensign  Worth  Bagley,  of  the  Winslow,  who 
had  recently  entered  active  service,  was  one  of  the  killed.  He  was 
the  first  officer  who  lost  his  life  in  the  war. 

On  the  same  date  Admiral  Sampson's  squadron  arrived  at  San 
Juan,  Porto  Rico,  whither  it  had  gone  in  the  expectation  of  meet- 
ing" with  Admiral  Cervera's  fleet,  which  had  sailed  westward  from 
the  Cape  Verde  Islands  on  April  29th,  after  Portugal's  declaration 
of  neutrality.     The  Spanish  fleet,  however,  did  not  materialize. 

Deeming  it  unnecessary  to  wait  for  the  Spanish  war-ships  in  the 
vicinity  of  San  Juan,  Sampson  withdrew  his  squadron  and  sailed 
westward  in  the  hope  of  finding  Cervera's  fleet,  which  was  dodging 
about  the  Caribbean  Sea.  For  many  days  the  hunt  of  the  war- 
ships went  on  like  a  fox-chase.  On  May  21st  Commodore  Schley 
blockaded  Cienfuegos,  supposing  that  Cervera  was  inside  the 
harbor,  but  on  the  24th  he  discovered  his  mistake  and  sailed  to 
Santiago,  where  he  lay  before  the  entrance  to  the  harbor  for  three 
days,  not  knowing  whether  or  not  the  Spaniard  was  inside.  On 
May  30th  it  was  positively  discovered  that  he  had  Cervera  bottled 
up  in  the  narrow  harbor  of  Santiago.  He  had  been  there  since  the 
19th,  and  had  landed  800  men,  20,000  Mauser  rifles,  a  great  supply 
of  ammunition,  and  four  great  guns  for  the  defense  of  the  city. 

Operations  Against  Santiago 

On  May  31st  Commodore  Schley  opened  fire  on  the  fortifica- 
tions at  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  which  lasted  for  about  half  an 
hour.  This  was  for  the  purpose  of  discovering  the  location  and 
strength  of  the  batteries,  some  of  which  were  concealed,  and  in  this 
he  was  completely  successful.  Two  of  the  batteries  were  silenced, 
and  the  flagship  of  the  Spaniards,  which  took  part  in  the  engage- 
ment, was  damaged.  The  Americans  received  no  injury  to  vessels 
and  no  loss  of  men.    On  June  ist  Admiral  Sampson  arrived  before 


THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR  267 

Santiago,  and  relieved  Commodore  Schley  of  the  chief  command  of 
the  forces,  then  consisting  of  sixteen  war-ships. 

Admiral  Sampson,  naturally  a  cautious  commander,  suffered 
great  apprehension  lest  Cervera  might  slip  out  of  the  harbor  and 
escape  during  the  darkness  of  the  night  or  the  progress  of  a  storm, 
which  would  compel  the  blockading  fleet  to  stand  far  off  shore.  There, 
was  a  point  in  the  channel  wide  enough  for  only  one  war-ship  to 
pass  at  a  time,  and  if  this  could  be  rendered  impassable  Cervera's 
doom  would  be  sealed.  How  to  reach  and  close  this  passage  was 
the  difficult  problem  to  be  solved.  On  either  shore  of  the  narrow 
channel  stood  frowning  forts  with  cannon,  and  there  were  other 
fortifications  to  be  passed  before  it  could  be  reached. 

Lieutenant   Hobson's  Heroism 

Lieutenant  Richmond  Pearson  Hobson,  a  naval  engineer,  at  3 
o'clock  A.  M.,  June  3d,  in  company  with  seven  volunteers  from 
the  New  York  and  other  ships,  took  the  United  States  collier 
Merrimac^  a  large  vessel  with  600  tons  of  coal  on  board,  and 
started  with  the  purpose  of  sinking  it  in  the  channel.  The  ship  had 
hardly  started  when  the  forts  opened  fire,  and  amid  the  thunder  of 
artillery  and  a  rain  of  steel  and  bursting  shells  the  boat  with  its 
eight  brave  heroes  held  on  its  way,  as  steadily  as  if  they  knew  not 
their  danger.  The  channel  was  reached,  and  the  boat  turned 
across  the  channel.  The  sea-doors  were  opened  and  torpedoes 
exploded  by  the  intrepid  crew,  sinking  the  vessel  almost  instantly, 
but  not  in  the  position  desired.  As  the  ship  went  down  the  men, 
with  side-arms  buckled  on,  took  to  a  small  boat,  and,  escape  being 
impossible,  they  surrendered  to  the  enemy.  The  Spaniards  were  so 
impressed  with  this  act  of  bravery  and  heroism  that  they  treated 
the  prisoners  with  the  greatest  courtesy,  confined  them  in  Morro 
Castle,  and  Admiral  Cervera  promptly  sent  a  special  officer,  under 
a  flag  of  truce,  to  inform  Admiral  Sampson  of  their  safety. 
The  prisoners  were  kept  confined  in  Morro  Castle  for  some  days, 
when  they  were  removed  to  a  place  of  greater  safety,  where  they 
were  held  until  exchanged  on  July  7th. 


268  THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR 

The  danger  of  entering  the  narrow  harbor  in  the  face  of 
Cevera's  fleet  rendered  it  necessary  to  take  the  city  by  land,  and 
the  government  began  preparations  to  send  General  Shafter  with 
a  large  force  from  Tampa  to  aid  the  fleet  in  reducing  the 
city.  Some  15,000  men,  including  the  now  famous  Rough 
Riders  of  New  York,  were  hurried  upon  transports,  and 
under  the  greatest  convoy  of  gunboats,  cruisers,  and  battle-ships 
which  ever  escorted  an  army  started  for  the  western  end  of  the 
island  of  Cuba. 

The  Landing  of  Shafter's  Army 
On  June  13th  troops  began  to  leave  Tampa  and  Key  West 
for  operations  against  Santiago,  and  on  June  20th  the  transports 
bearing  them  arrived  off  that  city.  Two  days  later  General  Shaf- 
ter landed  his  army  of  16,000  soldiers  at  Daiquiri,  a  short  distance 
east  of  the  entrance  to  the  harbor,  with  the  loss  of  only  two  men, 
and  these  by  accident. 

The  Victory  of  the  Rough  Riders 
On  June  24th  the  force  under  General  Shafter  reached  Juragua, 
and  the  battle  by  land  was  now  really  to  begin.  It  was  about  ten 
miles  out  from  Santiago,  at  a  point  known  as  La  Guasima.  The 
country  was  covered  with  high  grass  and  chaparral,  and  in  this 
and  on  the  wooded  hills  a  strong  force  of  Spaniards  was 
hidden.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Roosevelt's  Rough  Riders,  technically 
known  as  the  First  Volunteer  Cavalry  under  command  of  Colonel 
Wood,  were  in  the  fight,  and  it  is  to  their  bravery  and  dash  that 
the  glory  of  the  day  chiefly  belongs.  Troops  under  command  of 
General  Young  had  been  sent  out  in  advance,  with  the  Rough 
Riders  on  his  flank.  There  were  about  1,200  of  the  cavalry  in  all, 
includinof  the  Roug^h  Riders  and  the  First  and  Tenth  Recrulars. 
They  encountered  a  body  of  two  thousand  Spaniards  in  a  thicket 
whom  they  fought  dismounted. 

For  an  hour  they  held  their  position  in  the  midst  of  an  unseen 
force,  which  poured  a  perfect  hail  of  bullets  upon  them  from  in  front 
and  on  both  sides.    Atlength,  seeing  that  their  only  way  of  escape  was 


THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR  269 

by  dashing-  boldly  at  the  hidden  foe,  Colonel  Wood  took  command  on 
the  right  of  his  column  of  Rough  Riders,  placing  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Roosevelt  at  the  left,  and  thus,  with  a  rousing  yell,  they  led  their 
soldiers  in  a  rushing  charge  before  which  the  Spaniards  fled  from 
the  hills  and  the  victorious  assailants  took  the  blockhouses.  The 
Americans  had  sixteen  killed  and  fifty-two  wounded,  forty-two 
of  the  casualties  occurring  to  the  Rough  Riders  and  twenty-six 
among  the  Regulars.  It  is  estimated  that  the  Spanish  killed  were 
nearly  or  quite  one  hundred.  Thirty-seven  were  found  by  the 
Americans  dead  on  the  ground.  They  had  carried  off  their 
wounded,  and  doubtless  thought  they  had  taken  most  of  the 
killed  away  also. 

General  Garcia  with  5,000  Cuban  msurgents  had  placed  him- 
self some  time  before  at  the  command  of  the  American  leader. 
On  the  28th  of  June  another  large  expedition  of  troops  was  landed, 
so  that  the  entire  force  under  General  Shafter,  including  the  Cuban 
allies,  numbered  over  22,000  fighting  men. 

The  Battle  of   El  Caney 

The  attack  began  July  ist,  involving  the  whole  line,  but  the 
main  struggle  occurred  opposite  the  left  centre  of  the  column,  on 
the  heights  of  San  Juan,  and  the  next  greatest  engagement  was  on 
the  right  of  the  American  line,  at  the  little  town  of  El  Caney. 
These  two  points  are  several  miles  apart,  the  City  of  Santiago 
occupying  very  nearly  the  apex  of  a  triangle  of  which  a  line  con- 
necting these  two  positions  would  form  the  base.  John  R.  Church 
thus  described  the  battles  of  July  ist  and  2d  : 

"  El  Caney  was  taken  by  General  Lawton's  men  after  a  sharp 
contest  and  severe  loss  on  both  sides.  Here  as  everywhere  there 
were  blockhouses  and  trenches  to  be  carried  in  the  face  of  a  hot 
fire  from  Mauser  rifles,  and  the  rifles  were  well  served.  The  jungle 
must  disturb  the  aim  seriously,  for  our  men  did  not  suffer  severely 
while  under  its  cover,  but  in  crossing  clearings  the  rapid  fire  of  the 
repeating  rifles  told  with  deadly  effect.  The  object  of  the  attack 
on  El  Caney  was  to  crush  the  Spanish  lines  at  a  point  near  the  city 


270  THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR 

and  allow  us  to  gain  a  high  hill  from  which  the  place  could  be 
bombarded  if  necessary.  In  all  of  this  we  were  entirely  successful. 
The  engagement  began  at  6.40  a.  m.,  and  at  4  o'clock  the  Spaniards 
were  forced  to  abandon  the  place  and  retreat  toward  their  lines 
nearer  the  city.  The  fight  was  opened  by  Capron's  battery,  at  a 
range  of  2,400  yards,  and  the  troops  engaged  were  Chaffee's 
brigade,  the  Seventh,  Twelfth,  and  Seventeenth  Infantry,  who 
moved  on  Caney  from  the  east;  Colonel  Miles'  brigade  of  the  First, 
Fourth,  and  Twenty-fifth  Infantry,  operating  from  the  south  ;  while 
Ludlow's  brigade,  containing  the  Eighth  and  Twenty-second 
Infantry  and  Second  Massachusetts,  made  a  detour  to  attack  from 
the  southwest.  The  Spanish  force  is  thought  to  have  been  1,500 
to  2,000  strong.  It  certainly  fought  our  men  for  nine  hours,  but, 
of  course,  had  the  advantage  of  a  fort  and  strong  intrenchments. 
The  operations  of  our  centre  were  calculated  to  cut  the  com- 
munications of  Santiago  with  El  Morro,  and  permit  our  forces  to 
advance  to  the  bay,  and  the  principal  effort  of  General  Linares,  the 
Spanish  commander  in  the  field,  seems  to  have  been  to  defeat  this 
movement.  He  had  fortified  San  Juan  strongly,  throwing  up  on  it 
intrenchments  that,  in  the  hands  of  a  more  determined  force,  would 
have  been  impregnable. 

The  Battle  of  San  Juan 

The  battle  of  San  Juan  was  opened  by  Grimes'  battery,  to 
which  the  enemy  replied  with  shrapnell.  The  cavalry,  dismounted, 
supported  by  Hawkins'  brigade,  advanced  up  the  valley  from  the 
hill  of  El  Pozo,  forded  several  streams,  where  they  lost  heavily,  and 
deployed  at  the  foot  of  the  series  of  hills  known  as  San  Juan,  under 
a  sharp  fire  from  all  sides,  which  was  exceedingly  annoying  because 
the  enemy  could  not  be  discerned,  owing  to  the  long  range  and 
smokeless  powder.  They  were  under  fire  for  two  hours  before  the 
charge  could  be  made  and  a  position  reached  under  the  brow  of  the 
hill.  It  was  not  until  nearly  4  o'clock  that  the  neighboring  hills  were 
occupied  by  our  troops  and  the  final  successful  effort  to  crown  the 
ridge  could  be  made.     The  obstacles  interposed  by  the  Spaniards 


THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR  271 

made  these  charges  anything  but  the  'rushes'  which  war  histories 
mention  so  often.  They  were  slow  and  painful  advances  through 
difficult  obstacles  and  a  withering  fire  The  last '  charge '  con- 
tinued an  hour,  but  a  4.45  the  firing  ceased,  with  San  Juan  in  our 
possession. 

The  object  of  our  attack  was  a  blockhouse  on  the  top  of  the 
hill  of  San  Juan,  guarded  by  trenches  and  the  defenses  spoken  of, 
a  mile  and  a  half  long.  Our  troops  advanced  steadily  against  a  hot 
fire  maintained  by  the  enemy,  who  used  their  rifles  with  accuracy, 
but  did  not  cling  to  their  works  stubbornly  when  we  reached  them. 
San  Juan  was  carried  in  the  afternoon.  The  attack  on  Aguadores 
Avas  also  successful,  though  it  was  not  intended  to  be  more  than  a 
feint  to  draw  off  men  who  might  otherwise  have  increased  our  diffi- 
culties at  San  Juan.  By  nightfall  General  Shafter  was  able  to 
telegraph  that  he  had  carried  all  outworks  and  was  within  three- 
quarters  of  a  mile  of  the  city. 

The  Most  Important  Battle  of  the  War 

It  was  on  Sunday  morning  July  3d,  Admiral  Cervera,  in 
obedience  to  commands  from  his  home  government,  endeavored  to 
run  his  fleet  past  the  blockading  squadron  of  the  Americans,  with 
the  result  that  all  of  his  ships  were  destroyed,  nearly  500  of  his  men 
killed  and  wounded,  and  himself  and  about  1,300  others  were  made 
prisoners.  This  naval  engagement  was  one  of  the  most  dramatic 
and  terrible  in  all  the  history  of  conflict  upon  the  seas,  and,  as  it 
was  really  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  what  promised  to  be  a  long 
and  terrible  struggle,  it  was  undoubtedly  the  most  important  battle 
of  the  war. 

For  nearly  one  month  and  a  half  the  fleets  of  Schley  and 
Sampson  had  lain,  like  watch-dogs  before  the  mouth  of  the  harbor, 
without  for  one  moment  relaxing  their  vigilance.  The  quiet  of 
Sunday  morning  brooded  over  the  scene.  For  two  days  before, 
July  I  St  and  2d,  the  fleets  had  bombarded  the  forts  of  Santiago  for 
the  fourth  time,  and  all  the  ships,  except  the  Oregon,  had  steam 
down  so  low  as  to  allow  them  a  speed  of  only  five  knots  an  hour. 


272  THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR 

At  half-past  nine  o'clock  the  bugler  sounded  the  call  to  quarters, 
and  the  Jackies  appeared  on  deck  rigged  in  their  cleanest  clothes 
for  their  regular  Sunday  inspection.  On  board  the  Texas  the 
devout  Captain  Philip  had  sounded  the  trumpet-call  to  religious 
services.  In  an  instant  a  line  of  smoke  was  seen  coming  out  of  the 
harbor  by  the  watch  on  the  Iowa,  and  from  that  vessel's  yard  a  sig- 
nal was  run  up — "  The  enemy  is  escaping  to  the  westward."  Sim- 
ultaneously, from  her  bridge  a  six-pounder  boomed  on  the  still  air 
to  draw  the  attention  of  the  other  ships  to  her  fluttering  signal. 
On  every  vessel  white  masses  were  seen  scrambling  forward. 
Jackies  and  firemen  tumbled  over  one  another  rushing  to  their 
stations.  Officers  jumped  into  the  turrets  through  manholes, 
dressed  in  their  best  uniforms,  and  captains  rushed  to  their  conning 
towers.  There  was  no  time  to  waste — scarcely  enough  to  get  the 
battle-hatches  screwed  on  tight. 

The  Battle  on 

One  minute  after  the  Iowa-  fired  her  signal-gun  she  was  moving 
toward  the  harbor.  From  under  the  Castle  of  Morro  came 
Admiral  Cervera's  flagship,  the  Irtfanta  Maria  Teresa,  followed  by 
her  sister  armored  cruisers,  Al7nira7ite  Oquendo  and  Vizcaya — so 
much  alike  that  they  could  not  be  distinguished  at  any  distance. 
There  was  also  the  splendid  Cristobal  Colon,  and  after  them  all  the 
two  fine  torpedo-boat  destroyers,  Pluton  and  Furor.  The  Teresa 
opened  fire  as  she  sighted  the  American  vessels,  as  did  all  of  her 
companions,  and  the  forts  from  the  heights  belched  forth  at  the 
same  time.  Countless  geysers  around  our  slowly  approaching 
battle-ships  showed  where  the  Spanish  shells  exploded  in  the  water. 
The  Americans  replied.  The  battle  was  on,  but  at  a  long  range  of 
two  or  three  miles,  so  that  the  secondary  batteries  could  not  be 
called  into  use;  but  13-inch  shells  from  the  Oreg07i  and  Indiana 
and  the  1 2-inch  shells  from  the  Texas  and  Iowa  were  churning  up 
the  water  around  the  enemy.  At  this  juncture  it  seemed  impos- 
sible for  the  Americans  to  head  off  the  Spanish  cruisers  from 
passing  the  western  point,  for  they  had  come  out  of  the  harbor  at 


THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR  273 

a  speed  of  thirteen  and  one-half  knots  an  hour,  for  which  the 
blockading  fleet  was  not  prepared.  But  Admiral  Sampson's  instruc- 
tions were  simple  and  well  understood — "  Should  the  enemy  ,come 
out,  close  in  and  head  him  off " — and  every  ship  was  now  endeav- 
oring to  obey  that  standing  command  while  they  piled  on  coal  and 
steamed  up.  Meanwhile,  from  the  rapidly  approaching  New  York 
the  signal  fluttered — "  Close  into  the  mouth  of  the  harbor  and 
engage  the  enemy ; "  but  the  admiral  was  too  far  away,  or  the  men 
were  too  busy  to  see  this  signal,  which  they  were,  nevertheless, 
obeying  to  the  letter. 

How  THE  Fight  was  Won 

It  was  not  until  the  leading  Spanish  cruiser  had  almost  reached 
the  western  point  of  the  bay,  and  when  it  was  evident  that  Cervera 
was  leading  his  entire  fleet  in  one  direction,  that  the  battle  com- 
menced in  its  fury.  The  Iowa  and  the  Oregon  headed  straight  for 
the  shore,  intending  to  ram  if  possible  one  or  more  of  the  Span- 
iards. The  Indiana  and  the  Texas  were  following,  and  the 
Brooklyn,  in  the  endeavor  to  cut  off  the  advance  ship,  was  headed 
straight  for  the  western  point.  The  little  unprotected  Gloucester 
steamed  right  across  the  harbor  mouth  and  engaged  the  Oquendo 
at  closer  range  than  any  of  the  other  ships,  at  the  same  time  firing 
on  the  Furor  and  Pluton,  which  were  rapidly  approaching. 

It  then  became  apparent  that  the  Oregon  and  Iowa  could  not 
ram,  and  that  the  Brooklyn  could  not  head  them  off,  as  she  had 
hoped,  and,  turning  in  a  parallel  course  with  them,  a  running  fight 
ensued.  Broadside  after  broadside  came  fast  with  terrific  slaughter. 
The  rapid-fire  guns  of  the  Iowa  nearest  the  Teresa  enveloped  the 
former  vessel  in  a  mantle  of  smoke  and  flame.  She  was  followed 
by  the  Oregon,  Indiana,  Texas,  and  Brooklyn,  all  pouring  a  rain  of 
red-hot  steel  and  exploding  shell  into  the  fleeing  cruisers-  as  they 
passed  along  in  their  desperate  effort  to  escape.  The  Furor  and 
Pluton  dashed  like  mad  colts  for  the  Brooklyn,  and  Commodore 
Schley  signaled — "  Repel  torpedo-destroyers."  Some  of  the  heavy 
ships  turned  their  guns   upon   the  little  monsters.      It  was  short 


274  THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR 

work.      Clouds  of  black  smoke  rising  ftom    their  thin  sides  showed 
how  seriously  they  suffered  as  they  floundered  in  the  sea. 

The  Brooklyn  and  Oregon  dashed  on  after  the  cruisers,  fol- 
lowed by  the  other  big  ships,  leaving  the  Furor  and  Phiton  to  the 
Gloiiccster,  hoping  the  N'ew  York,  which  was  coming  in  the  distance, 
would  arrive  in  time  to  help  her  out  if  she  needed  it.  The  firing 
from  the  main  and  second  batteries  of  all  the  battle-ships — Oregon, 
Iowa,  Texas — and  the  cruiser  Brooklyn  was  turned  upon  the  Viz- 
caya,  Teresa,  and  Oqicendo  with  such  terrific  broadsides  and  accu- 
racy of  aim  that  the  Spaniards  were  driven  from  their  guns  repeat- 
edly; but  the  officers  gave  the  men  liquor  and  drove  them  back, 
beating  and  sometimes  shooting  down  those  who  weakened,  with- 
out mercy  ;  but  under  the  terrific  fire  of  the  Americans,  the  poor 
wretches  were  again  driven  away  or  fell  mangled  by  their  guns  or 
stunned  from  the  concussions  of  the  missiles  on  the  sides  of  their 
ships. 

They  are  on  Fire  !      We've  Finished  Them 

Presently  flames  and  smoke  burst  out  from  the  Teresa  and  the 
Oquendo.  The  fire  leaped  from  the  port-holes ;  and  amid  the  din 
of  battle  and  above  it  all,  rose  the  wild  cheers  of  the  Americans,  as 
both  these  splendid  ships  slowly  reeled  like  drunken  men  and 
headed  for  the  shore.  "They  are  on  fire  !  We've  finished  them," 
shouted  the  gunners.  Down  came  the  Spanish  flags.  The  news 
went  all  over  the  ships — it  being  commanded  by  Commodore 
Schley  to  keep  everyone  informed,  even  those  far  below  in  the 
fire-rooms — and  from  engineers  and  firemen  in  the  hot  bowels  of 
the  great  leviathans  to  the  men  in  the  fighting-tops  the  welkin 
rang  until  the  ships  reverberated  with  exuberant  cheers. 

In  twenty-four  minutes  after  the  sinking  of  the  Teresa  and 
Oqziendo,  the  Vizcaya,  riddled  by  the  Oregon's  great  shells  and 
burning  fiercely,  hauled  down  her  flag  and  headed  for  the  shore, 
where  she  hung  upon  the  rocks.  In  a  dying  effort,  she  had  tried 
to  ram  the  Brooklyn,  but  the  fire  of  the  big  cruiser  was  too  hot  for 
her.     The  Texas  and  the  little  Vixen  were  seen  to  be  about  a  mile 


THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR  275 

to  the  rear,  and  the  Vizcaya  was  left  to  them  and  the  Iowa,  the 
latter  staying  by  her  finally,  while  the  Texas  and  Vixen  followed  on. 
It  looked  like  a  forlorn  hope  to  catch  the  Colon.  She  was 
four  and  one-half  miles  away.  But  the  Brooklyn  and  the  Oregon 
were  running  like  express  trains,  and  the  Texas  sped  after  the  fugi- 
tives with  all  her  might.  The  chase  lasted  two  hours.  Firing 
ceased,  and  every  power  of  the  ship  and  the  nerve  of  commodore, 
captains,  and  officers  were  devoted  to  increasing  the  speed.  Men 
from  the  guns,  naked  to  the  waist  and  perspiring  in  streams,  were 
called  on  deck  for  rest  and  an  airing.  It  was  a  grimy  and  dirty 
but  jolly  set  of  Jackies,  and  jokes  were  merrily  cracked  as  they 
sped  on  and  waited.  Only  the  men  in  the  fire-rooms  were  work- 
ing as  never  before.  It  was  their  battle  now,  a  battle  of  speed. 
At  12.30  it  was  seen  the  Americans  were  gaining,  and  the  Brook- 
lyn, a  few  minutes  later,  with  8-inch  guns,  began  to  pelt  her  sides. 
Everyone  expected  a  game  fight  from  the  proud  and  splendid 
Colon,  with  her  smokeless  powder  and  rapid-fire  guns ;  but  all  were 
surprised  when,  after  a  feeble  resistance,  at  1.15  o'clock,  her  captain 
struck  his  colors  and  ran  his  ship  ashore  sixty  miles  from  Santiago, 
opening  her  sea-valves  to  sink  her  after  she  had  surrendered. 

Victory  Complete 

Victory  was  at  last  complete.  As  the  Brooklyn  and  Oregon 
moved  upon  the  prey  word  of  the  surrender  was  sent  below,  and 
naked  men  poured  out  of  the  fire-rooms,  black  with  smoke  and 
dirt  and  glistening  with  perspiration,  but  wild  with  joy.  Com- 
modore Schley  gazed  down  at  the  grimy,  gruesome,  joyous 
firemen  with  glistening  eyes  suspicious  of  tears,  and  said>  in  a 
husky  voice,  eloquent  with  emotion,  "  Those  are  the  fellows  who 
made  this  dayT  Then  he  signaled — "  The  enemy  has  surrendered." 
The  Texas,  five  miles  to  the  east,  repeated  the  signal  to  Admiral 
Sampson  some  miles  further  away,  coming  at  top  speed  of  the 
New  York.  Next  the  commodore  sisfnaled  the  admiral^ — ''A 
glorious  victory  has  been  achieved.  Details  communicated  later.'' 
And  then  to  all  the  ships,  "  This  is  a  great  day  for  oiLr  country,''  all 


276  THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR 

of  which  were  repeated  by  the  Texas  to  the  ships  further  east. 
The  cheering  was  wild.  Such  a  scene  was  never,  perhaps,  witnessed 
upon  the  ocean.  Admiral  Sampson  arrived  before  the  Colon  sank, 
and  placing  the  great  nose  of  the  New  York  against  that  vessel 
pushed  her  into  shallow  water,  where  she  sank,  but  was  not  entirely 
submerged.  Thus  perished  from  the  earth  the  bulk  of  the  sea 
power  of  Spain. 

The  Spanish  losses  were  i,8oo  men  killed,  wounded,  and  made 
prisoners,  and  six  ships  destroyed  or  sunk,  the  property  loss  being 
about  $12,000,000.  The  American  loss  was  one  man  killed  and 
three  wounded,  all  from  the  Brooklyn^  a  result  little  short  of  a 
miracle  from  the  fact  that  the  Brooklyn  was  hit  thirty-six  times, 
and  nearly  all  the  ships  were  struck  more  than  once. 

The  Last  Battle  and  the  Surrender  of  Santiago 

On  July  8th  and  loth  the  two  expeditions  of  General  Miles 
arrived,  reinforcing  General  Shafter's  army  with  over  6,000  men. 
General  Toral  was  acquainted  with  the  fact  of  their  presence,  and 
General  Miles  urgently  impressed  upon  him  that  further  resistance 
could  but  result  in  a  useless  loss  of  life.  The  Spanish  commander 
replied  that  he  and  his  men  would  die  fighting.  Accordingly  a 
joint  bombardment  by  the  army  and  navy  was  begun.  The  artillery 
reply  of  the  Spaniards  was  feeble  and  spiritless,  though  our  attack  on 
the  city  was  chiefly  with  artillery.  They  seemed  to  depend  most  upon 
their  small  arms,  and  returned  the  volleys  fired  from  the  trenches 
vigorously.  Our  lines  were  elaborately  protected  with  over  22,000 
sand-bags,  while  the  Spaniards  were  protected  with  bamboo  poles 
filled  with  earth.  In  this  engagement  the  dynamite  gun  of  the 
Rough  Riders  did  excellent  service,  striking  the  enemy's  trenches 
and  blowing  field-pieces  into  the  air.  The  bombardment  continued 
until  the  afternoon  of  the  second  day,  when  a  flag  of  truce  was 
displayed  over  the  city.  It  was  thought  that  General  Toral  was 
about  to  surrender,  but  instead  he  only  asked  more  time. 

On  the  advice  of  General  Miles,  General  Shafter  consented  to 
another  truce,  and,  at  last,  on  July  14th,  after  an  interview  with 


THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR  277 

General  Miles  and  Shafter,  in  which  he  agreed  to  give  up  the  city  on 
condition  that  the  army  would  be  returned  to  Spain  at  the  expense 
of  America,  General  Toral  surrendered.  On  July  1 6th  the  agree- 
ment with  the  formal  approval  of  the  Madrid  and  Washington 
governments,  was  signed  in  duplicate  by  the  commissioners,  each 
side  retaining  a  copy.  This  event  was  accepted  throughout  the 
world  as  marking  the  end  of  the  Spanish-American  War. 

The  Conquest  of  the  Philippines 

After  Dewey's  victory  at  Manila,  already  referred  to,  it  became 
evident  that  he  must  have  the  co-operation  of  an  army  in  capturing 
and  controlling  the  city.  The  insurgents  under  General  Aguinaldo 
appeared  anxious  to  assist  Admiral  Dewey,  but  it  was  feared  that  he 
could  not  control  them.  Accordingly,  the  big  monitor  Monterey 
was  started  for  Manila  and  orders  were  given  for  the  immediate 
outfitting  of  expeditions  from  San  Francisco  under  command  of 
Major-General  Wesley  Merritt.  The  first  expedition  consisted  of 
between  2,500  and  3,000  troops,  commanded  by  Brigadier-General 
Anderson,  carried  on  three  ships,  the  Charleston^  the  City  of  Pekin, 
and  the  City  of  Sydney.  This  was  the  longest  expedition  (about 
6,000  miles)  on  which  American  troops  were  ever  sent,  and  the  men 
carried  supplies  to  last  a  year.  The  Charleston  got  away  on  the 
2 2d,  and  the  other  two  vessels  followed  three  days  later.  The  expe- 
dition went  through  safely,  arriving  at  Manila  July  ist.  The 
Charleston  had  stopped  on  June  21st  at  the  Ladrone  Islands  and 
captured  the  island  of  Guam  without  resistance.  The  soldiers  of 
the  garrison  were  taken  on  as  prisoners  to  Manila  and  a  garrison  of 
American  soldiers  left  in  charge,  with  the  stars  and  stripes  wav- 
ing over  the  fortifications. 

The  second  expedition  of  3,500  men  sailed  June  15th  under 
General  Greene,  who  used  the  steamer  China  as  his  flagship.  This 
expedition  landed  July  i6th  at  Cavite  in  the  midst  of  considerable 
excitement  on  account  of  the  aggressive  movements  of  the  insur- 
gents and  the  daily  encounters  and  skirmishes  between  them  and 
the  Spanish  forces. 

16 


278  THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR 

On  June  23d  the  monitor  Monadnoc  sailed  to  further  reinforce 
Admiral  Dewey,  and  four  days  later  the  third  expedition  of  4,000 
troops  under  General  McArthur  passed  out  of  the  Golden  Gate 
amid  the  cheers  of  the  multitude,  as  the  others  had  done  ;  and  on  the 
29th  General  Merritt  followed  on  th^  Newport.  Nearly  one  month 
later,  July  23d,  General  H.  G.  Otis,  with  900  men,  sailed  on  the 
City  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  from  San  Francisco,  thus  making  a  total  of 
nearly  12,000  men,  all  told,  sent  to  the  Philippine  Islands. 

General  Merritt  arrived  at  Cavite  July  25th,  and  on  July  29th 
the  American  forces  advanced  from  Cavite  toward  Manila.  On  the 
31st,  while  enroute,  they  were  attacked  at  Malate  by  3,000  Spaniards 
whom  they  repulsed,  but  sustained  a  loss  of  nine  men  killed  and 
forty-seven  wounded,  nine  of  thetti  seriously.  This  ,was  the  first 
loss  of  life  on  the  part  of  the  Americans  in  action  in  the  Philippines. 
The  Spanish  casualties  were  much  heavier.  On  the  same  day 
General  McArthur's  re-Inforcements  arrived  at  Cavite,  and  several 
days  were  devoted  to  preparations  for  a  combined  land  and  naval 
attack. 

The  Surrender  of  the  City  Demanded 

On  August  7th  Admiral  Dewey  and  General  Merritt  demanded 
the  surrender  of  the  city  within  forty-eight  hours,  and  foreign  war- 
ships took  their  respective  subjects  on  board  for  protection.  On 
August  9th  the  Spaniards  asked  more  time  to  hear  from  Madrid, 
but  this  was  refused,  and  on  the  13th  a  final  demand  was  made  for 
Immediate  surrender,  which  Governor-General  AugustI  refused  and 
embarked  with  his  family  on  board  a  German  man-of-war,  which 
sailed  with  him  for  Hong  Kong.  At  9. 30  o'clock  the  bombardment 
began  with  fury,  all  the  vessels  sending  hot  shot  at  the  doomed 
city. 

In  the  midst  of  the  bombardment  by  the  fleet  American 
soldiers  under  Generals  McArthur  and  Greene  were  ordered  to 
storm  the  Spanish  trenches  which  extended  ten  miles  around  the 
city.  The  soldiers  rose  cheering  and  dashed  for  the  Spanish 
earthworks.  A  deadly  fire  met  them,  but  the  men  rushed  on  and 
swept  the  enemy  from  their  outer  defenses,  forcing  them  to  their 


THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR  279 

inner  trenches.  A  second  charge  was  made  upon  these,  and  the 
Spaniards  retreated  into  the  walled  city,  where  they  promptly  sent 
up  a  white  flag.  The  ships  at  once  ceased  firing,  and  the  victor- 
ious Americans  entered  the  city  after  six  hours'  fighting.  General 
Merritt  took  command  as  military  governor.  The  Spanish  forces 
numbered  7,000  and  the  Americans  10,000  men.  The  loss  to  the 
Americans  was  about  fifty  killed,  wounded,  and  missing,  which  was 
very  small  under  the  circumstances. 

In  the  meantime  the  insurgents  had  formed  a  government 
with  Aguinaldo  as  president.  They  declared  themselves  most 
friendly  to  American  occupation  of  the  islands,  with  a  view  to 
aiding  them  to  establish  an  independent  government,  which  they 
hoped  would  be  granted  to  them.  On  September  15th  they 
opened  their  republican  congress  at  Malolos,  and  President  Aguin- 
aldo made  the  opening  address,  expressing  warm  appreciation  of 
Americans  and  indulging  the  hope  that  they  meant  to  establish  the 
independence  of  the  islands.  On  September  i6th,  however,  in 
obedience  to  the  command  of  General  Otis,  they  withdrew  their 
forces  from  the  vicinity  of  Manila. 

Peace  Negotiations  and  the  Protocol 

Precisely  how  to  open  the  negotiations  for  peace  was  a 
delicate  and  difiicult  question.  Its  solution,  however,  proved  easy 
enough  when  the  attempt  was  made.  During  the  latter  part  of 
July  the  Spanish  government,  through  M.  Jules  Cambon,  the 
French  ambassador  at  Washington,  submitted  a  note,  asking  the 
United  States  government  for  a  statement  of  the  ground  on  which 
it  would  be  willing  to  cease  hostilities  and  arrange  for  a  peaceable 
settlement.  Accordingly,  on  July  30th,  a  statement,  embodying 
President  McKinley's  views,  was  transmitted  to  Spain,  and  on 
August  2d  Spain  virtually  accepted  the  terms  by  cable.  On 
August  9th  Spain's  formal  reply  was  presented  by  M.  Cambon, 
and  on  the  next  day  he  and  Secretary  Day  agreed  upon  terms  of  a 
protocol,  to  be  sent  to  Spain  for  her  approval.  Two  days  later, 
the  1 2th  inst.,  the  French  ambassador  was  authorized  to  sign  the 


28o  THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR 

protocol  for  Spain,  and  the  signatures  were  affixed  the  same  after- 
noon at  the  White  House  (M.  Cambon  signing  for  Spain  and 
Secretary  Day  for  the  United  States),  in  the  presence  of  Presi- 
dent McKinley  and  the  chief  assistants  of  the  Department  of 
State.  The  six  main  points  covered  by  the  protocol  were  as 
follows : 

The  Main  Points  of  the  Protocol 

1.  That  Spain  will  relinquish  all  claim  of  sovereignty  over 
and  title  to  Cuba. 

2.  That  Porto  Rico  and  other  Spanish  islands  in  the  West 
Indies,  and  an  island  in  the  Ladrones,  to  be  selected  by  the  United 
States,  shall  be  ceded  to  the  latter. 

3.  That  the  United  States  will  occupy  and  hold  the  city, 
bay,  and  harbor  of  Manila,  pending  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  of 
peace  which  shall  determine  the  control,  disposition,  and  govern- 
ment of  the  Philippines. 

4.  That  Cuba,  Porto  Rico,  and  other  Spanish  islands  in  the 
West  Indies  shall  be  immediately  evacuated,  and  that  commis- 
sioners, to  be  appointed  within  ten  days,  shall,  within  thirty  days 
from  the  signing  of  the  protocol,  meet  at  Havana  and  San  Juan, 
respectively,  to  arrange  and  execute  the  details  of  the  evacuation. 

5.  That  the  United  States  and  Spain  will  each  appoint  not 
more  than  five  commissioners  to  negotiate  and  conclude  a  treaty  of 
peace.  The  commissioners  are  to  meet  at  Paris  not  later  than 
October  ist. 

6.  On  the  signing  of  the  protocol,  hostilities  will  be  sus- 
pended and  notice  to  that  effect  be  given  as  soon  as  possible  by 
each  government  to  the  commanders  of  its  military  and  naval 
forces. 

On  the  very  same  afternoon  President  McKinley  issued  a 
proclamation  announcing  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  a  sus- 
pension of  hostilities,  and  over  the  wires  the  word  went  ringing 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land  and  under  the 
ocean  that  peace  was  restored.  The  cable  from  Hong  Kong  to 
Manila,  however,  had  not  been  repaired  for  use  since  Dewey  had 


AMERICANS  STORMING  SAN   JUAN    HILL 

The  most  dramatic  scene  and  the  most  destructive  battle  of  tlie  .'•  lanis'i  ^yar. 


THE  UNITED  STATES  PEACE  COMMISSIONERS  OF  THE  SPANISH  WAR 

Appointed  September  9, 1898.    Met  Spanish  Commissioners  at  Paris,  October  1st.    Treaty  of  Peace,  signed  by  the  Commis- 
sioners at  Paris,  December  10th.    Ratified  by  the  United  States  Senate  at  Washington,  February  6, 1899. 


THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR  283 

cut  it  in  May;  consequently  it  was  several  days  before  tidings 
could  reach  General  Merritt  and  Admiral  Dewey ;  and  meantime 
the  battle  of  Manila,  which  occured  on  the  13th,  was  fought. 

President  McKinley  appointed  as  the  National  Peace  Com- 
mission, Secretary  of  State  Wm.  R.  Day,  Senator  Cushman  K. 
Davis  of  Minnesota,  Senator  Wm.  P.  Frye  of  Maine,  Senator 
George  Gray  of  Delaware,  and  Mr.  Whitelaw  Reid  of  New  York. 
Secretray  Day  resigned  his  State  portfolio  September  i6th,  in 
which  he  was  succeeded  by  Colonel  John  Hay,  former  Ambas- 
sador to  England.  With  ex-Secretary  Day  at  their  head  the 
Americans  sailed  from  New  York,  September  17th,  met  the 
Spanish  Commissioners  at  Paris,  France,  as  agreed,  and  arranged 
the  details  of  the  final  peace  between  the  two  nations.  Thus 
ended  the  Spanish-American  War. 

The  Treaty  of  Peace 

December  10,  1898,  was  one  of  the  most  eventful  days  in  the 
past  decade — one  fraught  with  great  interest  to  the  world,  and 
involving  the  destiny  of  more  than  10,000,000  of  people.  At  9 
o'clock  on  the  evening  of  that  day  the  Commissioners  of  the  United 
States  and  those  of  Spain  met  for  the  last  time,  after  about  eleven 
weeks  of  deliberation,  in  the  magnificent  apartments  of  the  foreign 
ministry  at  the  French  capital,  and  signed  the  Treaty  of  Peace, 
which  finally  marked  the  end  of  the  Spanish-American  War. 

This  treaty  transformed  the  political  geography  of  the  world 
by  establishing  the  United  States'  authority  in  both  hemispheres, 
and  also  in  the  tropics,  where  it  had  never  before  extended.  It, 
furthermore,  brought  under  our  dominion  and  obligated  us  for  the 
government  of  strange  and  widely  isolated  peoples,  who  have  little 
cr  no  knowledge  of  liberty  and  government  as  measured  by  the 
American  standards. 

On  January  3,  1899,  the  Hon.  John  Hay,  Secretary  of  State, 
delivered  the  Treaty  of  Peace  to  President  McKinley,  who,  on 
January  4th,  forwarded  the  same  to  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  and  after  careful  consideration  was  ratified. 


284  THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR 

The  Queen  Regent  of  Spain  signed  the  ratification  of  the 
Treaty  of  Peace  on  March  17,  1899,  and  the  final  act  took  place  on 
the  afternoon  of  April  nth,  when  copies  of  the  final  protocol  were 
exchanged  at  Washington  by  President  McKinley  and  the  French 
ambassador,  M.  Cambon,  representing  Spain.  The  President 
immediately  issued  a  proclamation  of  peace,  and  thus  the  Spanish- 
American  War  came  to  an  official  end.  A  few  weeks  later  the 
sum  of  $20,000,000  was  paid  to  Spain,  in  accordance  with  the  treaty, 
as  partial  compensation  for  the  surrender  of  her  rights  in  the 
Philippines,  and  diplomatic  relations  between  the  Latin  kingdom 
and  the  United  States  were  resumed. 

The  territory  which  passes  under  the  control  of  our  govern- 
ment by  the  above  treaty  of  peace  has  a  combined  area  of  about 
168,000  square  miles,  equal  to  nine  good  States.  It  all  lies  within 
the  tropics,  where  hitherto  not  an  acre  of  our  country  has  extended  ; 
and,  for  that  reason,  its  acquisition  is  of  the  greatest  commercial 
significance.  These  islands  produce  all  tropical  fruits,  plants, 
spices,  timbers,  etc.  Their  combined  population  is  upwards  of 
10,000,000  people,  and  among  this  vast  number  there  are  few 
manufactories  of  any  kind.  They  are  consumers  or  prospective 
consumers  of  all  manufactured  goods  ;  they  require  the  products  of 
the  temperate  zone,  and  in  return  everything  they  produce  is 
marketable  in  our  country. 

Evacuation  of  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico 

The  Spanish  forces  withdrew  from  Cuba,  December  31,  1898, 
and,  on  the  following  day,  the  Stars  and  Stripes  was  hoisted  over 
Havana.     The  change  of  sovereignties  in  Porto  Rico  took  place' 
without  trouble,  but  there  has  been  some  disturbance  in  Cuba,  and , 
it  is  evident  that  considerable  time  must  elapse  before  peace  will  be 
fully  restored  and  a  stable  government  established  in  the  island. 

Though  the  war  with  Spain  was  closed,  serious  trouble  broke 
out  in  the  Philippines.  Aguinaldo,  who  had  headed  most  of  the 
rebellions  against  Spain  during  the  later  years,  refused  to 
acknowledge  the    authority  of   the    United    States,   and,   rallying 


THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR  285 

thousands  of  Filipinos  around  him,  set  on  foot  what  he  claimed 
was  a  war  of  independence.  Our  government  sent  a  strong  force 
of  regulars  and  volunteers  thither,  all  of  whom  acquitted  themselves 
with  splendid  heroism  and  bravery,  and  defeated  the  rebels 
repeatedly,  capturing  strongholds  one  after  the  other,  and,  in  fact, 
driving  everything  resistlessly  before  them.  The  fighting  was  of 
the  sharpest  kind,  and  our  troops  had  many  killed  and  wounded, 
though  that  of  the  enemy  was  tenfold  greater.  All  such  struggles, 
however,  when  American  valor  and  skill  are  arrayed  on  one  side, 
can  have  but  one  result ;  and,  animated  by  our  sense  of  duty,  which 
demanded  that  a  firm,  equitable,  and  just  government  should  be 
established  in  the  Philippines,  this  beneficent  purpose  was  certain  to 
be  attained  in  the  end. 

Dewey  Made  Admiral 

On  March  3,  1899,  President  McKinley  nominated  Rear- 
Admiral  George  Dewey  to  the  rank  of  full  admiral,  his  commission 
to  date  from  March  2d,  and  the  Senate  immediately  and  unani- 
mously confirmed  the  nomination,  which  had  been  so  richly  earned. 
This  hero,  as  modest  as  he  is  great,  remained  in  the  Philippines  to 
complete  his  herculean  task,  instead  of  seizing  the  first  opportunity 
to  return  home  and  receive  the  overwhelming  honors  which  his 
countrymen  were  eagerly  waiting  to  show  him.  Finally,  when  his 
vast  work  was  virtually  completed  and  his  health  showed  evidence 
of  the  terrific  and  long-continued  strain  to  which  it  had  been 
subjected,  he  turned  over  his  command,  by  direction  of  the 
government,  to  Rear-Admiral  Watson,  and,  proceeding  by  a 
leisurely  course,  reached  home  in  the  autumn  of  1899.  The  honors 
showered  upon  him  by  his  grateful  and  admiring  countrymen 
proved  not  only  his  clear  title  to  the  foremost  rank  among  the 
greatest  naval  heroes  of  ancient  and  modern  times,  but  attested 
the  truth  that  the  United  States  is  not  ungrateful,  and  that  there 
is  no  reward  too  exalted  for  her  to  bestow  upon  those  who  have 
worthily  won  it. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Our  New  Possessions 

The     Islands     of    Hawaii — Their     Inhabitants     and     Products — 

History    of    Cuba — Its    Geography  and    Productions — Porto 

Rico — Its  People    and    Productions — The    Philippines — 

Their    Location,    Discovery  and    History — The 

Ladrone  Islands. 

The  Hawaiian  Islands,  "The  Paradise  of  the  Pacific." 

THE  annexation  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  to  the  United  States, 
by  a  joint  vote  of  Congress,  July  7,  1898,  marks  a  new  era 
in  the  history  of  our  country.  It  practically  sounded  the 
death-knell  of  the  conservative  doctrine  of  non-expansion  beyond 
our  own  natural  physical  boundaries.  The  only  precedent  ap- 
proaching this  act,  tn  our  history,  is  the  annexation  of  Texas.  The 
Louisiana  Territory,  Florida,  and  Alaska  were  acquired  by  pur- 
chase ;  California,  New  Mexico,  and  a  part  of  Colorado  were 
obtained  by  cession  from  Mexico  :  Oregon,  Washington,  Montana, 
and  Idaho  by  treaty  with  Great  Britain.  Texas  alone  was  annexed. 
The  fact,  however,  that  it  was  a  republic  is  the  only  circumstance 
which  makes  its  case  analogous  to  that  of  Hawaii.  Texas  lay  be- 
tween two  large  nations,  and  was  obliged  to  seek  union  with  one  of 
them.  It  was  within  our  own  continent  and  inhabited  largely  by 
our  own  people.  Hawaii  marks  our  first  advance  into  foreign 
lands,  and  ranges  America  for  the  first  time  among  the  nations 
whose  policy  is  that  of  expansion,  by  territorial  extensions,  over 
the  globe. 

Hawaii  is  called  the  "  Paradise  of  the  Pacific,"  and  there  is  lit- 
tle doubt    that   its  climate,   fertility  and  healthfulness    justify  the 

name.      It  is  one  of  the  few  spots  upon  earth  where  one  can  almost, 

286 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS  287 

to  use  a  slang  phrase,  "  touch  the  button  "  and  obtain  any  kind  of 
weather  he  desires.  Mark  Twain's  suggestion  to  those  who  go  to 
these  islands  to  find  a  congenial  clime  is  about  as  practical  as  it  is 
humorous — "  Select  your  climate,  mark  your  thermometer  at  the 
temperature  desired,  and  climb  until  the  mercury  stops  there." 
Everyone  who  visits  Hawaii  is  charmed  with  the  country,  and 
never  forgets  its  novelty,  stupendous  and  delightful  scenery,  clear 
atmosphere,  gorgeous  sunlight,  and  profusion  of  fruits  and  flowers. 

Discovery  and  Location 

Captain  Cook  discovered  the  islands  in  January,  1778,  and 
named  them  the  Sandwich  Islands,  after  Lord  Sandwich ;  but  the 
native  name,  Hawaii,  is  more  generally  used.  There  is  good  evi- 
dence that  Juan  Gaetano,  in  the  year  1555 — 223  years  before 
Cook's  visit — landed  upon  their  shores.  Old  Spanish  charts  and 
the  traditions  of  the  natives  bear  out  this  theory,  but  they  were  not 
made  known  to  the  world  until  Cook  visited  them.  It  is  popularly 
believed  that  the  original  inhabitants  of  Hawaii  came  from  New 
Zealand,  though  that  island  is  some  4,000  miles  southwest  of  them. 
The  physical  appearance  of  the  people  is  very  similar,  and  their 
languages  are  so  much  alike  that  a  native  Hawaiian  and  a  native 
New  Zealander,  meeting  for  the  first  time,  can  carry  on  a  conver- 
sation. Their  ideas  of  the  Deity  and  some  of  their  religious  cus- 
toms are  nearly  the  same.  That  the  islands  have  been  peopled 
for  a  long  time  is  proven  by  the  fact  that  human  bones  are  found 
under  lava  beds  and  coral  reefs  where  geologists  declare  they  have 
lain  for  at  least  1,300  years. 

There  are  eight  inhabited  islands  in  the  archipelago,  Hawaii, 
Maui,  Kahoolawi,  Lanai,  Molokai,  Oahu,  Kauai,  and  Niihau,  com- 
prising an  area  of  6,700  square  miles,  a  little  less  than  that  of  the 
State  of  New  Jersey,  and  about  500  miles  greater  than  the  com- 
bined areas  of  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut.  They  extend  from 
northwest  to  southeast,  over  a  distance  of  about  380  miles,  the  sev- 
eral islands  being  separated  by  channels  varying  in  width  from 
six  to  sixty  miles.     They  He   entirely  within   the  tropics,   not  far 


288  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS 

from  a  direct  line  between  San  Francisco  and  Japan,  2,080  miles 
from  San  Francisco,  which  is  nearer  to  them  than  any  other  point 
of  land,  except  one  of  the  Carolines.  The  largest  and  most  south- 
ern island  is  Hawaii,  which  has  given  its  name  to  the  group. 

The  Highest  and  Largest  Volcanoes. 

The  entire  archipelago  is  of  volcanic  origin,  but  there  are  no 
active  craters  to  be  found  at  the  present  time,  except  two,  on  the 
island  of  Hawaii.  Mauna  Loa  is  the  highest  volcano  in  the  world, 
being  nearly  14,000  feet  above  the  sea.  It  has  an  immense  crater: 
but,  while  it  still  sends  forth  smoke  and  has  a  lake  of  molten  lava 
at  the  bottom,  there  have  been  no  eruptions  for  a  number  of  years. 
Kilauea,  the  largest  active  volcano  on  the  globe,  is  about  sixteen 
miles  from  Mauna  Loa,  on  one  of  its  foothills,  4,000  feet  above 
the  sea,  and  is  in  a  constant  state  of  activity.  Its  last  great 
eruption  occurred  in  1894.  This  volcano  was  described  by  the  mis- 
sionary Ellis  in  the  year  1823,  and  hundreds  of  tourists  visit  it 
every  year.  Its  crater  is  nine  miles  in  circumference  and  several 
hundred  feet  deep.  Under  the  conduct  of  competent  guides,  the 
tourists  descend  into  the  crater  and  walk  over  the  cool  lava  in 
places,  while  near  them  the  hot  flame  and  molten  lava  are  spouting 
to  the  height  of  hundreds  of  feet. 

The  largest  extinct  volcano  in  the  archipelago  is  on  the  island 
of  Maui,  the  bottom  of  the  crater  measuring  sixteen  square  miles. 
All  of  these  stupendous  volcanic  mountains  rise  so  gently  on  the 
western  side  that  horsemen  easily  ride  to  their  summits. 

Inhabitants  of  the   Island. 

When  Cook  visited  Hawaii,  he  found  the  islands  inhabited, 
according  to  his  estimate,  by  400,000  natives.  Forty  years  later, 
when  the  census  was  taken,  there  were  142,000.  These  diminished 
one-half  during  the  next  fifty  years,  and  the  native  population  of 
the  islands  in  1897  was  only  31,019.  The  total  population  by  the 
last  census,  when  the  islands  became  a  part  of  the  United  States, 
was    [09,020,   made  up,   in   addition  to  the   natives  mentioned,   of 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS  289 

24,407  Japanese,  21,616  Chinese,  12,191  Portuguese,  and  3,086 
Americans.  The  remainder  were  half-castes  from  foreign  inter- 
marriage with  the  natives,  together  with  a  small  representation 
from  England,  Germany  and  other  European  countries. 

That  the  orio-inal  Hawaiians  must  soon  become  extinct  as  a 
pure  race  is  evident,  though  they  have  never  been  persecuted  or 
maltreated.  They  are  a  handsome,  strong-looking  people,  with  a 
rich  dark  complexion,  jet  black  eyes,  wavy  hair,  full  voluptuous 
lips,  and  teeth  of  snowy  whitenes  ;  but  they  are  constitutionally 
weak,  easily  contract  and  quickly  succumb  to  disease,  and  the  only 
hope  of  perpetuating  their  blood  seems  to  lie  in  mixing  it  by  inter- 
marriage with  other  races. 

Old  Times  in  Hawaii 

Prior  to  i  795,  all  the  islands  had  separate  kings,  but  in  that  and 
the  following  year  the  great  king  of  Hawaii,  Kamehameha,  with  can- 
non that  he  procured  from  Vancouver's  ships,  assaulted  and  subju- 
gated all  the  surrounding  kings,  and  since  that  time  the  islands  have 
been  under  one  pfovernment.  Previous  to  this,  the  natives  had 
been  at  war,  according  to  their  traditions,  for  300  years.  The 
fierceness  of  their  hand-to-hand  conflicts,  as  described  by  their  his- 
torians, has  probably  not  been  surpassed  by  those  of  any  other 
people  in  the  world.  The  four  descendants  of  Kamehameha 
reigned  until  1872,  when  the  last  of  his  line  died  childless.  A  new 
king  was  elected,  who  died  within  a  year,  and  another  was  then 
elected  by  the  pleople.  It  was  to  this  line  that  Queen  Liliuokalani 
belonged,  and  she  was  deposed  by  the  revolution  of  1893,  led  by 
the  American  and  European  residents  upon  the  islands.  These 
patriots  set  up  a  provisional  government  and  made  repeated  appli- 
cation for  admission  to  the  United  States,  the  tender  of  the  islands 
being  finally  accepted  by  a  joint  vote  of  Congress  on  July  7,  1898, 
since  which  time  the  Hawaiian  Islands  have  been  a  part  of  our 
country. 

The  manners  and  customs  of  the  native  Hawaiians  are  most 
interesting,  but   space   forbids   a  description  of  them  here.     Their 


290  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS 

religion  was  a  gross  form  of  idolatry,  with  many  gods.  Human 
sacrifice  was  freely  practiced.  They  deified  dead  chiefs  and  wor- 
shiped their  bones.  The  great  king,  Kamehameha  I,  though  an 
idolater,  was  a  most  progressive  monarch,  and  invited  Vancouver, 
who  went  there  in  1794,  taking  swine,  cattle,  sheep,  and  horses, 
together  with  oranges  and  other  valuable  plants,  to  bring  over 
teachers  and  missionaries  to  teach  his  people  "the  white  man's 
religion." 

The  Work  of  American  Missionaries 

But  it  was  not  until  1820,  after  the  death  of  the  great  king, 
that  the  first  missionaries  arrived,  and  they  came  from  America. 
The  year  previous,  in  18 19,  Kamehameha  II.  had  destroyed  many 
of  the  temples  and  idols,  and  forbidden  idol  worship  in  the  islands  ; 
consequently,  when  the  missionaries  arrived  they  beheld  the  unpre- 
cedented spectacle  of  a  nation  without  a  religion.  The  natives 
were  rapidly  converted  to  Christianity.  It  was  these  American 
missionaries  who  first  reduced  the  Hawaiian  language  to  writing, 
established  schools  and  taught  the  natives.  As  a  result  of  their 
work,  the  Hawaiians  are  the  most  generally  educated  people,  in  the 
elementary  sense,  in  the  world.  There  is  hardly  a  person  in  the 
islands,  above  the  age  of  8  years,  who  cannot  read  and  write.  In 
spite  of  education,  however,  many  of  the  ancient  superstitions  still 
exist,  and  some  of  the  old  stone  temples  are  yet  standing.  What 
the  United  States  will  do  with  these  heathen  temples  remains  to  be 
seen.  The  natives  revere  them  as  relics  of  their  savage  history, 
and  as  such  they  may  be  preserved. 

Products  and  Commerce 
Sugar  is  king  in  Hawaii  as  wheat  is  in  the  Northwest.  In  1890 
there  were  19,000  laborers — ^nearly  one-fifth  of  the  total  population — 
engaged  on  sugar  plantations.  Ten  tons  to  the  acre  have  been 
raised  on  the  richest  lands.  The  average  is  over  four  tons  per  acre, 
but  it  requires  from  eighteen  to  twenty  months  for  a  crop  to  mature. 
Rice  growing  is  also  an  important  industry.  It  is  raised  in  marsh 
lands,  and  nearly  all  the  labor  is  done  by  Chinese,  though  they  do 


ENTRANCE  TO  THE   PUBLIC  GROUNDS,  HAVANA,  CUBA 


MAGNIFICENT  INDIAN  STATUE   IN  THE   PRADO,  HAVANA,  ''.UBA 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS  293 

not  own  the  land.  Coffee  is  happily  well  suited  to  the  soil  that  is 
unfitted  for  sugar  and  rice,  and  the  Hawaiian  coffee  is  particularly 
fine,  combining  the  strength  of  the  Java  with  a  delicate  flavor  of 
its  own. 

Diversified  farming  is  coming  more  into  vogue.  Fruit  raising 
will  undoubtedly  become  one  of  the  most  important  branches  when 
fast  steamers  are  provided  for  its  transportation.  Sheep  and  cattle 
raising  must  also  prove  profitable,  since  the  animals  require  little 
feeding  and  need  no  housing. 

Almost  all  kinds  of  vegetables  and  fruits  can  be  raised,  many 
of  those  belonging  to  the  temperate  zones  thriving  on  the  elevated 
mountain  slopes.  Fruit  is  abundant ;  the  guava  grows  wild  in  all 
the  islands,  and  were  the  manufacture  of  jelly  made  from  it  carried 
on,  on  a  large  scale,  the  product  could  doubtless  be  exported  with 
profit.  Both  bananas  and  pineapples  are  prolific,  and  there  are 
many  fruits  and  vegetables^  which  as  yet  have  been  raised  only  for 
local  trade,  which  would,  if  cultivated  for  export,  bring  in  rich 
returns. 

Of  the  total  exports  from  the  Hawaiian  Islands  in  1895,  the 
United  States  received  99.04  per  cent.,  and  in  the  same  year  79.04 
per  cent,  of  the  imports  to  the  islands  were  from  the  United  States. 
The  total  value  of  the  sugar  sent  to  the  United  States  in  1896  was 
^14,932,010  ;  of  rice,  $194,003  ;  of  coffee,  $45,444  ;  and  of  bananas, 
$121,273. 

The  Chief  City 

Honolulu,  the  capital  city,  is  to  Hawaii  what  Havana  is  to 
Cuba,  or  better,  what  Manila  is  to  the  Philippine  Islands.  Here 
are  concentrated  the  business,  political  and  social  forces  that  control 
the  life  and  progress  of  the  entire  archipelago.  This  city  of  30,000 
inhabitants  is  situated  on  the  south  coast  of  Oahu,  and  extends  up 
the  Nuuanu  Valley.  It  is  well  provided  with  street-car  lines — 
which  also  run  to  a  bathing  resort  four  miles  outside  the  city — -a 
telephone  system,  electric  lights,  numerous  stores,  churches  and 
schools,  a  library  of  over  10,000  volumes,  and  frequent  steam  com- 
munication with  San  Francisco.    There  are  papers  published  in  the 


2Q4  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS 

English,  Hawaiian,  Portuguese,  Japanese,  and  Chinese  languages, 
and  a  railroad  is  being  built,  of  which  thirty  miles  along  the  coast 
are  already  completed.  Honolulu  has  also  a  well-equipped  fire 
department  and  public  water-works.  The  residence  portions  of  the 
city  are  well  laid  out,  the  houses,  many  of  which  are  very  handsome, 
being  surrounded  by  gardens  kept  green  throughout  the  year. 
The  climate  is  mild  and  even,  and  the  city  is  a  delightful  and  a 
beautiful  place  of  residence.  Hawaii  is  peculiarly  an  agricultural 
country,  and  Honolulu  gains  its  importance  solely  as  a  distributing 
centre  or  depot  of  supplies.  Warehouses,  lumber  yards,  and  com- 
mercial houses  abound,  but  there  is  a  singular  absence  of  mills  and 
factories  and  productive  establishments.  There  are  no  metals  or 
minerals,  or  as  yet,  textile  plants  or  food  plants,  whose  manufacture 
is  undertaken  in  this  unique  city. 

The  Hawaiian  Islands  are,  without  question,  on  the  threshold 
of  a  great  industrial  era,  fraught  with  most  potent  results  to  the 
prosperity  and  development  of  that  land.  Its  climate  is  delightful 
and  healthful,  and  its  soil  so  fertile  that  it  will  easily  support 
5,000,000  people. 

Cuba,  "The  Child  of  our  Adoption." 

Although  Cuba  is  not  a  part  or  a  possession  of  the  United 
States,  it  has  since  the  war  with  Spain,  in  1898,  come  under  the 
protection  of  this  government,  and  is,  therefore,  entitled  to  a  place 
in  this  volume.  In  the  hand  of  Providence,  this  island  became  the 
doorway  to  America.      It  was  here  that  Columbus  landed. 

In  1494  Columbus  visited  Cuba  a  second  time,  and  once  again 
in  1502.  In  151 1  Diego  Columbus,  the  son  of  the  great  discov- 
erer, with  a  colony  of  between  three  and  four  hundred  Spaniards, 
came,  "and  in  1 514  he  founded  the  towns  of  Santiago  and  Trinidad. 
Five  years  later,  in  15 19,  the  present  capital,  Havana,  or  Habana, 
was  founded.  The  French  reduced  the  city  in  1538,  practically 
demolishing  the  whole  town.  Under  the  governor,  De  Soto,  it 
was  rebuilt  and  fortified,  the  famous  Morro  Castle  and  the  Punta, 
which  are  still  standing,  being  built  at  that  early  date. 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS  295 

After  the  extermination  of  the  natives,  Cuba  rested  without  a 
struggle  in  the  arms  of  Spain.  The  early  settlers  engaged  almost 
wholly  in  pastoral  pursuits.  Tobacco  was  indigenous  to  the  soil, 
and  in  1580  the  Cuban  planters  began  its  culture.  Later,  sugar- 
cane was  imported  from  the  Canaries,  and  found  to  be  a  fruitful 
and  profitable  crop.  The  beginning  of  the  culture  of  sugar  demanded 
more  laborers,  and  the  importation  of  additional  slaves  was  the 
result.  In  1717,  Spain  attempted  to  make  a  monopoly  of  the 
tobacco  culture,  and  the  first  Cuban  revolt  occurred.  In  1723  a 
second  uprising  took  place,  because  of  an  oppressive  government ; 
but  these  early  revolts  against  tyranny  were  insignificant  as  com- 
pared with  those  of  the  last  half-century. 

City  of  Havana  Captured  by  the  English 

In  1762,  the  city  of  Havana  was  captured  by  the  English,  with 
an  expedition  commanded  by  Lord  Albemarle,  but  his  fighting 
troops  were  principally  Americans  under  the  immediate  command 
of  Generals  Phineas  Lyman  and  Israel  Putnam  of  Revolutionary 
fame.  By  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  1763,  Cuba  was  unfortunately 
restored  to  Spain,  and  it  was  afterward  that  her  troubles  with  the 
"  Mother  Country,"  as  Spain  affectionately  called  herself  to  all  her 
provinces,  began.  The  hand  of  oppression  for  one  and  a  quarter 
centuries  relaxed  not  its  grasp,  and  year  by  year  grew  heavier  and 
more  galling. 

In  the  spring  of  1898  the  United  States  intervened.  The 
story  of  our  war  with  Spain  for  Cuba's  freedom  is  elsewhere 
related. 

Spain  has  paid  dearly  for  her  supremacy  in  Cuba  during  the 
last  third  of  the  nineteenth  century.  Notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  the  revenue  from  Cuba  for  several  years  prior  to  the  Ten 
Years'  War  of  1868-78  amounted  to  $26,000,000  annually— about 
$18  for  every  man,  woman  and  child  in  the  island — $20,000,000  of 
it  was  absorbed  in  Spain's  official  circles  at  Havana,  and  "  the  other 
$6,000,000  that  the  Spanish  government  received,"  says  one  histor- 
ian,  "  was  hardly  enough  to  pay  transportation  rates  on  the  help 


296  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS 

that  the  mother  country  had  to  send  to  her  army  of  occupation." 
Consequently,  despite  this  enormous  tax,  a  heavy  debt  accumulated 
on  account  of  the  island,  even  before  the  Ten  Years'  War  began. 

Fearful  Cost  of  War 

At  the  close  of  the  Ten  Years'  War  (1878)  Spain  had  laid 
upon  the  island  a  public  debt  of  $200,000,000,  and  required  her  to 
raise  $39,000,000  of  revenue  annually,  an  average  at  that  time  of 
nearly  $30  per  inhabitant.  But  Spain's  own  debt  had  also 
increased  to  nearly  $2,000,000,000,  and  during  this  Ten  Years'  War 
she  had  sent  200,000  soldiers  and  her  favorite  commanders  to  the 
island,  only  about  50,000  of  whom  ever  returned.  According  to 
our  Consular  Report  of  July,  1898,  when  the  last  revolution  began, 
1895,  the  Cuban  debt  had  reached  $295,707,264.  The  interest  on 
this  alone  imposed  a  burden  of  $9.79  per  annum  upon  each  inhab- 
itant. During  the  war,  Spain  had  200,000  troops  in  the  island,  and 
the  three  and  one-half  years'  conflict  cost  her  the  loss  of  nearly 
100,000  lives,  mostly  from  sickness,  and,  as  yet,  unknown  millions 
of  dollars.  The  real  figures  of  the  loss  of  life  and  treasure  seem 
incredible  when  we  consider  that  Cuba  is  not  larger  than  our  State 
of  Pennsylvania,  and  that  her  entire  population  at  the  beginning  of 
the  war  was  about  one-fourth  that  of  the  State  named,  or  a  little 
less  than  that  of  the  city  of  Chicago  alone.  Yet  Spain,  with  an 
army  larger  than  the  combined  northern  and  southern  forces  at  the 
battle  of  Gettysburg,  was  unable  to  overcome  the  insurgents,  who 
had  never  more  than  one-fourth  as  many  men  enlisted.  But  she 
harassed,  tortured,  and  starved  to  death  within  three  years,  per- 
haps, over  500,000  non-combatant  citizens  in  her  attempt  to  subju- 
gate the  patriots,  and  was  in  a  fair  way  to  depopulate  the  whole 
island  when  the  United  States  at  last  intervened  to  succor  them. 

What  the  future  of  Cuba  may  be  under  new  conditions  of  gov- 
ment  remains  to  be  seen.  Certainly,  in  all  the  world's  history  few 
sadder  or  more  devastated  lands  have  gathered  their  remnants  of 
population  upon  the  ashes  of  their  ruins  and  turned  a  hopeful  face 
to  the  future. 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS  297 

But  the  soil,  the  mineral  and  the  timber  not  even  Spanish 
tyranny  could  destroy  ;  and  in  these  lie  the  hope,  we  might  say  the 
sure  guarantee,  of  Cuba's  future.  In  wealth  of  resources  and 
fertility  of  soil,  Cuba  is  superior  to  all  other  tropical  countries,  and 
these  fully  justify  its  right  to  the  title  "  Pearl  of  the  Antilles,"  first 
given  it  by  Columbus.  Under  a  wise  and  secure  government,  its 
possibilities  are  almost  limitless.  Owing  to  its  location  at  the 
entrance  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  which  it  divides  into  the  Yucatan 
and  Florida  channels,  on  the  south  and  north,  the  island  has  been 
termed  the  "  Key  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,"  and  on  its  coat  of  arms 
is  emblazoned  a  key,  as  if  to  imply  its  ability  to  open  or  close  this 
great  sea  to  the  commerce  of  the  world. 

The  Future  of  the  Island 

Cuba  extends  from  east  to  west  760  miles,  is  2 1  miles  wide  in 
its  narrowest  pa,rt  and  1 1 1  miles  in  the  widest,  with  an  average 
width  of  sixty  miles.  It  has  numerous  harbors,  which  afford 
excellent  anchorage.  The  area  of  the  island  proper  is  41,655 
square  miles  (a  little  larger  than  the  State  of  Ohio ;)  and  including 
the  Isle  of  Pines  and  other  small  points  around  its  entire  length, 
numbering  in  all  some  1,200,  there  are  47,278  square  miles 
altogether  in  Cuba  and  belonging  to  it.  The  island  is  intersected 
by  broken  ranges  of  mountains,  which  gradually  increase  in  height 
from  west  to  east,  where  they  reach  an  elevation  of  nearly  8,000 
feet.  The  central  and  western  portions  of  the  island  are  the  most 
fertile,  while  the  principal  mineral  deposits  are  in  the  mountains  of 
the  eastern  end.  In  Matanzas  and  other  central  provinces,  the 
well-drained,  gently  sloping  plains,  diversified  by  low,  forest-^lad 
hills,  are  especially  adapted  to  sugar  culture,  and  the  country  under 
normal  conditions  presents  the  appearance  of  vast  fields  of  cane. 
The  western  portion  of  the  island  is  also  mountainous,  but  the 
elevations  are  not  great,  and  in  the  valleys  and  along  the  fertile 
slopes  of  this  district  is  produced  the  greater  part  of  the  tobacco 
for  which  the  island  is  famous. 

17 


298  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS 

The  soil  of  the  whole  island  seems  well-nigh  inexhaustible. 
Except  in  tobacco  culture,  fertilizers  are  never  used.  In  the  sugar 
districts  are  found  old  cane-fields  that  have  produced  annual  crops 
for  a  hundred  years  without  perceptible  impoverishment  of  the 
soil.  Besides  sugar  and  tobacco,  the  island  yields  Indian  corn,  rice, 
manioc  (the  plant  from  which  tapioca  is  prepared),  oranges, 
bananas,  pineapples,  mangoes,  guava,  and  all  other  tropical  fruits, 
with  many  of  those  belonging  to  the  temperate  zone.  Raw  sugar, 
molasses,  and  tobacco  are  the  chief  products,  and,  with  fruits,  nuts, 
and  unmanufactured  woods,  form  the  bulk  of  exports,  though  coffee 
culture,  formerly  active,  is  now  being  revived,  and  its  fine  quality 
indicates  that  it  must  in  time  become  one  of  the  most  important 
products  of  the  island. 

Fertility  of  Soil  and  Its  Products 

As  a  sugar  country,  Cuba  takes  first  rank  in  the  world.  Mr. 
Gallon,  the  English  Consul,  in  his  report  to  his  government  in  1897 
upon  this  Cuban  crop,  declared  :  "  Of  the  other  cane-sugar  coun- 
tries of  the  world,  Java  is  the  only  one  which  comes  within  50  per 
cent,  of  the  amount  of  sugar. produced  annually  in  Cuba  in  normal 
times,  and  Java  and  the  Hawaiian  Islands  are  the  only  ones  which 
are  so  generally  advanced  in  the  process  of  manufacture,"  Our 
own  Consul,  Hyatt,  in  his  report  of  February,  1897,  expresses  the 
belief  that  Cuba  is  equal  to  supplying  the  entire  demands  of  the 
whole  western  hemisphere  with  sugar — a  market  for  4,000,000  tons 
or  more,  and  requiring  a  crop  four  times  as  large  as  the  island  has 
ever  yet  produced.  Those  who  regard  this  statement  as  extrava- 
gant should  remember  that  Cuba,  although  founded  and  settled 
more  than  fifty  years  before  the  United  States,  has  nearly  14,000,- 
000  acres  of  uncleared  primeval  forest-land,  and  is  capable  of  easily 
supporting  a  population  more  than  ten  times  that  of  the  present. 
In  fact,  the  island  of  Java,  not  so  rich  as  Cuba,  and  of  very  nearly 
the  same  area,  with  Ifess  tillable  land,  has  over  22,000,000  inhabi- 
tants as  against  Cuba's — perhaps  at  this  time — not  more  than 
1,200,000  souls. 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS  299 

The  mineral  resources  of  Cuba  are  second  in  importance  to 
its  agricultural  products.  Gold  and  silver  are  not  believed  to  exist 
in  paying  quantities,  but  its  most  valuable  mineral,  copper,  seems 
to  be  almost  inexhaustible.  The  iron  and  manganese  mines,  in 
the  vicinity  of  Santiago,  are  of  great  importance,  the  ores  being 
rated  among  the  finest  in  the  world.  Deposits  of  asphalt  and 
mineral  oils  are  also  found. 

The  third  resource  of  Cuba  in  importance  is  its  forest  product. 
Its  millions  of  acres  of  unbroken  woodlands  are  rich  in  valuable 
hard  woods,  suitable  for  the  finest  cabinet-work  and  ship-building, 
and  also  furnish  many  excellent  dye  woods.  Mahogany,  cedar, 
rosewood,  and  ebony  abound.  The  palm,  of  which  there  are  thirty 
odd  species  found  in  the  island,  is  one  of  the  most  characteristic 
and  valuable  of  Cuban  trees. 

Cities  and  Commerce,  Seasons  and  Climate 

The  commerce  of  Cuba  has  been  great  in  the  past,  but  Spanish 
laws  made  it  expensive  and  oppressive  to  the  Cubans.  Its  location 
and  resources,  with  wise  government,  assure  to  the  island  an 
enormous  trade  in  the  future.  There  are  already  four  cities  of 
marked  importance  to  the  commercial  world :  Havana  with  a 
population  of  250,000,  Santiago  with  71,000,  Matanzas  with  29,000, 
and  Cienfuegos  with  30,000,  are  all  seaport  cities  with  excellent 
harbors,  and  all  do  a  large  exporting  business.  Add  to  these  Car- 
denas with  25,000,  Trinidad  with  18,000,  Manzanillo  with  10,000, 
and  Guantanamo  and  Baracoa,  each  with  7,000  inhabitants,  we 
have  an  array  of  ten  cities  such  as  few  strictly  farming  countries  of 
like  size  possess.  Aside  from  cigar  and  cigarette  making,  there  is 
little  manufacturing  in  Cuba ;  but  fruit  canneries,  sugar  refineries, 
and  various  manufacturing  industries  for  the  consumption  of  native 
products  will  rapidly  follow  in  the  steps  of  good  government. 
Hence,  in  the  field  of  manufacturing  this  island  offers  excellent 
inducements  to  capital. 

Like  all  tropical  countries,  Cuba  has  but  two  seasons,  the  wet 
and  the  dry.     The  former  extends  from   May  to  October,  June, 


300  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS 

July,  and  August  being  the  most  rainy  months.  The  dry  season 
lasts  from  November  to  May.  This  fact  must  go  far  toward  mak- 
ing the  island  more  and  more  popular  as  a  winter  health  resort. 
The  interior  of  the  island  is  mountainous,  and  always  pleasantly 
cool  at  night,  while  on  the  highlands  the  heat  in  the  day  is  less 
oppressive  than  in  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  during  the  hottest 
summer  weather ;  consequently,  when  once  yellow  fever,  which 
now  ravages  the  coasts  of  the  island  on  account  of  its  defective 
sanitation,  is  extirpated,  as  it  doubtless  will  be  under  the  new  order 
of  things,  Cuba  will  become  the  seat  of  many  winter  homes  for 
wealthy  residents  of  the  United  States.  Even  in  the  summer,  the 
temperature  seldom  rises  above  90°,  while  the  average  for  the  year 
is  ']*]'^.  At  no  place,  except  in  the  extreme  mountainous  altitude, 
is  it  ever  cold  enough  for  frost. 

The  Evacuation  of  Havana 

The  complete  transfer  of  authority  in  the  island  of  Cuba  from 
Spain  to  the  United  States  took  place  on  Sunday,  January  i,  1899. 
At  noon  on  that  day  Captain-General  Castellanos  and  staff  met  the 
representatives  of  the  United  States  in  the  hall  of  his  palace,  and 
with  due  formality  and  marked  Spanish  courtesy,  in  the  name  of 
the  King  and  Queen  Regent  of  Spain,  delivered  possession  of 
Cuba  to  General  Wade,  head  of  the  American  Evacuation  Com- 
mittee,  and  he  in  turn  transferred  the  same  to  General  Brooke, 
who  had  been  appointed  by  President  McKinley  as  Military  Gov- 
ernor of  the  Division  of  Cuba.  No  unpleasant  incident  marred  the 
occasion.  General  Castellanos  spoke  with  evident  yet  becoming 
emotion  on  so  important  an  occasion.  Three  Cuban  Generals 
were  present,  who,  at  General  Castellanos'  request,  were  presented 
to  him,  and  the  Spaniard  said,  with  marked  grace  and  evident  sin- 
cerity, "  I  am  sorry,  gentlemen,  that  we  are  enemies,  being  of  the 
same  blood;"  to  which  one  of  the  Cuban  patriots  courteously 
responded,  with  commendable  charity,  "  We  fought  only  for  Cuba, 
and  now  that  she  is  free  we  are  no  longer  enemies." 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS  301 

The  formal  transfer  had  scarcely  taken  place  within  the  palace 
hall  when  the  flag  of  Spain  was  lowered  from  Morro  Castle, 
Cabanas  Fortress,  and  all  the  public  buildings,  and  the  stars  and 
stripes  instantly  arose  in  its  place  on  the  flag-poles  of  these  old  and 
historic  buildings.  As  its  graceful  folds  floated  gently  out  upon 
the  breeze,  the  crowds  from  the  streets  cheered,  the  band  played 
the  most  appropriate  of  all  airs,  while  voices  in  many  places  in  the 
throng,  catching  up  the  tune,  sang  the  inspiring  words  of  the  "Star- 
Spangled  Banner." 

Beautiful  Porto  Rico 

It  was  in  November  of  the  year  1493,  on  his  second  voyage 
to  the  New  World,  that  Columbus  landed  upon  a  strange  island  in 
quest  of  water  for  his  ships.  He  found  it  in  abundance,  and  called 
the  place  Aquadilla — the  watering  place.  As  he  had  done  at  Cuba 
the  year  before,  the  great  discoverer  held  pleasant  conferences  with 
the  natives,  and  with  due  ceremony  took  possession  of  the  island 
for  his  benefactors  and  sovereigns — Ferdinand  and  Isabella  of 
Spain.  From  that  day  until  it  was  ceded  to  the  United  States  in 
1898,  as  a  result  of  the  Spanish-American  War,  Porto  Rico 
remained  one  of  the  most  attractive  and  valuable  of  Spain's  West 
Indian  possessions.  The  simple  and  friendly  natives  gladly  wel- 
comed their  Spanish  invaders,  who,  with  the  same  promptness 
which  was  manifested  in  Cuba,  proceeded  to  enslave  and  extermi- 
nate them. 

The  Island  and  its  Population 

Porto  Rico  is  at  once  the  most  healthful  and  most  densely 
populated  island  of  the  West  Indies.  It  is  almost  rectangular  in 
form — 100  miles  long  and  36  broad.  Its  total  area  is  about  3,600 
square  miles — a  little  larger  than  the  combined  areas  of  Rhode 
Island  and  Delaware.  Its  population,  unlike  that  of  Cuba,  has 
greatly  increased  within  the  last  fifty  years.  In  1830,  it  numbered 
319,000;  in  1887,  813,937 — about  220  people  to  the  square  mile,  a 
density  which  few  states  of  the  Union  can  equal.  About  half  of 
its  population  are  negroes  or  mulattoes,  who  were  introduced  by 
the  Spaniards  as  slaves  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries. 


302  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS 

Among  the  people  of  European  origin  the  most  numerous  are 
the  Spaniards,  with  many  Germans,  Swedes,  Danes,  Russians, 
Frenchmen,  Chuetos  (descendants  from  the  Moorish  Jews),  and 
natives  of  the  Canary  Islands.  There  are  also  a  number  of  Chi- 
nese, while  the  Gibaros,  or  small  land-holders  and  day-laborers  of 
the  country  districts,  are  a  curious  old  Spanish  cross  with  the  abo- 
riginal Indian  blood.  In  this  class  the  aborigines  are  more  fortu- 
nate than  the  oriofinal  Cubans  in  havino;  even  a  trace  of  their  blood 
preserved. 

The  island  is  said  to  be  capable  of  easily  supporting  three 
times  its  present  population,  the  soil  is  so  universally  fertile  and  its 
resources  are  so  well  diversified.  Though  droughts  occur  in  certain 
parts  of  the  island,  it  is  all  extremely  well  watered,  by  more  than 
i,ooo  streams,  enumerated  on  the  maps,  and  the  dry  sections  have 
a  system  of  irrigation  which  may  be  operated  very  effectually  and 
with  little  expense.  Of  the  1,300  streams,  forty-seven  are  consider- 
able rivers. 

Timber  in  Abundance  and  Variety 

Forests  still  cover  all  the  elevated  parts  of  the  hill  country  of  the 
interior,  the  inhabitants  living  mostly  along  the  coast.  The  main 
need  to  set  the  interior  teeming  with  a  thrifty  and  healthy  popula- 
tion is  a  system  of  good  roads.  The  interior,  with  the  exception  of 
a  few  extensive  savannas,  is  one  vast  expanse  of  rounded  hills, 
covered  with  such  rich  soil  that  they  may  be  cultivated  to  their 
summits.  At  present  these  forests  are  accessible  only  by  mule 
tracks.  "  The  timber  of  the  island,"  says  our  official  report, 
"  comprises  more  than  500  varieties  of  trees,  and  in  the  more 
elevated  regions  the  vegetation  of  the  temperate  zones  is  not 
unknown.  On  the  hills  is  found  a  luxuriant  and  diversified  vegeta- 
tion, tree-ferns  and  mountain  palms  being  abundant.  At  a  lower 
level  grow  many  varieties  of  trees  noted  for  their  useful  woods, 
such  as  the  mahogany,  cedar,  walnut  and  laurel.  The  mammee, 
guaiacum,  and  copal,  besides  other  trees  and  shrubs  valuable  for 
their  gum,  flourish  in  all  parts  of  the  island.     The  coffee  tree  and 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS  303 

sugar  cane,  both  of  which  grow  well  at  an  altitude  of  a  1,000  feet 
or  more,  were  Introduced  into  the  island — the  former  from  Marti- 
nique in  1722,  the  latter  from  the  Canaries,  through  Santo  Domingo. 
Tobacco  grows  easily  in  the  lowlands,  while  maize,  pineapples, 
bananas,  etc.,  are  all  prolific.  The  banana  and  plantain  bear  fruit 
within  ten  months  after  planting,  and,  like  the  cocoa  palm,  live 
through  an  ordinary  lifetime." 

Minerals  and  Mining 
"  The  mineral  resources  of  the  Island,"  says  our  consul  In  his 
report,  "  have  been  very  little  developed,  the  only  mineral  industry 
of  any  Importance  being  the  salt  works  situated  at  Guanica,  Salinas, 
and  Cabo  Rojo.  Sulphides  of  copper  and  magnetic  oxides  of  Iron 
are  found  in  large  quantities,  and  formerly  gold  to  a  considerable 
extent  was  found  In  many  of  the  streams.  At  present  the  natives 
still  wash  out  nuggets  by  the  crude  process  In  use  In  the  time  of 
?once  de  Leon.  Marble,  carbonates,  lignite,  and  amber  are  also 
present  in  varying  quantities,  and  hot  springs  and  mineral  waters 
occur,  the  best  known  ones  being  at  Coamo,  n^ar  Santa  Isabel." 

Commerce 
The  commerce  of  Porto  Rico  amounted,  in  1896,  to  $36,624,- 
120,  exceeding  the  records  of  all  previous  years;  the  Increase,  no 
doubt  being  largely  due  to  the  unsettled  condition  of  Cuba.  The  value 
of  the  exports  for  the  same  year  was,  for  the  first  time  for  more 
than  a  decade,  slightly  In  excess  of  that  of  the  Imports  ;  the  former 
being  valued  at  $18,341,430,  the  latter  at  $18,282,690.  The  chief 
exports  from  the  Island  are  agricultural  products.  The  principal 
articles  are  sugar,  coffee,  molasses,  and  tobacco  ;  while  rice,  wheat, 
flour  and  manufactured  articles  are  among  the  chief  imports.  The 
value  of  the  sugar  and  molasses  exported  to  the  United  States 
during  the  ten  years  from  1888  to  1897  made  up  95  percent,  of 
the  total  value  of  the  exports  to  that  country.  Fruits,  nuts,  and 
spices  are  also  exported  to  a  small  extent.  Of  the  non-agricultural 
exports  the  most  Important  are  perfumery  and  cosmetics  ;  chemi- 
cals, drugs,  and  dyes  ;   unmanufactured  wood,  and  salt. 


304  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS 

The  leading  article  of  import  from  the  Unired  States  is  wheat 
flour.  Corn  and  meal,  bread,  biscuit,  meats,  dairy  products,  wood 
and  its  manufactures,  iron,  steel,  etc.,  are  also  imported. 

Cities  and  Towns 
^  San  Juan,  the  capital.  Is  situated  on  an  island  off  the  northern 

coast  of  the  mainland,  with  which  it  is  now  connected  by  the  San 
Antonio  bridge.  The  city  is  a  perfect  specimen  of  a  walled  and 
fortified  town,  with  Moro  Castle  crowning  the  promontory  at  the 
western  extremity  of  the  island.  The  population,  including  the 
•  inhabitants  of  Marina  and  Puerta  de  Tierra,  as  well  as  those 
within  the  city  walls,  was  estimated  in  1896  at  30,000,  and  consists 
largely  of  negroes  and  of  mixed  races.  Owing  to  the  lack  of  a  good 
water  supply,  and  the  general  unsanitary  conditions  which  prevail, 
the  city  is  unhealthy.  The  houses  are  all  of  two  stories,  the  poorer 
inhabitants  occupying  the  ground  floor,  while  those  better  off  live 
above  them.  There  is  no  running  water  in  the  city,  the  inhabitants 
being  dependent  for  their  supply  upon  the  rainfall  which  is  caught 
on  the  flat  roofs  of  the  houses  and  stored  in  cisterns,  and  in  dry 
seasons  the  supply  is  entirely  exhausted.  The  city  is  built  upon 
clay  mixed  with  lime  packed  hard  and  impervious  to  water.  Its 
manufactures  are  of  small  importance. 

The  city  of  Ponce,  with  a  population  of  37,500,  and  in  commer- 
cial importance  the  second  city  of  Porto  Rico,  is  situated  two  miles 
from  the  coast  in  the  southern  part  of  the  island.  With  an  ample 
water  supply  conveyed  to  the  city  by  an  aqueduct  it  is,  perhaps, 
the  healthiest  town  on  the  island.  Playa,  its  port,  having  a  popu- 
lation of  5,000,  is  connected  with  it  by  a  fine  road. 

The  town  of  Arecibo,  with  a  population  of  from  6,000  to  7,000, 
is  situated  on  the  northern  coast  of  Porto  Rico,  and  is  the  port  for 
a  district  of  some  30,000  inhabitants. 

Climate 
The  climate  on  the  island,  though  hot  and  humid,  is  healthful, 
except  in  marshy  districts  and  in  cities  where  sanitary  rules  are  neg- 
lected.  Yellow  fever  seldom  occurs,  and  when  it  does  it  is  confined 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS  305 

to  the  unsanitary  towns  and  their  surroundings,  never  appearing 
far  from  the  coasts.  The  thermometer  does  not  fall  below  50°  or 
rise  above  90°.  The  heat  is  not  so  great  as  at  Santiago,  though 
the  latter  is  one  and  a  half  degrees  furher  north.  As  in  Cuba, 
there  are  but  two  seasons,  the  rainy  and  the  dry,  the  former  lasting 
from  July  to  December,  the  latter  from  January  to  the  close  of 
June.  The  delightful  dry  and  salubrious  atmosphere  of  midwinter 
and  spring,  with  its  general  healthfulness,  promises  to  bring  this 
island  into  prominence  both  as  a  resort  for  invalids  and  for  homes 
to  those  who  would  escape  the  rigors  of  northern  winters. 

Porto  Rico  is  an  ideal  lazy  man's  country,  and  the  overworked 
American  will,  undoubtedly,  come  to  make  it  more  and  more  his 
Mecca  for  rest  and  recuperation.  Even  the  interior  feels  the  soft, 
salt  air  from  the  ocean.  The  people  are  kind-hearted,  "  easy- 
going," hospitable,  and  fond  of  amusement.  Every  environment 
conduces  to  the  dismission  of  all  worriment,  to  rest,  sleep,  and  a 
happy-go-lucky  state  of  mind. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Our  New  Possessions  (Continued) 

The  Philippine  Islands 

THE  most  important,  and  by  far  the  most  interesting,  as  well 
as  the  least  known  of  America's  new  possessions,  gained  by 
her  war  with  Spain,  are  the  Philippine  Islands.     Compara- 
tively few  Americans  have  ever  set   foot  upon  that  far-away  and 
jemi-civilized  land,  the  possession  of  which  enables  America  to  say 
with  England,  "The  sun  never  sets  upon  our  flag." 

The  Philippines  lie  almost  exactly  on  the  other  side  of  the 
globe  from  us.  Approximately  speaking,  our  noonday  is  their 
midniofht ;  our  sunset  is  their  sunrise.  There  are  some  1,200  of 
these  islands,  400  of  which  are  inhabited  or  capable  of  supporting 
a  population  ;  they  cover  about  125,000  square  miles  ;  they  lie  in  the 
tropical  seas,  generally  speaking,  from  five  to  eighteen  degrees 
north  latitude,  and  are  bounded  by  the  China  Sea  on  the  west  and 
the  Pacific  Ocean  on  the  east ;  they  are  about  7,000  miles  south- 
west from  San  Francisco,  a  little  over  600  southeast  from  Hong 
Kong,  China,  and  about  1000  almost  due  north  from  Australia: 
they  contain  between  5,000,000  and  8,000,000  inhabitants,  abopt 
one-third  of  whom  had,  prior  to  Dewey's  victory.  May  i,  1898, 
acknowledged  Spanish  sovereignty  to  the  extent  of  paying  regular 
tribute  to  the  Spanish  crown  ;  the  remainder  are  bound  together 
in  tribes  under  independent  native  princes  or  Mohammedan  rulers. 
Perhaps  2,500,000  all  told  have  become  nominal  Catholics  in  reli- 
o-ion.  The  rest  are  Mohammedans  and  idolaters.  There  are  no 
Protestant  churches  in  the  islands. 

Struggle  For  Supremacy 
The  history  of  the  Philippines  has  been  monotonous  from  their 
discovery  by  Magellan,  in  1521,  until  the  present,  a  monotony  broken 

306 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS  307 

at  times  by  periods  of  adventures  in  which  Manila  has  generally 
been  the  central  scene. 

In  1896,  the  last  insurrection  broke  out.  Its  causes  was  the 
old  oppressions  :  unbearable  taxes,  and  imprisonment  or  banish- 
ment, with  the  complete  confiscation  of  property  of  those  who  could 
not  pay ;  no  justice  except  for  those  who  could  buy  it ;  marriage 
ceremony  so  costly  that  a  poor  man  could  not  pay  the  fee  ;  homes 
and  families  broken  up  and  ruined;  burial  refused  to  the  dead,  un- 
less a  large  sum  was  paid  in  advance  ;  no  provision  and  no  chance 
for  education.  Such  were  some  of  the  causes  that  again  goaded 
the  natives  to  revolution,  and  nerved  them  with  courage  to  achieve 
victory  after  victory  over  their  enemies  until  they  were  promised 
most  of  the  reforms  which  they  demanded.  Then  they  laid  down 
their  arms,  and,  as  usual,  the  Governor-General  failed  to  carry  out 
a  single  pledge. 

Such  was  the  condition,  and  another  revolt,  more  formidable 
than  any  of  the  past,  was  forming,  when  Commodore  Dewey,  with 
his  American  fleet,  entered  Manila  Bay,  May  i,  1898,  and,  a  victory 
unparalleled  in  naval  warfare,  sunk  the  Spanish  ships,  silenced  the 
forts,  and  dethroned  the  power  of  Spain  forever  in  a  land  which 
her  tyranny  had  blighted  for  more  than  300  years. 

The  People  of  the   Philippine.  Islands  :     Their  Manners 

AND  Customs 

It  is  impossible  within  the  scope  of  this  article  to  give  details 
concerning  all  the  inhabitants  of  this  far-away  archipelago.  Pro- 
fessor Worcester,  of  the  University  of  Michigan,  tells  us  that  the 
population  comprises  more  than  eighty  distinct  tribes,  with  individ- 
ual peculiarities.  They  are  scattered  over  hundreds  of  islands,  and 
one  who  really  wants  to  know  these  peoples  must  leave  cities  and 
towns  far  behind,  and,  at  the  risk  of  his  life,  through  pathless 
forests,  amid  volcanic  mountains,  at  the  mercy  of  savages,  penetrate 
to  the  innermost  wilds.  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  for  hun- 
dreds of  years  bold  men,  led  by  the  love  of  science  or  by  the  spirit 


3o8  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS 

of  adventure,  have  continued  to  penetrate  these  dark  regions,  there 
are  many  sections  where  the  foot  of  civilized  man  has  never  trod ; 
or,  if  so,  he  came  not  back  to  tell  of  the  lands  and  peoples  which 
his  eyes  beheld. 

Difficulties  of  Exploring  the  Country 

There  have  been  great  obstacles  in  the  way  of  a  thorough 
exploration  of  these  islands.  Spain  persistently  opposed  the  repre- 
sentatives of  any  other  nation  entering  the  country.  She  suspected 
every  man  with  a  gun  of  designing  to  raise  an  insurrection  or  make 
mischief  among  the  natives.  The  account  of  red  tape  necessary  to 
secure  guns  and  ammunition  for  a  little  party  of  four  or  five  ex- 
plorers admitted  through  the  customs  at  Manila,  is  one  of  the  most 
significant,  as  well  as  one  of  the  most  humorous,  passages  in  Pro- 
fessor Worcester's  story  of  his  several  years'  sojourn  while  explor- 
ing the  archipelago. 

In  the  second  place,  the  savage  tribes  in  the  interior  had  no 
respect  for  Spain's  authority,  and  will  have  none  for  ours  for  years 
to  come.  Two-thirds  of  them  paid  no  tribute,  and  many  of  them 
never  heard  of  Spain,  or,  if  so,  only  remembered  that  a  long  time 
ago  white  men  came  and  cruelly  persecuted  the  natives  along  the 
shore.  These  wild  tribes  think  themselves  still  the  owners  of  the 
land.  Some  of  them  go  naked  and  practice  cannibalism  and  other 
horrible  savage  customs.  Any  explorer's  life  is  in  danger  among 
them  ;  consequently  most  tourists  to  the  Philippines  see  Manila  and 
make  short  excursions  around  that  city.  The  more  ambitious  run 
down  to  the  cities  of  Iloilo  and  Cebu,  making  short  excursions  into 
the  country  from  those  points,  and  then  return,  thinking  they  have 
seen  the  Philippines.  Nothing  could  be  further  from  the  truth. 
Such  travelers  no  more  see  the  Philippine  Islands  than  Columbus 
explored  America. 

Even  near  the  coast  there  are  savages  who  are  almost  as  igno- 
rant as  their  brethren  in  the  interior.  Mr.  Stevens  tells  us  that 
only  "  thirty  miles  from  Manila  is  a  race  of  dwarfs  that  go  without 
clothes,  wear  knee-bracelets  of  horsehair,  and  respect  nothing  but 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS  309 - 

the  jungle  in  which  they  live."  The  principal  native  peoples  are  of 
Malayan  origin.  Of  these,  to  the  north  of  Manila  are  the  Igor- 
rotes  ;  in  the  islands  south  of  Luzon  are  the  civilized  Visayas,  and 
below  them  in  Mindanao  and  the  Sulu  Archipelago  are  the  fierce 
Moros,  who  originally  came  from  the  island  of  Borneo,  settling  in 
the  Philippines  a  short  time  before  the  Spanish  discovery.  They  are 
Mohammedans  in  religion,  and  as  fanatical  and  as  fearless  fighters 
as  the  Turks  themselves.  For  three  hundred  years  the  Spaniards 
have  been  fighting  these  savages,  and  while  they  have  overcome 
them  in  nearly  all  the  coast  towns,  they  have  expended,  it  is  said, 
upward  of  $100,000,000  and  sacrificed  more  than  100,000  lives  in 
doing  so. 

The  Warlike  Moros 

The  fierce  Moro  warriors  keep  the  Spanish  settlers  along  their 
coasts  in  a  constant  state  of  alarm,  and  the  visitor  to  the  towns  feels 
as  if  he  were  at  an  Indian  outpost  in  early  American  history, 
because  of  the  constant  state  of  apprehension  that  prevails.  For- 
tunately, however,  the  Moros  along  the  coast  have  learned  to  dis- 
tinguish between  the  Spaniard  and  the  Englishman  or  American,  anr^ 
through  them  the  generosity  of  the  Englese,  as  they  call  the  Angle 
Saxons,  has  spread  to  their  brethren  in  the  interior.  Therefore, 
American  and  English  explorers  have  been  enabled  to  go  into 
sections  where  the  Spanish  friars  and  monks,  who  have  been  prac- 
tically the  only  Spanish  explorers,  would  meet  with  certain  death. 
The  Mohammedan  fanaticism  of  the  Moros,  and  that  of  the 
Catholic  friars  and  Jesuits,  absolutely  refuse  compromise. 

The  Negritos  (little  Negroes)  and  the  Mangyans  are  the  prin- 
cipal representatives  of  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  before  the 
Malayan  tribes  came.  There  are  supposed  to  be,  collectively,  about 
1,000,000  of  them,  and  they  are  almost  as  destitute  of  clothing  and 
as  uncivilized  as  the  savages  whom  Columbus  found  in  America, 
and  far  more  degenerate  and  loathsome  in  habits. 

The  Island  of  Luzon,  on  which  the  city  of  Manila  stands,  is 
about  as  large  as  the  State  of  New  York,  its  area  being  variously 


3IO  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS 

estimated  at  from  43,000  to  47,000  square  miles.  It  is  the  largest 
of  the  Philippine  group,  comprising  perhaps  one-third  of  the  area 
of  the  entire  archipelago.  Its  inhabitants  are  the  most  civilized, 
and  its  territory  the  most  thoroughly  explored.  The  city  of  Manila 
is  the  metropolis  of  the  Philippines.  The  population  of  the  city 
and  its  environs  is  considered  to  be  some  300,000  souls,  of  whom 
200,000  are  natives,  40,000  full-blooded  Chinese,  50,000  Chinese 
half-castes,  5,000  Spanish,  mostly  soldiers,  4,000  Spanish  half-castes, 
and  300  white  foreigners  other  than  Spaniards.  Mr.  Joseph  Earle 
Stevens,  already  referred  to,  who  represented  the  only  American 
firm  in  the  city  of  Manila,  under  Spanish  rule  (which  finally  had  to 
turn  its  business  over  to  the  English  and  leave  the  island  a  few 
years  since),  informs  us  that  he  and  three  others  were  the  only- 
representatives  of  the  United  States  in  Manila  as  late  as  1893. 

The  City  of  Manila 

The  city  is  built  on  a  beautiful  bay  from  twenty-five  to  thirty 
miles  across,  and  on  both  shores  of  the  Pasig  River.  On  the  right 
bank  of  the  river,  going  up  from  the  bay,  is  the  old  walled  town, 
and  around  the  walls  are  the  weedy  moats  or  ditches.  The  heavy 
o-uns  and  frowning  cannon  from  the  walls  suggest  a  troubled  past. 
This  old  city  is  built  in  triangular  form,  about  a  mile  on  each  side, 
and  is  regarded  as  very  unhealthful  for  the  walls  both  keep  out 
the  breeze  and  keep  in  the  foul  air  and  odors.  The  principal  build- 
ings in  the  old  part  of  the  city  are  the  cathedral,  many  parish 
churches,  a  few  schoolhouses  and  the  official  buildings.  The  popu- 
lation in  the  walled  city  is  given  at  20,000.  Up  to  a  few  years  ago, 
no  foreigner  was  permitted  to  sleep  within  its  walls  on  account  of 
the  Spaniard's  fear  of  a  conspiracy.  A  bridge  across  the  Pasig 
connects  old  Manila  with  the  new  or  unwalled  city,  where  nearly  all 
of  the  business  is  done  and  the  native  and  foreign  residents  live.    , 

It  does  not  take  long  to  exhaust  the  sights  of  Manila,  if  tht 
people,  who  are  always  interesting,  are  excepted.  Aside  from  the 
cathedral  and  a  few  of  the  churches,  the  buildings  of  the  city  are 
anything  but  imposing.      In  fact,  there  is  little   encouragement  to 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS  3 1 1 

construct  fine  edifices  because  of  the  danger  from  earthquakes  and 
typhoons.  It  is  said  that  not  a  year  passes  without  a  number  of  slight 
earthquake  shocks,  and  very  serious  ones  have  occurred.  In  1645 
nearly  all  of  the  public  buildings  were  wrecked  and  600  persons 
killed,  A  very  destructive  earthquake  was  that  of  1863,  when  400 
people  were  killed,  2,000  wounded,  and  46  public  buildings  and 
1,100  private  houses  were  badly  injured  or  completely  destroyed. 
In  1874  earthquakes  were  again  very  numerous  throughout  the 
islands,  shocks  being  felt  at  intervals  in  certain  sections  for  several 
weeks.  But  the  most  violent  convulsion  of  modern  times  occurred 
in  1880,  when  even  greater  destruction  than  1863  visited  Manila 
and  other  towns  of  Luzon,  Consequently  there  are  very  few 
buildings  to  be  found  more  than  two  stories  high  ;  and  the  heavy 
tile  roofs  formerly  in  use  have,  for  the  most  part,  been  replaced 
by  lighter  coverings  of  galvanized  iron. 

These  light  roofs,  however,  are  in  constant  danger  of  being 
stripped  off  by  the  typhoons,  terrible  storms  which  come  with  a 
twisting  motion  as  if  rising  from  the  earth  or  the  sea,  fairly  pulling 
everything  detj.chable  after  them.  Masts  of  ships  and  roofs  of 
houses  are  frequently  carried  by  these  hurricanes, 

Manila  as  a    Business  Center 

The  streets  of  Manila  are  wretchedly  paved  or  not  paved  at 
all,  and  as  late  as  1893  were  lighted  by  kerosene  lamps  or  by  wicks 
suspended  in  dishes  of  cocoanut  oil.  Lately  an  electric  plant  has 
been  introduced,  and  parts  of  the  city  are  lighted  in  this  manner. 
There  are  two  lines  of  street  cars  in  Manila.  The  motive  power 
for  a  car  is  a  single  pony,  and  foreigners  marvel  to  see  one  of  those 
little  animals  drawing  thirty-odd  people. 

The  retail  trade  and  petty  banking  of  Manila  is  almost  entirely 
in  the  hands  of  the  half-castes  and  Chinese,  and  many  of  them  have 
grown  immensely  wealthy.  There  are  only  about  300  Europeans 
in  business  in  the  whole  Philippine  group,  and  they  conduct  the 
bulk  of  the  importing  and  exporting  trade,  Manila  contains  a  num- 
ber of  large   cigar  and   cigarette   factories,  one   of  which  employs 


312  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS 

10,000  hands.  There  is  also  a  sugar  refinery,  a  steam  rice  mill,  and 
a  rope  factory  worked  partly  by  men  and  partly  by  oxen,  a  Spanish 
brewery  and  a  German  cement  factory,  a  Swiss  umbrella  factory 
and  a  Swiss  hat  factory.  The  single  cotton  mill,  in  which  $200,000 
of  English  capital  is  vested,  runs  6,000  spindles. 

The  statistics  of  1897  show  that  the  whole  trade  of  Manila 
comprised  only  forty-five  Spanish,  nineteen  German,  and  seventeen 
English  firms,  with  six  Swiss  brokers  and  two  French  storekeepers 
havine  larofe  establishments.  One  of  the  most  profitable  busi- 
nesses  is  said  to  be  that  of  selling  cheap  jewelry  to  the  natives. 
Breastpins  which  dealers  buy  in  Europe  for  twelve  cents  each  are 
readily  sold  for  from  $1.50  to  $2.00  each  to  the  simple  Filipinos. 
Almost  everything  that  is  manufactured  abroad  has  a  fine  prospec- 
tive market  in  the  Philippines,  when  the  condition  of  the  people 
permits  them  to  buy. 

Beautiful  Specimens  of  Handiwork 

A  certain  charm  attaches  to  many  specimens  of  native  handi- 
work. The  women  weave  exquisitely  beautiful  fabrics  from  the 
fiber  of  plants.  The  floors  of  Manila  houses  are  admired  by  all 
foreigners.  They  are  made  of  hard  wood  and  polished  with  banana 
leaves  and  greasy  cloths  until  they  shine  brightly  and  give  an  aspect 
of  cool  airiness  to  the  room. 

Any  kind  of  amusement  is  popular  with  the  Filipinos — with  so 
much  leisure  on  their  hands — provided  it  does  not  require  too  great 
exertion  on  their  part.  They  are  fond  of  the  theatre,  and,  up  to  a 
few  years  ago,  bullfighting  was  a  favorite  pastime ;  but  the  most 
prominent  of  modern  amusements  for  the  natives  and  half-castes  is 
cock-fighting.  It  is  said  that  every  native  has  his  fighting  cock, 
which  is  reared  and  trained  with  the  greatest  care  until  he  shows 
sufficient  skill  to  entitle  him  to  an  entrance  into  the  public  cockpit 
where  he  will  fight  for  a  prize.  The  chickens  occupy  the  family 
residence,  roosting  overhead  ;  and,  in  case  of  fire,  it  is  said  that  the 
game  "rooster"  is  saved  before  the  babies.  Professor  Worcester 
tells  an  amusing  story  of  the  annoyance  of  the  crowing  cocks  above 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS  3 1 3 

his  head  in  the  morning,  and  the  devices  and  tricks  he  and  his  com- 
panions employed  to  quiet  them.  The  Manila  lottery  is  another 
institution  which  intensely  excites  the  sluggish  native,  and  takes 
from  him  the  money  which  he  does  not  lose  on  the  cockfights. 
Under  the  United  States  Government  this  lottery  will,  no  doubt, 
be  abolished  in  time.  It  formerly  belonged  to  the  Spanish  Govern- 
ment, and  Spain  derived  an  annual  profit  of  half  a  million  dollars 
from  it. 

General  Commerce  of   the  Philippines 

It  is  hardly  necessary,  so  far  as  the  commercial  world  is  con- 
cerned, to  mention  any  other  locality  outside  of  the  city  of  Manila. 
To  commerce,  this  city  (whose  total  imports  in  1897  were  only 
$10,000,000  and  its  exports  $20,000,000)  is  the  Philippine  Islands. 
Its  present  meagre  foreign  trade  represents  only  an  average 
purchase  of  about  $1  per  inhabitant,  and  an  average  sale  of  $2  per 
inhabitant  for  the  largest  archipelago  in  the  world,  and  one  of  the 
richest  in  soil  and  natural  resources.  The  bulk  of  these  exports 
were  hemp,  sugar,  and  tobacco  ;  and,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  the 
United  States  received  41  per  cent,  of  her  hemp  and  55  per  cent, 
of  her  sugar  for  the  year  1897,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  we 
had  not  one  commercial  firm  doing  business  in  that  whole  vast 
domain. 

The  city  of  Iloilo  is  on  the  southern  coast  of  the  fertile  island 
of  Panay,  and,  next  to  Manila,  the  chief  port  of  the  Philippines. 
It  has  an  excellent  harbor,  and  the  surrounding  country  is  v&ry 
productive,  having  extensive  plantations  of  sugar,  rice,  and  tobacco. 
The  population  of  Iloilo  is  only  12,000,  but  there  are  a  few  larger 
towns  in  the  district,  of  which  it  is  the  seaport.  Though  the  city 
at  springtides  is  covered  with  water,  it  is  said  to  be  a  very  healtliful 
place,  and  much  cooler  than  Manila. 

The  other  open  port,  Cebu,  on  the  eastern  coast  of  the  island 
of  the  same  name,    is   a  well-built  town,    and   has  a  population  of 
about  13,000.      From  this  point  the  bulk  of  the  hemp  for  export 
comes. 
18 


314  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS 

It  is  impossible  to  speak  of  the  other  islands  in  detail.  Seven 
of  the  group  average  larger  than  the  State  of  New  Jersey  ;  Luzon 
is  as  extensive  as  Ohio,  Mindanao  equals  Indiana  ;  and,  as  vi^e  have 
stated  before,  about  400  of  them  are  inhabitable,  and,  like  Java, 
Borneo,  and  the  Spice  Islands,  all  are  rich  in  natural  resources. 
They  are  of  a  volcanic  origin,  and  may  be  described  in  general  as 
ruesred  and  mountainous.  The  coasts  of  most  of  the  islands  are 
deeply  indented  by  the  sea,  and  the  larger  ones  are  well  watered  by 
streams,  the  mouths  of  which  afford  good  harbors.  Many  of  the 
mountainous  parts  abound  in  minerals.  Mr.  Karuph,  President  of 
the  Philippine  Mineral  Syndicate,  in  May,  1898,  addressed  a  letter 
to  Hon.  John  Hay,  at  that  time  our  ambassador  to  England,  in 
which  he  declares  that  the  Philippines  will  soon  come  prominently 
forward  as  a  new  center  of  the  world's  gold  production.  "  There 
is  not  a  brook,"  says  Mr.  Karuph,  "that  finds  its  way  into  the  Pacific 
Ocean  whose  sands  and  gravel  does  not  pan  the  color  of  gold. 
Many  valuable  deposits  are  close  to  deep  water.  I  know  of  no 
other  part  of  the  world,  the  Alaskan  Treadwell  mines  alone 
excepted,  where  pay  ore  is  found  within  a  few  hundred  yards  of  the 
anchorage  of  sea-going  vessels."  In  addition  to  gold,  iron,  copper, 
lead,  sulphur,  and  other  minerals  are  found,  and  are  believed  to 
exist  in  paying  quantities.  The  numerous  mineral  springs  attest 
their  presence  in  almost  every  part  of  the  principal  islands. 

Forests   and    Timber 

The  forest  products  of  the  islands  are  perhaps  of  greater 
value  than  their  mineral  resources.  Timber  not  only  exists  in 
almost  exhaustless  quantity,  but — considering  the  whole  group, 
which  extends  nearly  1,000  miles  from  north  to  south — in  unpre- 
cedented diversity,  embracing  sixty  varieties  of  the  most  valuable 
woods,  several  of  which  are  so  hard  that  they  cannot  be  cut  with 
ordinary  saws,  some  so  heavy  that  they  sink  in  water,  and  two  or 
three  so  durable  as  to  afford  ground  for  the  claim  that  they  outlast 
iron  and  steel  when  placed  in  the  ground  or  under  water.  Several 
of  these  woods  are  unknown  elsewhere,  and,   altogether,  they  are 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS  315 

admirably  suited  for  various  decorative  purposes  and  for  the 
manufacture  of  fine  implements  and  furniture. 

Here  also  are  pepper,  cinnamon,  wax,  and  gums  of  various 
sorts,  cloves,  tea,  and  vanilla,  while  all  tropical  fruits,  such  as 
cocoanuts,  bananas,  lemons,  limes,  oranges  of  several  varieties, 
pineapples,  citrons,  bread-fruits,  custard  apples,  pawpaws,  and 
mangroves  flourish  and  most  of  them  grow  wild,  though,  of  course, 
they  are  not  equal  to  the  cultivated  fruit.  There  are  fifty-odd 
varieties  of  the  banana  in  the  archipelago,  from  the  midget,  which 
makes  but  a  single  mouthful,  to  the  huge  fruit  eighteen  inches 
long.  There  seems  to  be  no  limit  to  which  tropical  fruits  and 
farm  products  can  be  cultivated. 

The  animal  and  bird  life  of  the  Philippines  offer  a  field  of 
interesting  research  to  naturalists.  There  are  no  important  car- 
nivorous animals.  A  small  wild-cat  and  two  species  of  civet-cats 
constitute  about  all  that  belong  to  that  class.  The  house-cats  of 
the  Philippines  have  curious  fish-hook  crooks  in  the  ends  of  their 
tails.  There  are  several  species  of  deer  in  the  archipelago.  Hogs 
run  wild  in  large  numbers.  The  large  water  buffalo  (carabao)  has 
been  domesticated  and  is  the  chief  beast  of  burden  with  the 
natives.  The  timarau  is  another  small  species  of  buffalo,  very 
wild  and  entirely  untamable ;  and,  though  numerous  in  certain 
places,  is  hard  to  find,  and  when  brought  to  bay  dies  fighting. 

Birds  abound  in  all  of  the  islands  ;  nearly  six  hundred  species 
have  been  found,  over  fifty  of  which  exist  nowhere  else  in  the 
world.  One  of  these  species  builds  a  nest  which  is  highly  prized 
by  Chinese  epicures  as  an  article  of  diet.  Prof.  Worcester  tells  us 
"  the  best  quality  of  them  sometimes  brings  more  than  their  weight 
in  gold."  Crocodiles  are  numerous  in  fresh-water  lakes  and 
streams,  attaining  enormous  size,  and  in  certain  places  causing 
much  loss  of  life  amonof  stock  and  men  as  well.  Snakes  also 
abound,  and  some  of  them  are  very  venomous.  Cobras  are  found 
in  the  southern  islands.  Pythons  are  numerous,  some  of  the 
smaller  sizes  being  sold  in  the  towns  and  kept  in  houses  to  catch 
rats,  at  which  they  are  said  to  be  more  expert  than  house-cats. 


3 1 6  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS 

All  the  domestic  animals,  aside  from  the  carabao,  have  been 
introduced  from  abroad.  Cattle  are  extensively  raised,  and  in 
some  of  the  islands  run  wild.  The  horses  are  a  small  Spanish 
breed,  but  are  very  strong  and  have  great  endurance.  Large 
European  horses  do  not  stand  the  climate  well. 

Climate,  Volcanoes,  Etc. 

The  mean  annual  temperature  of  Manila  is  80°  F.  The  ther- 
mometer seldom  rises  above  100°  or  falls  below  60°  anywhere  in 
the  archipelago.  There  is  no  month  in  the  year  during  which  it 
does  not  rise  as  high  as  91°.  January  and  December  are  the 
coldest  months,  the  average  temperature  being  70°  to  75°.  May  is 
the  warmest,  the  average  being  84°.  April  is  the  next  warmest, 
with  an  average  of  83°  ;  but  the  weather  is  generally  very  moist 
and  humid,  which  makes  the  heat  more  trying.  The  three  winter 
months  have  cool  nights.  Malaria  is  prevalent,  but  contagious 
diseases  are  comparatively  few.  Yellow  fever  and  cholera  are 
seldom  heard  of. 

The  Philippines  are  the  home  of  many  volcanoes,  a  number  of 
them  still  active.  Mayon,  in  the  island  of  Luzon,  is  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  volcanic  mountains  on  the  globe.  It  is  a  perfect 
cone,  rising  to  the  height  of  8,900  feet,  and  is  in  constant  activity; 
its  latest  destructive  eruption  took  place  in  1888.  Apo,  in  the 
island  of  Mindanao,  10,312  feet  high,  is  the  largest  of  the  Philip- 
pine volcanoes.  Next  is  Canloon  in  Negros,  which  rises  8,192  feet 
above  the  sea.  Taal  is  in  a  lake,  with  a  height  of  900  feet,  and  is 
noteworthy  as  being  the  lowest  volcano  in  the  world.  To  those 
not  accustomed  to  volcanoes,  these  great  fire-spouting  mountains, 
which  are  but  prominent  representatives  of  many  lesser  ones  in 
the  Islands,  seem  to  be  an  ever-present  danger  to  the  inhabitants ; 
but  the  natives  and  those  who  live  there  manifest  little  or  no  fear 
of  them.  In  fact,  they  rather  pride  themselves  in  their  possession 
of  such  terrifying  neighbors. 

Such  is  an  outline  view  of  the  Philippine  Archipelago  of  the 
present  day.     A  new  era  has   opened  up   in   the   history  of    that 


THE   MARKET  PLACE,  PONCE,    PORTO     RICO 


c 


THE  CUSTOM   HOUSE,  PONCE,  PORTO   RICO,  AFTER  THE   RAISING  OF  THE 
AMERICAN   FLAG   BY  GENERAL  MILES 


OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS  319 

wonderful  land  with  its  liberation  from  the  Spanish  yoke.  The 
dense  ignorance  and  semi-savage  barbarities  which  exist  there 
must  not  be  expected  to  yield  too  rapidly  to  the  touch  of  human 
kindness  and  brotherly  love  with  which  the  Christian  world  will 
now  visit  those  semi-civilized  and  untamed  children  of  nature. 
Nevertheless,  western  civilization  and  western  progress  will 
undoubtedly  work  mighty  changes  in  the  lives  of  those  people, 
in  the  development  of  that  country,  during  the  first  quarter  of  the 
twentieth  centur     which  ushers  in  the  dawn  of  its  freedom. 

The   Ladrone,   or  Mariana   Islands 

It  was  a  welcome  sight  to  Magellan  and  his  crew  when,  one 
day  in  March,  nearly  400  years  ago,  they  beheld  the  verdant  and 
beautifully  sloping  hills  of  the  Ladrone  Islands.  Eighteen  weary 
months  before  they  had  sailed  from  the  coast  of  Spain,  and  all 
that  time,  first  to  the  southwest  and  then  to  the  northwest,  they 
had  followed  the  setting  sun.  Theirs  were  the  first  vessels 
manned  by  white  men  that  had  ever  plowed  the  trackless  Pacific ; 
and  this  was  the  first  land  ever  seen  by  white  men  within  that 
unknown  ocean. 

Those  little  islands  have  never  been  of  much  value,  and 
never  can  be.  Seventeen  of  them  stretching  in  a  row  about  six 
hundred  miles  from  north  to  south,  and  their  total  area,  including 
their  islets  and  reefs,  is  variously  estimated  at  from  400  to  560 
square  miles.  Hence,  there  is  but  about  one-fourth  more  territory 
on  the  whole  seventeen  islands  combined  than  is  included  within 
the  corporate  limits  of  the  city  of  Greater  New  York. 

A  broad  channel  divides  the  Ladrones  into  two  groups.  The 
northern  group  consists  of  ten  islets,  without  inhabitants ;  the 
southern  group  has  seven  islands,  four  of  which  are  inhabited. 
The  largest  island,  Gtcahmi,  known  to  us  as  Guam,  ceded  to  us  by 
Spain,  was  taken  by  our  warship  Charleston  on  July  4,  1898. 
This  island  contains  the  only  town  in  the  colony.  Its  full  Spanish 
name  is  San  Ignacio  de  Agana.  It  is  the  capital  of  the  archipel- 
ago, and  contains  more  than  half  of  the  whole  population. 


320 ■  OUR  NEW  POSSESSIONS 

The  population  of  the  islands  in  1899  was  estimated  at  about 
9,000.  The  people  are  generally  lacking  in  energy,  loose  in 
morals,  and  miserably  poor.  Their  education  has  been  seriously 
neglected.  Their  religion  is  Catholic,  no  Protestant  missions 
having  been  encouraged — we  might  say,  not  allowed — there  or  in 
the  Philippines  or  the  Carolines. 

Topography,  Climate,  Etc. 

The  islands  of  the  northern  group  are  mountainous,  the 
altitudes  reaching  from  2,600  to  2,700  feet.  There  are  evidences 
of  volcanoes  all  over  the  archipelago,  and  some  mountains  contain 
small  craters  and  cones  not  yet  extinct.  The  climate  of  the 
Ladrones,  though  humid,  is  salubrious,  and  the  heat,  being 
tempered  by  the  trade  winds,  is  milder  than  in  the  Philippines. 
The  yearly  average  temperature  of  Guam  is  81°.  Streams  are 
everywhere  copious — though  the  clearing  of  the  land  has  dimin- 
ished their  size  of  late  years.  The  original  flora  consists  generally 
of  Asiatic  plants,  but  much  has  been  introduced  from  the  Philip- 
pines and  other  sources. 

Cocoanuts,  palms,  the  bread  tree,  and  tropical  trees  and 
plants,  generally,  thrive.  The  large  fruit  bat  which  abounds  in  the 
Philippines  is  indigenous  to  the  Ladrones,  and,  despite  its  objec- 
tionable odor,  is  a  principal  article  of  food.  There  are  only 
a  few  species  of  birds  ;  even  insects  are  rare  ;  and  the  reptiles  are 
represented  by  several  kinds  of  lizards  and  a  single  species  of 
serpent.  No  domestic  animals  were  known  in  the  islands  until 
introduced  by  the  Spaniards. 

When  the  United  States  steamship  Charleston  opened  fire  on 
the  little  city  of  Agafia,  July  4,  1898,  the  people  had  not  heard  of 
the  war,  and  the  governor  said  he  thought  "  the  noble  Americans 
were  saluting"  him,  and  was  "deeply  humiliated  because  he  had 
no  powder  to  return  their  salute."  It  was  an  easy,  bloodless 
victory.  The  governor  and  his  soldiers  were  carried  to  Manila  as 
prisoners,  and  an  American  garrison  of  a  few  men  left  to  take 
charge  of  this  new  American  territory  in  the  Pacific. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

The  Republican  Party  Convention 

Held  at  Philadelphia,  June  19,  1900 

A   Representative    Ratification    Meeting — Men    of  Thought  and 

Action  Assemble  in  the  City  of  "  Brotherly  Love  " — President 

McKinley  Re-nominated    with  Great   Enthusiam  — How 

the  Vice-President  was  Selected — The  Policy  of  the 

Administration  Endorsed — The    Policy    for  the 

Future  Clearly  Stated 

FOR  the  third  time  in  its  history  the  National  Republican  Con- 
vention has  assembled  in  Philadelphia.  Like  all  predeces- 
sors, it  became  an  historic  event  of  unusual  importance. 
Philadelphia,  the  convention  city  for  the  Republican  party  responded 
to  the  enthusiasm  of  the  hour,  bedecked  herself  with  bunting  and 
national  emblems,  opened  her  doors  in  generous  hospitality  to  the 
thousands  who  poured  in  from  every  state  and  territory  in  the 
Union.  Long  before  the  Convention  met,  it  was  evident  that 
President  McKinley  would  receive  an  unanimous  re-nomination  for 
the  first  place,  and  that  the  policy  of  his  administration  would  be 
heartily  endorsed,  His  portrait  and  name  headed  every  combina- 
tion for  the  Republican  ticket.  But  who  would  get  the  nomination 
for  the  second  place  was  the  question  of  keen  interest  to  politi- 
cians and  friends  of  rival  candidates.  Among  the  illustrious  names 
mentioned,  Governor  Roosevelt,  of  New  York  State,  headed  the 
list,  closely  followed  by  Secretary  John  D.  Long  of  Massachu- 
setts, William  B.  Allison  and  William  Dolliver,  favorite  sons  of 
Iowa  ;  Timothy  L.  Woodruff,  New  York's  Lieutenant-Governor, 
and  Cornelius  N.  Bliss.  The  President  and  the  leaders  of  the 
party  discreetly  kept  their  own  counsels,  which  allowed  the  rival 
candidates  and  their  friends   to  push   their  own  interests.      It  was 

321 


322  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION 

June  17,  1856,  forty-four  years  ago,  that  the  Republican  National 
Convention  met  in  Philadelphia,  and  nominated  John  C.  Fremont, 
of  California,  for  President,  little  known  in  politics,  but  who  had 
achieved  popularity  for  his  exploits  and  adventures  in  the  West. 

Republican  National  assemblies  have  always  boasted  a  distin- 
guished membership.  But  in  this  respect  the  roll  of  the  convention 
which  met  in  Philadelphia  in  1900,  probably  surpassed  any  of  Its 
eleven  predecessors.  The  roll  of  the  convention  which  assembled 
forty-four  years  ago,  contained  the  names  of  men  which  have  since 
passed  into  history.  But  most  of  them  were  almost  unknown  in 
1856.  It  will  probably  be  so  with  the  membership  of  the  Republi- 
can National  Convention  of  1900.  When  the  history  of  the  next 
forty-four  years  will  have  been  written,  many  of  its  prominent 
actors  will  doubtless  be  found  to  have  sat  in  this  convention 
which  re-nominated  William  McKinley. 

The  Party   Harmonious 

It  met  without  contest  or  difference,  collision  or  controversy 
over  the  platform,  and  the  leaders  claimed  that  it  had  done  its 
work,  accomplished  its  declared  purpose  and  presented  a  com- 
pleted stewardship  to  the  voters  of  the  country  when  it  outlined 
its  past  achievements  and  proposed  its  future  policy. 

When  it  met  four  years  ago  in  St.  Louis  the  gold  standard 
needed  to  be  asserted,  and  was  disputed  even  within  the  party,  the 
national  credit  was  lower  than  for  twenty  years  before,  the  tariff 
demanded  revision  to  save  the  industries  of  the  country,  its  foreign 
trade  had  sunk  and  its  protests  against  misgovernment  in  Cuba 
had  been  contemned  by  Spain.  The  party  at  the  Convention  of 
1900  claimed  that  these  issues  had  all  been  met ;  that  they  had  all 
been  solved  ;  that  the  arduous  labor  they  demanded  had  been  done. 
No  differences  were  left  in  the  party,  and  the  country  stood 
ready  to  approve  the  success  of  the  past  by  giving  the  party 
another  term  of  office. 

Since  that  first  Republican  Convention  many  and  important 
have  been  the  achievements   of  the  Republican  party,  and  many 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION  323 

have  been  the  important  problems  given  it  for  solution.  It  goes 
before  the  country  with  other  problems  to  meet,  caused  by  the 
expansion  of  our  boundaries  and  growth  in  the  trade  of  the 
country. 

This,  the  twelfth  convention,  showed  no  less  enthusiasm 
and  buoyant  party  spirit  than  was  shown  at  the  meeting  of  previ- 
ous conventions.  There  were  in  attendance  the  distino-uished  lead- 
ers  of  the  party,  and  men  of  thought  and  action  in  state  and 
national  Councils.  The  speeches  delivered  reached  the  "  high- 
water  mark "  of  eloquence  and  earnestness,  all  of  which  presaged 
one  of  the  most  important  and  interesting  campaigns  in  the  nation's 
history. 

The  hall  selected  for  the  meeting  of  the  convention,  probably 
the  largest  and  finest  in  the  United  States  for  this  purpose,  seated 
fully  25,000  people,  and  was  arranged  with  all  the  conveniences  and 
equipments  for  handling  and  moving  large  assemblies. 

First  Day  of  the  Convention, 

Men  who  have  attended  previous  conventions,  recall  that  Har- 
rison was  nominated  in  the  Minneapolis  Exposition  building,  which 
defied  all  the  forensic  forces  of  the  speakers,  and  McKinley  was 
nominated  at  St.  Louis  in  a  wigwam  which  was  a  terror  to  every 
man  who  tried  to  impress  his  colleagues  with  his  eloquence. 

All  these  convention  halls  fail  immeasurably  in  comparison 
with  the  splendid  auditorium  in  which  the  twelfth  convention  of 
the  Republican  party  was  assembled.  The  expressions  of  delight 
at  its  majestic  proportions  were  followed  by  one  of  surprise  and 
profound  satisfaction  that  the  voice  from  the  platform  carried  to 
the  remotest  door  and  brought  the  personality,  the  logic,  and  the 
oratory  to  every  one  of  the  thousands  of  eager  listeners  who  filled 
the  structure.  It  was  a  testimony,  moreover,  of  the  metropolitan 
way  in  which  Philadelphia  does  things,  and  the  word  was  certain 
to  be  carried  to  the  remotest  corners  of  the  land,  that  no  quadren- 
nial assemblage  of  either  of  the  great  parties  has  been  so  comforta- 
bly and  delightfully  lodged  as  this  one. 


324  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION 

Chairman  Hanna  called  the  convention  to  order  at  12.35  P- m., 
and  introduced  the  Rev.  Gray  J.  Bolton,  who  delivered  the  invoca- 
tion. Senator  Dick,  of  the  National  Committee,  read  the  call  for 
the  convention,  and  the  entire  audience  rose  to  its  feet,  when  the 
band  began  to  play  "The  Star  Spangled  Banner."  Senator  Hanna, 
in  his  opening,  eulogized  Philadelphia  as  the  "  Cradle  of  Liberty," 
and  said  that  this  "  beehive  of  Industry  "  is  all  the  evidence  neces- 
sary to  demonstrate  the  great  principles  of  the  Republican  party. 
He  thanked  the  people  of  Philadelphia  for  their  hospitality.  When 
he  referred  to  President  McKinley  the  convention  went  into  an 
uproar. 

Senator  Wolcott  the  Temporary  Chairman 

He  closed  by  introducing  Senator  E.  O.  Wolcott,  of  Colorado, 
as  temporary  chairman  of  the  convention.  Senator  Wolcott,  in  a  few 
graceful  words  accepted  the  appointment,  and  spoke  in  a  most  elo- 
quent manner,  in  which  he  eulogized  President  McKinley,  as  a 
patriotic,  wise  and  courageous  leader,  and  an  example  of  the  high- 
est type  of  American  manhood.  After  eulogizing  the  President  as 
one  of  the  greatest  leaders  the  party  has  ever  had,  he  paid  a 
glowing  tribute  to  the  memory  of  the  late  Vice-President  Hobart, 
and  spoke  of  him  as  always  a  trusted  friend  and  adviser  of  the 
President,   "  Sage  in  counsel,  and  wise  in  judgment." 

He  began  by  saying  : 

Since  the  first  party  convention  in  these  United  States,  there  was  never 
one  gathered  together  under  such  hopeful  and  auspicious  circumstances  as 
those  which  surround  us  to-day.  United,  proud  of  the  achievements  of  the 
past  four  years,  our  country  prosperous  and  happy,  with  nothing  to  regret  and 
naught  to  make  us  ashamed,  with  a  record  spotless  and  clean,  the  Republican 
Party  stands  facing  the  dawn,  confident  that  the  ticket  it  shall  present  will 
command  public  approval,  and  that  in  the  declaration  of  its  principles  and  its 
purposes,  it  will  voice  the  aspirations  and  hopes  of  the  vast  majority  of  Ameri- 
can freemen. 

We  need  "  no  omen  but  our  country's  cause  ;"  yet  there  is  significance  in 
the  fact  that  the  convention  is  assembled  in  this  historic  and  beautiful  city, 
where  we  first  assumed  territorial  responsibilities,  when  our  fathers,  a  century 
and  a  quarter  ago,  promulgated  the  immortal  Declaration  of  Independence. 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION  325 

The  spirit  of  justice  and  liberty  that  animated  them  found  voice  three- 
quarters  of  a  century  later  in  this  same  City  of  Brotherly  Love,  when  Fremont 
led  the  forlorn  hope  of  united  patriots  who  laid  here  the  foundations  of  our 
party  and  put  human  freedom  as  its  corner-stone.  It  compelled  our  ears  to 
listen  to  the  cry  of  suffering  across  the  shallow  waters  of  the  Gulf  two  years  ago. 

Sympathy  for  the;  Boers 

While  we  observe  the  law  of  nations  and  maintain  that  neutrality  which 
we  owe  to  a  great  and  friendly  government,  the  same  spirit  lives  to-day  in  the 
genuine  feeling  of  sympathy  we  cherish  for  the  brave  men  now  fighting  for 
their  homes  in  the  veldts  of  South  Africa.  It  prompts  us  in  our  determination 
to  give  to  the  dusky  races  of  the  Philippines  the  blessings  of  good  government 
and  Republican  institutions,  and  finds  voice  in  our  indignant  protest  against 
the  violent  suppsession  of  the  rights  of  the  colored  man  in  the  South.  That 
spirit  will  survive  in  the  breasts  of  patriotic  men  as  long  as  the  nation  endures; 
and  the  events  of  the  past  have  taught  us  that  it  can  find  its  fair  and  free  and 
full  expression  only  in  the  principles  and  policy  of  the  Republican  Party. 

When  Mr.  McKinley  became  President  he  took  the  reins  of  government 
after  four  years  of  Democratic  administration.  For  the  first  time  in  more 
than  a  generation  Democracy  had  full  sway,  with  both  Houses  of  Congress  in 
party  accord  with  the  Executive.  No  summary  of  the  unmerciful  disasters  of 
those  four  years  can  convey  an  idea  of  a  tithe  of  the  ruin  they  wrought. 

ResuIvT  of  Democratic  Poi^icy 

In  the  four  years  preceding  Mr.  Cleveland's  Administration  we  had  paid 
$260,000,000  of  the  national  debt ;  he  added  $230,000,000  to  its  burdens.  He 
found  a  tariff  act,  bearing  the  name  of  his  successor  and  our  President,  fitted 
to  meet  the  requirements  of  our  necessary  expenditures,  to  furnish  the  needed 
protection  to  our  farmers  and  manufacturers,  and  to  insure  the  steady  and 
remunerative  employment  of  those  who  labor.  Instead  of  permitting  manu- 
facture and  commerce  that  repose  and  stability  of  law  which  are  essential  for 
working  out  economic  conditions,  he  at  once  recommended  violent  and  radical 
changes  in  revenue  and  tariff  provisions,  recommendations  which  his  party  in 
Congress  proceeded  partially  and  disastrously  to  execute.  The  appalling  result 
of  his  policy  is  still  fresh  in  the  memory  of  millions  who  suffered  from  it. 

Four  years  of  commercial  misfortune  enabled  our  industries  to  meet,  in  a 
measure,  these  changed  and  depressed  conditions,  but  when  President  McKin- 
ley was  inaugurated  the  country  was  in  a  state  more  deplorable  than  had 
existed  for  a  generation. 


326  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION 

Facing  these  difficulties,  the  President,  immediately  upon  his  inaugura- 
tion, convened  Congress  in  extra  session,  and  in  a  message  of  force  and  lucidity- 
summarized  the  legislation  essential  to  our  national  prosperity.  The  industrial 
history  of  the  United  States  for  the  past  four  years  is  the  tribute  to  the  wisdom 
of  his  judgment. 

Ths  Tariff 

The  tariff  measure  under  which  we  are  now  conducting  business  was  pre- 
ceded by  an  unusual  volume  of  importations  based  upon  common  knowledge 
that  certain  duties  were  to  be  raised  ;  the  bill  met  the  popular  demand  that 
duties  on  many  of  the  necessaries  of  life  should  be  lowered  and  not  raised ; 
advances  in  invention  and  new  trade  conditions  made  it  unnecessary  and 
unwise  to  revert  to  the  higher  tariff  provisions  of  the  law  of  1890;  the 
increases  in  the  revenue  provisions  were  slight.  Yet,  notwithstanding  all 
these  facts,  tending  to  reduce  income,  the  revenues  from  the  Dingley  Bill 
marched  steadily  upwards,  until  soon  our  normal  income  exceeded  our  normal 
expenditure,  and  we  passed  from  a  condition  of  threatened  insolvency  to  one 
of  national  solvency. 

This  tells  but  a  small  fraction  of  the  story.  Under  the  wise  provisions  of 
our  tariff  laws  and  the  encouragement  afforded  to  capital  by  a  renewal  of  pub- 
lic confidence,  trade  commenced  to  revive,  the  looms  were  no  longer  silent  and 
the  mills  deserted  ;  railway  earnings  increased,  merchants  and  banks  resumed 
business,  labor  found  employment  affair  wages,  our  exports  increased,  and  the 
sunshine  of  hope  again  illumined  the  land.  The  figures  that  illustrate  the 
growing  prosperity  of  the  four  years  of  Republican  administration  well  nigh 
stagger  belief.  There  isn't  an  idle  mill  in  the  country  to-day.  The  mortgages 
on  Western  farms  have  been  paid  by  the  tens  of  thousands,  and  our  farmers 
are  contented  and  prosperous.  Our  exports  have  reached  enormous  figures ; 
for  the  last  twelve  months  our  exports  of  merchandise  will  exceed  our  imports 
by  $550,000,000.  Our  manufactured  articles  are  finding  a  market  all  over  the 
world  and  in  constantly  increasing  volume.  We  are  rapidly  taking  our  place 
as  one  of  the  great  creditor  nations  of  the  world.  Above  and  beyond  all,  there 
is  no  man  who  labors  with  his  hands,  in  all  our  broad  domain,  who  cannot  find 
work,  and  the  scale  of  wages  was  never  in  our  history  as  high  as  now. 

The  Pacific  Railroad  Settlement. 

During  the  last  administration  an  offer  of  settlement  was  made  to  the 
Pacific  railroads,  which  would  have  brought  us  $42,000,000  out  of  the  $70,000,- 
000  due  us  in  principal  and  interest.  President  McKinley,  refusing  to  consider 
as  binding  the  former  offer,  and  acting  within  the  authority  of  Congress,  col- 
lected every  dollar  of  both  principal  and  interest  due  from  the  Union  Pacific 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION  329 

Company  and  the  principal  of  the  debt  due  from  the  Kansas  Pacific.  "We 
saved  more  than  $20,000,000  over  the  offer  of  settlement  made  by  Mr.  Cleve- 
land, and  have  collected  all  of  the  principal  and  most  of  the  interest  due  us. 
Thus  was  this  transaction  closed,  and  has  since  been  followed  by  a  settlement 
of  the  debt  of  the  Central  Pacific  Railroad,  calling  for  every  dollar  of  principal 
and  interest  of  the  debt,  amounting  to  $58,000,000.  .  More  than  thirty-five  years 
ago  a  Republican  administration  lent  the  credit  of  the  country  to  the  building 
of  the  great  iron  band  that  was  to  link  together  the  East  and  West ;  lent  it  not 
in  time  of  peace,  but  when  our  country  was  in  the  throes  of  civil  war.  The, area 
to  be  penetrated  was  then  unsettled  and  unknown.  It  is  now  a  great  empire, 
rich,  prosperous,  and  happy,  and  the  money  of  the  people  which  made  the 
highway  possible  has  been  returned  to  them  in  overflowing  measure. 

The  Question  of  Trusts 

Whenever  a  Republican  administration  is  in  power  there  is  constant  talk 
of  trusts.  The  reason  isn't  far  to  seek.  Aggregations  and  combinations  of 
capital  find  their  only  encouragement  in  prosperous  days  and  widening  com- 
merce. Democratic  administration  in  this  country  has  universally  meant  indus- 
trial stagnation  and  commercial  depression,  when  capital  seeks  a  hiding-placfe 
instead  or  investment.  The  Republican  party  has  always  maintained  that  any 
combination,  having  for  its  purpose  the  cornering  of  a  market  or  the  raising 
or  controlling  of  the  price  of  the  necessaries  of  life  was  unlawful  and  should  be 
punished,  and  a  commission  appointed  by  the  President,  under  act  of  Congress, 
has  made  careful  investigation  and  will  soon  present  a  full  report  of  the  best 
method  of  dealing  with  this  intricate  question.  We  shall  meet  it  in  some  eflScient 
way,  and,  as  a  party,  shall  have  the  courage  to  protect  every  class  of  our  citizens. 
There  was  never  a  better  time  to  deal  with  it  than  now,  when  there  isn't  in  this 
broad  land  a  man  willing  to  work  who  doesn't  find  employment  at  fair  wages. 
And  when  the  clamor  of  the  agitator  who  seeks  confiscation ,  and  not  regula- 
tion, falls  on  dead  ears  and  finds  no  response  from  the  artisans  in  our  busy 
workshops. 

The  Currency  Question 

The  campaign  four  years  ago  was  fought  on  the  currency  question.  The 
Populistic  Democracy  insisted  that  the  United  States  alone  should  embark  on 
the  free  coinage  of  silver  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  i,  without  waiting  the  concur- 
rence of  any  other  nation.  The  Republican  party  insisted  that  the  question  of 
bimetallism  was  international,  artd  that  until  it  should  be  settled  under  agree- 
ment with  the  leading  commercial  nations  of  the  world,  gold  should  continue 
to  be  the  standard  of  value  in  these  United  States.     Upon  that  issue  we 


330  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION 

triumphed.     In  accordance  with  the  pledge  of  the  party  an  honest  efifort  was 
made  to  reach  some  international  solution  of  the  question. 

Gold  the;  Standard 

We  have  made  advances  enough  ;  this  country  can  better  afford  than  any 
other  to  enter  upon  the  contest  for  commercial  supremacy  with  gold  as  its 
standard,  and  for  us  the  time  has  come  to  give  fair  notice  to  the  world  that  we, 
too,  make  gold  our  standard  and  redeem  our  obligations  in  that  metal.  For 
twelve  years  the  platforms  of  the  party  have  declared  in  favor  of  the  use  of 
gold  and  silver  as  money.  The  logic  of  recent  events,  together  with  the 
attempt  of  the  Democracy  to  drag  down  the  question  from  its  international 
character,  to  associate  it  with  every  vagary  of  Populism  and  Socialism,  and  to 
drive  this  country  to  an  alliance  with  Mexico  and  China,  as  an  exclusively 
silver  using  country,  has  impelled  our  people  to  this  settlement  of  this 
problem,  and  the  recent  action  of  congress  has  eliminated  the  danger  which  its 
further  agitation  menaced. 

The  provisions  of  the  bill  secure  to  the  people  a  needed  increase  in  the 
volume  of  the  currency,  prevent  the  future  depletion  of  the  gold  in  the  Treas- 
ury, and  encourage  a  more  extended  use  of  our  bonds  by  the  national  banks  of 
the  country.  But,  above  all,  the  success  attending  its  passage  has  demon- 
strated that  our  own  people  and  the  nations  of  Europe  have  faith  in  the 
permanence  of  our  institutions  and  our  financial  integrity.  Our  bebt  is 
funded  at  two  per  cent,  per  annum,  and  millions  of  our  interest  charge  saved 
annually.  The  world  has  never  witnessed  so  triumphant  financial  success  as 
has  followed  the  passage  of  the  currency  law,  and  our  two  per  cent,  bonds, 
held  the  world  over,  already  command  a  substantial  premium.  Through  the 
policy  of  the  Republican  party  and  the  wisdom  of  a  Republican  administra- . 
tion,  we  have  not  only  made  stable  and  permanent  our  financial  credit,  at 
home  and  abroad,  are  utilizing  more  silver  as  money  than  ever  before  in  our 
history,  but  we  have  left  the  Populistic  Democracy  a  dead  issue  they  can  never 
again  galvanize  into  life,  and  compelled  them-  to  seek  to  create  new  issues 
growing  out  of  a  war  which  they  were  most  eager  to  precipitate. 

Currency  Problibms  SkttIvEd 

May  I,  a  Western  man,  add  another  word?  The  passage  of  this  bill, 
which  received  the  vote  of  every  Western  Republican  in  Congress,  marked  the 
termination,  forever  final,  of  any  sort  of  difference  between  Republicans  of  the 
East  and  of  the  West,  growing  out  of  currency  problems.  Even  if  the  stern 
logic  of  events  had  not  convinced  us,  our  deep  and  abiding  loyalty  to  the 
principles  of  the  party,  our  belief  that  the  judgment  of  its  majority  should 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION  331 

govern,  would  lead  us  to  abandon  further  contention.  And  the  thousands  of 
Republicans  in  the  West  who  left  us  four  years  ago  are  returning  home.  The 
men  of  the  Far  West  are  bone  of  your  bone,  and  flesh  of  your  flesh.  The  sun 
that  shines  on  you  blesses  them  also,  and  the  shadow  before  your  door  darkens 
their  homes  as  well.  They  are  naturally  expansionists  in  the  Western  plains 
and  mountains,  and  when  they  see  a  great  political  party  attacking  the 
integrity  of  the  nation,  and  lending  encouragement  to  insurrectionists  who  are 
shooting  down  our  soldiers  and  resisting  the  authority  of  the  government  of 
the  United  States,  all  other  questions  fade  and  are  forgotten,  and  they  find 
themselves  standing  shoulder  to  shoulder  in  the  ranks  of  the  Republican  party, 
keeping  step,  always,  ' '  to  the  music  of  the  Union." 

What  This  Administration  Yet  Will  Do 

As  to  the  excessive  war  tax  Senator  Wolcott  predicted  that 
before  President  McKinley's  term  will  have  expired  that  many  of 
the  duties  will  be  lightened  ;  that  new  legislation  will  be  passed, 
which  will  rebuild  our  merchant  marine,  and  provide  for  building, 
owning  and  operating  under  exclusive  American  control,  a  ship  canal 
connecting  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific.  He  referred  in  eloquent  langu- 
age to  the  war  with  Spain,  and  the  noble  sacrifices  the  North  and 
South  had  made  in  behalf  of  home  and  country,  to  alleviate  the  suf- 
ferings .  of  the  neighboring  people,  and  secure  for  them  the  same 
liberties  which  we  ourselves  enjoy.  He  discussed  our  relations  with 
Porto  Rico  and  our  power  to  deal  with  foreign  possessions,  claiming 
that  the  action  taken  by  the  administration  was  a  wise  one.  He 
also  asserted  that  the  Republican  Party  would  adhere  literally  to 
its  declaration  in  regard  to  the  freedom  of  Cuba.  He  in  scathing 
terms  spoke  of  the  American  citizens  who  have  gone  to  Cuba  for 
the  purpose  of  perpetrating  frauds  which  have  brought  a  blush  of 
shame  to  every  American,  He  declared  that  the  Republican  Party 
would  be  the  first  to  right  any  wrongs  that  had  been  done,  and  to 
bring  to  justice,  those  who  had  done  wrong  ;  and  in  regard  to  the 
Philippines  that  it  is  our  duty  to  keep  them,  and  that  their  abandon- 
ment would  be  a  confession  that  we  were  not  able  to  protect  them, 
and  that  we  would  be  doing  what  no  other  civilized  nation  of  the 


332  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION 

world  would   do,  turning  them  back  to   Spain,  or   else  consigning 
them  to  anarchy  and  confusion.     Continuing  he  said  : 

Will  Keep  the  Philippines 

The  future  of  nations,  however,  like  the  future  of  man,  is  hid  from  mortal 
vision,  and,  no  more  than  man  may  a  nation  choose  its  own  duties.  When 
this  war  ended  and  we  faced  our  victory  in  all  its  completeness,  we  found 
8,000,000  of  people  living  upon  uncounted  islands  delivered  into  our  hands. 
Abandonment  of  them  would  be  confession  that  while  the  oppression  by  Spain 
of  1,500,000  Cubans  demanded  our  armed  interference,  greater  barbarity  and 
cruelty  to  millions  of  Filipinos,  less  able  to  protect  themselves,  was  a  subject 
of  no  concern  to  us.  No  civilized  nation  in  the  world,  no  Christian  nation, 
could,  have  turned  these  people  back  to  Spain.  Our  commissioners,  when  they 
insisted  upon  our  retention  of  the  Philippines,  voiced  the  sentiments  and 
wishes  of  the  American  people ;  and  this  nation  has  assumed  with  open  eyes 
and  with  full  realization  of  the  difficulties  which  may  be  encountered,  the 
grave  responsibilities  imaposed  upon  us  by  the  Treaty  of  Paris. 

We  are  told  that  the  islands  are  rich  in  all  the  products  of  the  tropics,  in 
mineral  wealth,  and  in  the  possibilities  of  their  future  development.  So  much 
the  better.  But  if  they  were  as  barren  as  the  Libyan  desert,  we  would  have 
taken  them  just  the  same. 

We  haven't  been  there  long,  but  long  enough  to  reach  two  conclusions  : 
One  is,  that  the  first  thing  we  intend  doing  is  to  suppress  the  Tagal  insurrection 
and  to  establish  law  and  order  throughout  the  archipelago.  That  is  the  first 
thing  we  shall  do.  And  the  last,  the  very  last  thing  we  intend  doing,  is  to 
consider,  even  for  a  moment,  the  question  of  giving  up  or  of  abandoning  these 
islands. 

Vital  Questions  Before  the  Voter 

Never  since  1 864,  when  the  voters  of  the  country  were  called  upon  to  deter- 
mine whether  the  efforts  of  Abraham  Lincoln  to  preserve  the  Union  should  be 
continued,  or  whether  they  should  be  abandoned  and  other  measures  attempted, 
have  questions  so  vital  been  presented  to  the  American  people  for  settlement. 
Their  decision  must  determine  the  maintenance  or  the  degradation  of  both  our 
national  credit  and  our  national  honor.  A  Democratic  President  could  paralyze 
the  operation  of  the  new  currency  law  as  effectively  as  if  it  were  wiped  from 
our  statute  books.  A  Democratic  victory  would  infuse  new  life  into  the  Tagal 
insurrection,  cost  us  the  lives  of  thousands  of  our  gallant  army  in  the  Philip- 
pines, impair  or  destroy  our  prestige,  if  not  our  power,  in  the  islands,  make  us 
a  byword  among  the  other  great  nations  of  the  world,  and  obliterate  our  influ- 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION  333 

ence  in  tlie  settlement  of  the  vital  questions  certain  to  arise  when  China  shall 
be  opened  to  foreign  commerce. 

There  is  little  room  for  fear.  The  farmer  and  the  artisan  in  their  day  of 
prosperity  still  remember  the  impoverishment  and  blight  of  Democracy,  and  the 
Chicago  platform  has  no  allurements  for  them. 

Our  national  honor  is  equally  secure. 

American  Pkople  Not  Poltroons 

The  American  people  are  neither  poltroons  nor  pessimists,  and  they  will 
not  signalize  the  dawn  of  the  new  century  by  the  surrender  of  either  convic- 
tions or  territory.  Every  soldier  back  from  the  islands,  and  they  are  in  almost 
every  hamlet  in  the  land,  returns  an  advocate  of  their  retention.  Our  dead  are 
buried  along  the  sands  of  Luzon,  and  on  its  soil  no  foreign  flag  shall  ever  salute 
the  dawn. 

Whatever  may  be  in  store  for  us  in  the  new  and  unbeaten  track  upon 
which  we  are  entering,  we  shall  not  be  found  ' '  with  the  unlit  lamp  and  the 
ungirtloin."  Our  way  is  new,  but  it  is  not  dark.  In  the  re- adjustment  of 
world -conditions,  where  we  must  take  our  place  with  the  other  great  nations  of 
the  earth,  we  shall  move  with  caution,  but  not  with  fear.  We  seek  only  to  lift 
up  men  to  better  things,  to  bless  and  not  to  destroy.  The  fathers  of  the  repub- 
lic accepted  with  courage  such  responsibilities  as  devolved  upon  them.  The 
same  heavens  bend  over  us,  and  the  same  power  that  shielded  them  will  guard 
and  protect  us,  for  what  we  seek  is  to  build  still  more  firmly,  always  upon 
foundations  of  probity  and  of  virtue,  the  glorious  edifice  of  the  republic. 

Closing  of  the  Day's  Session 

The  rest  of  the  work  of  the  convention  was  mere  routine. 
The  states  as  the  roll  was  called  handed  in  the  names  of  those 
chosen  by  their  delegates  as  members  of  the  Committees  on  Rules, 
Resolutions,  Permanent  Organization  and  Credentials. 

Then  came  the  closing  touching  scene.  A  venerable  man  of 
benevolent  aspect,  with  srpiooth-shaven  face  and  white  hair,  stepped 
tremblingly  forward  on  the  platform  beside  the  chairman,  who 
said  : — 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  : — Forty-four  years  ago  to-day  Rev. 
Edgar  M.  Levy,  of  Philadelphia,  opened  the  convention  that  nominated  John 
C.  Fremont  with  prayer.     He  is  present  here  to-day  and  will  lead  in  prayer." 

As  if  the  past  rose  in  panoramic  vision,  so  did  the  venerable 
preacher  pray.  There  was  no  effort  at  devotional  elocution  or 
19 


334  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION 

rhetorical  period.  It  was  an  appeal  to  Heaven  for  the  party  in  its 
superb  power  whose  birth  he  had  blessed.  It  was  an  invocation  for 
the  Republic  and  its  rulers,  for  the  people  and  their  progress  in 
righteousness  under  the  banner  of  the  free  and  the  Cross  of  Calvary. 
It  was  a  patriarch  of  Republicanism  praying  for  his  people. 

Second  Day  of  the  Convention 

The  second  day  session  of  the  Republican  National  Conven- 
tion was  called  to  order  at  1 2  130  o'clock,  by  Senator  Wolcott,  who 
introduced  the  Rev.  Charles  M.  Boswell,  who  opened  the  proceed- 
ings with  prayer.  A  very  significant  scene  followed  when  the 
presiding  ofhcer  introduced  the  fifteen  survivors  of  the  first  Republi- 
can Convention,  called  at  Pittsburg  forty-four  years  ago,  who  had 
with  them  the  same  old  flaof  used  at  that  convention.  The  audi- 
ence  arose  as  the  line  of  white-haired  patriarchs  appeared  on  the 
platform  carrying  the  faded  American  flag,  tattered  and  barely 
holding  together.  A  deafening  salute  went  up  for  the  faded 
standard  and  its  venerable  bearers.  The  fifteen  white-haired  men 
arranged  themselves  side  by  side  and  looked  out  upon  the  sea  of 
faces.  When  the  storm  of  applause  had  ceased  the  leader  of  the 
delegation  read  the  resolutions  which  declared  their  unswerving 
allegiance  to  the  party  they  had  helped  to  bring  forth.  The  reso- 
lutions regretted  the  inability  of  many  of  the  members  of  the 
National  Fremont  Association  to  be  present  because  of  their 
advanced  aee.  The  resolutions  were  concluded  with  the  declara- 
tion  that  "  We  heartily  endorse  the  administration  of  Honorable 
William  McKinley,  which  gives  such  unbounded  prosperity." 

After  this  interesting  incident  the  regular  order  of  the  day  was 
commenced,  and  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials  was 
read  by  Honorable  Sereno  E.  Payne,  its  chairman.  The  hotly 
contested  seats  from  Delaware  were  awarded  the  delegation  headed 
by  J.  E.  Addicks.  There  was  no  discussion  of  the  report.  General 
Grosvenor,  of  Ohio,  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Permanent 
Organization,  announced  the  selection  of  Henry  Cabot  Lodge  as 
permanent   chairman.      Governor    Roosevelt,    of    New   York,    and 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION 


335 


Governor  Shaw,  of  Ohio,  were  appointed  to  escort  the  permanent 
chairman  to  the  platform. 

Senator  Lodge  thereupon  deHvered  his  speech  which  is  given 
in  full  below.  At  the  close  of  his  address  two  gavels  were  presented 
to  the  speaker,  one  by  Colonel  Childs,  of  Rhode  Island,  and  the 
other  by  John  W.  Langley,  delegate  from  Kentucky.  L.  E.  Olson, 
of  Minneapolis,  presented  a  table  which  had  been  used  in  the 
Republican  National  Convention  in  Minneapolis  and  St.  Louis. 
All  these  were  accepted  in  short  speeches  by  the  chairman  Senator 
Lodge.  General  Bingham,  of  Pennsylvania,  reported  on  behalf  of 
the  Committee  on  Rules,  recommending  that  the  rules  used  at  the 
two  preceding  conventions  be  adopted.  A  most  interesting  feature 
of  the  convention  and  an  event  looked  forward  to,  was  the  report 
of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions,  of  which  Senator  Fairbanks,  of 
Indiana,  was  chairman.  He  reported  the  platform  of  the  party  for 
1900  which  is  printed  in  full  elsewhere.  The  announcement  of  the 
adoption  of  the  platform  was  received  with  enthusiastic  applause. 

The  National  Committee  Men. 

Each  delegation  reported  as  it  was  called  upon  in  order  the 
name  it  recommended  to  represent  it  on  the  National  Committee. 
The  names  reported  were  as  follows  ; 


Alabama — No  selection. 
Arkansas — Powell  Clayton. 
California— W.  C.  Vanfleet. 
Colorado— K.  O.  Wolcott. 
Connecticut — Charles  F.  Brooker. 
Delaware — ^John  Edward  Addicks. 
Florida — ^John  G.  lyong. 
Georgia — ^Judson  W.  I,yons. 
Idaho — George  L.  Shoup. 
Illinois — Graeme  Stewart. 
Indiana — Harry  C.  New. 
Iowa — Ernest  E.  Hart. 
Kansas — David  W.  Mulvane. 
Kentucky — ^John  W.  Yerkes. 


Maine— Joseph  H.  Manley. 
Maryland^L.  C.  McComas. 
Massachusetts — G.  ly.  Meyer. 
Michigan — William  H.  Elliott. 
Minnesota — Thomas  H.  Shevlin. 
Mississippi — H.  C.  Turley. 
Missouri — Richard  C.  Kerens. 
Montana — William  H.  Dewitt. 
Nebraska — R.  P.  Snyder. 
Nevada — P.  I,.  Flannigan. 
New  Hampshire — Charles  T.  Means. 
New  Jersey — Franklin  Murphy. 
New  York — Frederick  S.  Gibbs. 
North  Carolina — J.  C.  Pritchard. 


336  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION 

North  Dakota — Alexander  McKinney.  Washington — George  H.  Baker. 

Ohio— George  B.  Cox.  West  Virginia— N.  B.  Scott. 

Oregon — George  A.  Steele.  Wisconsin — Henry  C.  Payne. 

Pennsylvania — Matthew  Stanley  Quay-  Wycoming — Willis  Vandevanter. 

Rhode  Island — Charles  R.  Bray  ton.  Alaska — ^John  G.  Hyde. 

South  Carolina— K.  A.  Webster.  Arizona— William  M.  Griffith. 

South  Dakota — ^J.  M.  Green.  Indian  Territory — William  M.Millette. 

Tennessee — Walter  T.  Brownlow.  New  Mexico — Solomon  L,una. 

Texas — R.  B.  Hawley.  ,  Oklahoma — William  Grimes. 

Utah — No  selection.  District     of     Columbia — Myron     M. 
Vermont — ^James  W.  Brock.  Parker. 

Virginia — George  K.  Bowden.  Hawaii — Harold  M.  Sewall. 

At  this  time  the  afternoon  was  far  spent,  and  a  motion  was 
carried  to  adjourn  until  lo  o'clock  the  following  day. 

The  Closing  Day's   Session 

Strong  Speeches  on  the  Candidates  and  Issues 

It  was  the  great  day  of  the  convention.  People  who  had 
thronged  the  building  on  the  previous  days  expecting  to  hear  the 
nominating  speeches  for  President  McKinley  went  away  disap- 
pointed, but  returned  at  an  early  hour  for  the  last  day's  conven- 
tion, fully  confident  that  their  expectations  would  be  realized.  The 
indecision  of  the  previous  days  as  to  the  probable  candidate  for 
second  place  on  the  ticket,  had  given  away  to  practical  certainty  that 
New  York's  popular  governor,  Theodore  Roosevelt,  would  be  unan- 
imously nominated.  So  enterprising  and  generous  had  the  daily 
papers  been  in  securing  and  publishing  the  news,  that  practically 
the  plans  of  the  day  were  known.  All  there  was  to  be  expected 
for  the  last  day's  session  was  the  enthusiasm  which  attended  the 
nomination  of  two  men  whose  popularity  has  seldom  been  exceeded 
in  American  history,  and  equaled  only  by  the  popularity  which  sur- 
rounded the  name  of  James  G.  Blaine,  the  "Plumed  Knight"  of 
more  than  one  campaign.  The  Convention  Hall  was  gay  with 
colors  of  bunting,  with  badges  of  delegates  and  spectators,  the  bright 
colored  dresses  and  hats  of  the  ladies,  and  the  beautiful  flowers  which 
were  banked  upon  the  platform.     As  the  crowds  assembled  the  bands 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION  337 

discoursed  popular  airs.  A  band  from  Canton,  Ohio,  known  as  Mc- 
Kinley's  Band,  was  again  in  attendance  and  very  popular  with  the 
convention.  Everyone  felt,  when  chairman  Henry  Cabot  Lodge 
rapped  with  his  gavel  upon  the  table,  that  this  was  to  be  the  day  of 
days  for  the  Republican  party.  More  than  twenty  thousand  people 
were  to  witness  it.  Before  this  audience  was  the  pomp  of  peace, 
power  of  political  mastery,  splendors  of  ecclesiastical  vestment,  and 
dramatic  climaxes,  set  as  it  were  upon  a  stage,  all  to  yield  to  the 
enthralment  of  fervid  oratory,  and  the  delirium  of  unrestrained 
enthusiasm.  The  chairman  introduced  Archbishop  Ryan,  who 
came  forward  in  the  purple  vestments  of  his  office  to  offer  prayer. 
The  vast  audience  arose,  as  the  venerable  prelate  stepped  forward, 
and  stood  with  bowed  heads,  and,  in  the  silence  which  ensued,  could 
hear  the  strong  voice,  and  appreciate  the  fervent  and  solemn  invoca- 
tion. After  a  few  moments  for  announcements  and  preliminary  busi- 
ness, the  chairman  declared  that  it  was  now  in  order  to  proceed  with 
the  nominations,  and  ordered  the  states  to  be  called  in  alphabetical 
order. 

Roll  Call  of  the  States 

Alabama  being  the  first  called  upon  responded  that  it  would 
yield  its  place  to  Ohio,  and  immediately  a  gray-haired  man  with 
whitening  moustache  came  down  the  aisle,  and  was  recognized  in 
an  instant  as  Senator  Foraker,  of  Ohio.  Everyone  seemed  to  be 
aware  of  the  task  which  had  been  set  for  the  venerable  Senator 
and  knew  who  the  incomparable  statesman  was,  that  the  speaker 
so  eloquently  portrayed  without  naming  him,  yet  from  ancient  cus- 
tom his  hearers  pretended  to  be  ignorant.  When  Mr.  Foraker  in 
closing  thundered  •'  William  McKinley  "  the  assembly  arose  to  its 
feet  as  one  man,  and  gave  forth  a  shout  of  approval,  which  seemed 
to  have  been  stored  up  for  three  days.  A  thousand  hands  among 
the  delegates  and  ten  thousand  handkerchiefs  among  the  spectators 
fluttered  and  here  and  there  tri-colored  bunches  of  pampas  plumes 
waved  back  and  forth  ;  then  another  and  another,  like  magic  sprang 
to  view,  and  the  pit  occupied  by  the  delegates  seemed  one  mass  of 


338  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION 

waving  color.  The  band  in  the  gallery  began  playing  but  nobody 
could  recognize  the  air.  The  cornet  and  bass  drum  only  were 
recognizable.  Even  the  dignified  officials  and  guests  on  the  plat- 
form seemed  to  forget  themselves  and  join  in  the  pandemonium. 
Mark  Hanna  could  restrain  himself  no  longer,  but  jumped  to 
his  feet  and  seizing  a  bunch  of  brilliant  plumes,  dropped  his  hand- 
kerchief and  fan  and  led  the  audience,  waving  his  plumes  like  a 
baton.  Every  banner  of  every  state  which  had  been  fastened  in 
its  socket  to  mark  the  position  of  the  delegates  was  torn  from  its 
moorings,  and  soon  there  was  a  procession  of  banners  moving 
through  the  aisles.  Even  the  banner  of  little  Hawaii  was  held 
aloft  by  the  dark-skinned  native  delegate.  This  sight  swept  the 
audience  beyond  control. 

Governor  Roosevelt  Speaks 

For  nearly  twenty  minutes  this  popular  outburst  was  main- 
tained, and  from  pure  weariness  the  audience  finally  subsided  and 
the  pound  of  the  chairman's  gavel  was  heard.  On  the  whole  the 
great  demonstration  was  a  success.  It  was  loud,  it  was  long,  it  satis- 
fied the  convention  and  the  spectators.  When  the  chairman  could 
be  heard  he  recoo-nized  a  deleo-ate  from  New  York,  who  desired  to 
second  the  nomination  of  William  McKinley.  Of  course,  it  was  Gov- 
ernor Theodore  Roosevelt,  the  rough  rider,  statesman  and  popular 
hero  who  spoke.  For  nearly  five  minutes  he  was  compelled  to  face 
this  vast  audience,  again  on  its  feet,  thundering  forth  applauses  with 
cheers  and  waving  of  banners.  In  vain  he  raised  his  hand  and 
motioned  for  silence.  Finally  Governor  Roosevelt  made  himself 
heard.  He  is  an  energetic  speaker,  he  shows  even  a  ferocity  of. 
manner.  He  speaks  as  though  he  would  drive  every  sentence 
home,  and  expected  to  carry  conviction  with  it.  His  clenched  fist, 
heavy-set  jaw,  and  poise  of  body  bespoke  a  kind  of  angry  convic- 
tion. He  praised  the  administration,  and  with  sharp  and  emphatic 
sentences  brought  down  the  house  with  his  description  of  the  Ice 
Trust  as  "one  that  is  thoroughly  infamous  in  character  and  maybe 
criminal." 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION  339 

He  was  followed  by  John  W.  Yerkes  of  Kentucky,  and  by 
Senator  Thurston  of  Nebraska;  who  without  much  effort  filled  the 
hall  with  the  volume  of  his  voice,  and  affirmed  that  "  the  steam- 
ships which  plowed  the  main,  took  up  the  glad  refrain  William 
McKinley!  William  McKinley !  William  McKinley!"  Senator 
Thurston  who  spoke  for  the  middle  west  was  generously  applauded. 
He  was  followed  by  George  A.  Knight  of  California,  who  paid  a 
tribute  to  his  own  state  and  its  enthusiastic  approval  of  President 
McKinley's  policy.  Soon  there  began  to  be  heard  the  call  "Vote  ! 
Vote  ! "  and  the  calling  the  roll  of  the  states  began  in  the  usual 
impressive  manner.  As  the  name  of  each  state  was  called  a  dele- 
gate arose  and  answered  with  the  number  of  votes  from  each 
state,  "  For  William  McKinley."  Little  Hawaii  again  became  the 
center  of  attraction,  when  she  cast  her  two  votes  for  the  Presi- 
dent. In  this  way  there  were  926  votes  and  they  were  unanimously 
for  William  McKinley,  and  upon  the  announcement  of  the  result 
by  the  chairman  there  was  another  grand  demonstration. 

Nomination  of  Vice    President 

When  the  convention  could  be  brought  to  order,  the  nomi- 
nation for  Vice  President  became  the  order  of  the  day.  In 
accordance  with  a  pre-arranged  program,  Colonel  Lafe  Young 
of  Iowa,  in  a  graceful  speech  announced  that  his  state  whose  first 
choice  had  been  one  of  her  own  sons,  William  Dolliver,  now  recog- 
nized that  there  was  one  man  more  than  all  others  demanded  by 
the  people  of  this  broad  country  for  second  place.  He  grace- 
fully joined  in  the  popular  demand,  and  proposed  the  name  of 
Governor  Roosevelt  of  New  York  as  the  people's  choice  for  Vice 
President.  Upon  this  announcement  the  audience  again  arose  to 
their  feet,  and  shouted  and  cheered  and  marched  with  enthusiasm 
almost  equal  to  that  displayed  upon  the  nomination  of  the  Presi- 
dent. The  roll  of  the  states  being  called,  the  choice  was  unani- 
mous, the  total  number  of  votes  being  cast  for  the  nominees  being 
the  whole  number  496  for  President,  and  495  for  Vice  President, 
Theodore    Roosevelt    not   votine  with   his   delegation  for  himself. 


340  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION 

There  was  a  great  demand  to  hear  the  people's  favorite  orator, 
Chauncey  Depew,  of  New  York,  who  In  his  own  inimitatable  way, 
amused,  instructed  and  entertained  the  vast  audience.  A  number 
of  resolutions  were  passed  and  the  day's  work  was  over  and  the 
convention  was  adjourned.      The  nominating  speeches  follow. 

Noted  Orators  to  the  Front 

Speeches   Nominating  the   Leaders 

Senator  Foraker's  Speech 

Senator  Foraker,  in  renominating  President  McKinley  for  the 
Presidency,  said  : 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  :  Alabama  yields  to  Ohio, 
and  I  thank  Alabama  for  that  accommodation.  Alabama  has  so  yielded,  how- 
ever, by  reason  of  a  fact  that  would  seem  in  an  important  sense  to  make  the 
duty  that  has  been  assigned  to  me  a  superfluous  duty,  for  Alabama  has 
yielded  because  of  the  fact  that  our  candidate  for  the  Presidency  has,  in  fact, 
been  already  nominated.  (Applause.)  He  was  nominated  by  the  distin- 
guished Senator  from  Colorado  when  he  assumed  the  duties  of  temporary 
chairman.  He  was  nominated  again  yesterday  by  the  distinguished  Senator 
from  Massachusetts  when  he  took  the  ofl&ce  of  permanent  chairman ;  and  he 
was  nominated  for  a  third  time  when  the  Senator  from  Indiana  yesterday  read 
us  the  platform.  (Applause.)  And  not  only  has  he  been  thus  nominated  by 
this  convention,  btit  he  has  also  been  nominated  by  the  whole  American  peo- 
ple.    (Applause.) 

From  one  end  of  the  land  to  the  other  in  every  mind  only  one  and  the  same 
man  is  thought  of  for  the  honor  which  we  are  now  about  to  confer,  and  that 
man  is  the  first  choice  of  every  other  man  who  wishes  Republican  success  next 
November.     (Applause.) 

On  this  account  it  is  that  it  is  not  necessary  for  me  or  any  one  else 
to  speak  for  him  here  or  elsewhere.  He  has  already  spoken  for  himself 
(applause),  and  to  all  the  world.  He  has  a  record  replete  with  brilliant  achieve- 
ments (applause) ,  a  record  that  speaks  at  once  both  his  performances  and  his 
highest  eulogy.  It  comprehends  both  peace  and  war,  and  constitutes  the  most 
striking  illustration  possible  of  triumphant  and  inspiring  fidelity,  and  success 
in  the  discharge  of  public  duty. 

Four  years  ago  the  American  people  confided  to  him  their  highest  and 
most  sacred  trust.     Behold,  with  what  results.    He  found  the  industries  of  the 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION  341 

country  paralyzed  and  prostrated  ;  lie  quickened  them  with  a  new  life  that  has 
brought  to  the  American  people  a  prosperity  unprecedented  in  all  their  history. 
He  found  the  labor  of  this  country  everywhere  idle ;  he  has  given  it  everywhere 
employment.  He  found  it  everywhere  in  despair  ;  he  has  made  it  everywhere 
prosperous  and  buoyant  with  hope.  He  found  the  mills  and  shops  and 
factotories  and  mines  everywhere  closed ;  they  are  now  everywhere 
'  open.     (Applause.) 

And  while  we  here  deliberate,  they  are  sending  their  surplus  products  in 
commercial  conquest  to  the  very  ends  of  the  earth.  Under  his  wise  guidance 
our  financial  standard  has  been  firmly  planted  high  above  and  beyond  assault, 
and  the  wild  cry  of  sixteen  to  one,  so  full  of  terror  and  long  hair  in  1896,  has 
been  put  to  everlasting  sleep  alongside  of  the  lost  cause,  and  other  cherished 
Democratic  heresies  in  the  catacombs  of  American  politics.  (Applause.) 
With  a  diplomacy  never  excelled  and  rarely  equaled,  he  has  overcome  what 
at  times  seemed  to  be  insurmountable  diflQculties,  and  has  not  only  opened  to 
us  the  door  of  China,  but  he  has  advanced  our  interests  in  every  land. 

Wise,  Brave,  Patient 
Mr.  Chairman,  we  are  not  surprised  by  this,  for  we  anticipated  it  all. 
When  we  nominated  him  at  St.  lyouis  four  years  ago,  we  knew  he  was  wise,  we 
knew  he  was  brave,  we  knew  he  was  patient,  we  knew  he  would  be  faithful  and 
devoted,  and  we  knew  that  the  greatest  possible  triumphs  of  peace  would  be 
his  ;  but  we  then  little  knew  that  he  would  be  called  upon  to  encounter  also 
the  trials  of  war.  That  unusual  emergency  came.  It  came  unexpectedly — as 
wars  generally  come.  It  came  in  spite  of  all  he  could  honorably  do  to  avert  it. 
It  came  to  find  the  country  unprepared  for  it,  but  it  found  him  equal  to  all  its 
extraordinary  requirements.  (Applause.)  And  it  is  no  exaggeration  to  say 
that  in  all  American  history  there  is  no  chapter  more  brilliant  than  that  which 
chronicles,  with  him  as  our  commander-in-chief,  our  victory  on  land  and  sea. 
(Applause.) 

In  100  days  we  drove  Spain  from  the  Western  Hemisphere,  girded  the 
earth  with  our  acquisition  and  filled  the  world  with  the  splendor  of  our 
power.     (Applause.) 

The  American  name  has  a  new  and  greater  significance  now.  Our  flag 
has  a  new  glory.  It  not  only  symbolizes  human  liberty  and  political  equality  at 
home,  but  it  means  freedom  and  independence  for  the  long  sufiering  patriots  of 
Cuba,  and  complete  protection,  education,  enlightenment,  uplifting  and  ulti- 
mate local  self-government  and  the  enjoyment  of  all  the  blessings  of  liberty  to 
the  millions  of  Porto  Rico  and  the  Phillippines .  What  we  have  so  gloriously 
done  for  ourselves  we  propose  most  generously  to  do  for  them.  (Applause.) 
We  have  so  declared  in  the  platform  that  we  have  adopted.     A  fitting  place 


342  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION 

it  is  for  this  party  to  make  such  a  declaration.  Here  in  this  magnificent  city  of 
Philadelphia,  where  the  evidences  so  abound  of  the  rich  blessings  the  Repub- 
lican party  has  brought  to  the  American  people,  here  at  the  birthplace  of  the 
nation,  where  our  own  Declaration  of  Independence  was  adopted  and  our 
Constisution  formed  ;  where  Washington  and  Jefferson  and  Hancock  and 
John  Adams  and  their  illustrious  associates  wrote  their  immortal  work  ;  here 
where  center  so  many  historic  memories  that  stir  the  blood  and  flush  the 
cheek  and  excite  the  sentiments  of  human  liberty  and  patriotism  is  indeed 
a  most  fitting  place  for  the  party  oflyincoln  and  Grant,  and  Garfield  and  Blaine; 
(applause)  the  party  of  Union  and  Liberty  for  all  men  to  formally  dedicate 
themselves  to  this  great  duty. 

We  are  now  in  the  midst  of  its  discharge.  We  could  not  turn  back  if  we 
would,  and  would  not  if  we  could.  (Applause.)  We  are  on  trial  before  the 
world,  and  must  triumphantly  meet  our  reponsibilities,  or  ignominously  fail  in 
the  presence  of  mankind. 

These  responsibilities  speak  to  this  convention  here  and  now,  and  com- 
mand us  that  we  choose  to  be  our  candidate  and  the  next  President — which  is 
one  and  the  same  thing — the  best  fitted  man  for  the  discharge  of  this  great  duty 
in  all  the  Republic.     (Applause.) 

On  that  point  there  4s  no  difference  of  opinion.  No  man  in  all  the  nation 
is  so  well  qualified  for  this  trust  as  the  great  leader  under  whom  the  work  has 
been  so  far  conducted.  He  has  the  head,  he  has  the  heart,  he  has  the  special 
knowledge  and  the  special  experience  that  qualify  him  beyond  all  others .  And , 
Mr.  Chairman,  he  has  also  the  stainless  reputation  and  character,  and  has  led 
the  blameless  life  that  endear  him  to  his  countrymen  and  give  to  him  the  con- 
fidence of  the  respect,  the  admiration,  the  love  and  the  affection  of  the  whole 
American  people.     (Applause.) 

He  is  an -ideal  man,  representing  the  high  test  type  of  American  citizen- 
ship, an  ideal  candidate  and  an  ideal  President.  With  our  banner  in  his  hands 
it  will  be  carried  to  triumphant  victory  in  November  next.     (Applause.) 

In  the  name  of  all  these  considerations,  not  alone  on  behalf  of  his  beloved 
State  of  Ohio,  but  on  behalf  of  every  other  state  and  territory  here  represented, 
and  in  the  name  of  all  Republicans  everywhere  throughout  our  jurisdiction,  I 
nominate  to  be  our  next  candidate  for  Presidency,  William  McKinley." 

Governor   Roosevelt,  of   New  York,  seconds  the   nomination 
of  William  McKinley  in  the  followring  vigorous  speech  : 

RoosKVEivT  Skconds  Convention's  Choice 

"  Mr.  Chairman  : — I  rise  to  second  the  nomination  of  William  McKinley, 
the  President  who  has  had  to  meet  and  solve  problems  more  numerous  and 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION  343 

more  important  than  any  other  President  since  the  days  of  mighty  Abraham 
Lincoln ;  the  President  under  whose  administration  this  country  has  attained  a 
higher  pitch  of  prosperity  at  home  and  honor  abroad  than  ever  before  in  its 
history.  Four  years  ago  the  Republican  party  nominated  William  McKinley 
as  its  standard  bearer  in  a  political  conflict  of  graver  moment  to  the  nation  than 
any  that  has  taken  place  since  the  close  of  the  Civil  War  which  saw  us  once 
more  a  reunited  country.  The  Republican  party  nominated  him  ;  but  before 
the  campaign  was  many  days  old,  he  had  become  the  candidate  not  only  of 
all  Republicans,  but  of  all  Americans  who  were  both  far-sighted  enough  to  see 
where  the  true  interests  of  the  country  lay,  and  clear-minded  enough  to  be 
keenly  sensitive  to  the  taint  of  dishonor.  President  McKinley  was  trium- 
phantly elected  on  certain  distinct  pledges,  and  those  pledges  have  been  made 
more  than  good. 

We  were  then  in  a  condition  of  industrial  paralysis.  The  capitalist  was 
was  plunged  in  ruin  and  disaster  ;  the  wage-worker  was  on  the  edge  of  actual 
want ;  the  success  of  our  opponents  would  have  meant  not  only  immense  aggra- 
vation of  the  actual  physical  distress,  but  also  a  stain  on  the  nation's  honor  so 
deep  that  more  than  one  generation  would  have  to  pass  before  it  would  be 
effectually  wiped  out. 

We  promised  that,  if  President  McKinley  were  elected,  not  only  should 
the  national  honor  be  kept  unstained  at  home  and  abroad,  but  that  the  mill  and 
the  workshop  should  open,  the  farmer  have  a  market  for  his  goods,  the  mer- 
chant for  his  wares,  and  that  the  wage-worker  should  prosper  as  never  before. 
We  did  not  promise  the  impossible  ;  we  did  not  say  that,  by  good  legislation 
and  good  administration,  there  would  come  prosperity  to  all  men  ;  but  we  did 
say  that  each  man  should  have  a  better  chance  to  win  prosperity  than  he  had 
ever  yet  had.  In  the  long  run  the  thrift,  industry,  energy  and  capacity  of  the 
individual  must  always  remain  the  chief  factors  in  his  success.  By  unwise  or 
dishonest  legislation  or  administration  on  the  part  of  the  national  authorities, 
all  these  qualities  in  the  individual  can  be  nullified,  but  wise  legislation  and 
upright  administration  will  give  them  free  scope.  And  it  was  this  free  scope 
that  we  promised  should  be  given. 

Thk  Foreign  Policy 

Well,  we  kept  our  word.  The  opportunity  has  been  given,  and  it  has 
been  seized  by  American  energy,  thrift  and  business  enterprise.  As  a  result, 
we  have  prospered  as  never  before,  and  we  are  now  prospering  to  a  degree  that 
would  have  seemed  incredible  four  years  ago,  when  the  cloud  of  menace  to  our 
industrial  well-being  hung  black  above  the  land. 

So  it  has  been  in  foreign  affairs.  Four  years  ago  the  nation  was  uneasy 
because  right  at  our  doors  an  American  island  lay  writhing  in  awful  agony 


344  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION 

under  the  curse  of  worse  than  mediaeval  tyranny  and  misrule.  We  had  our 
Armenia  at  our  very  doors,  for  the  situation  in  Cuba  had  grown  intolerable, 
and  such  that  this  nation  could  no  longer  refrain  from  interference,  and  retain 
its  own  self-respect.  President  McKinley  turned  to  this  duty  as  he  turned  to 
others.  He  sought,  by  every  effort  possible,  to  provide  for  Spain's  withdrawal 
from  the  island  which  she  was  impotent  longer  to  do  aught  than  oppress. 
Then,  when  pacific  means  had  failed,  and  there  remained  the  only  alternative, 
we  waged  the  most  righteous  and  brilliantly  successful  foreign  war  that  any 
country  has  waged  during  the  lifetime  of  the  present  generation.  It  was  not 
a  great  war,  simply  because  it  was  won  too  quickly;  but  it  was  momentous, 
indeed,  in  its  effects.  It  left  us,  as  all  great  feats  must  leave  those  who  perform 
them,  an  inheritance  both  of  honor  and  of  responsibility  ;  and,  under  the  lead 
of  President  McKinley,  the  nation  has  taken  up  the  task  of  securing  orderly 
liberty  and  the  reign  of  justice  and  law  in  the  islands  from  which  we  drove  the 
tyranny  of  Spain,  with  the  same  serious  realization  of  duty  and  sincere  purpose 
to  perform  it  that  has  marked  the  national  attitude  in  dealing  with  the  economic 
and  financial  difl&culties  that  face  us  at  home. 

Honor  Abroad  and  Prosperity  at  Home 

This  is  what  the  nation  has  done  during  the  three  years  that  have  elapsed 
since  we  made  McKinley  President ;  and  all  this  is  what  he  typifies  and  stands 
for.  We  here  nominate  him  again,  and,  in  November  next,  we  shall  elect  him 
again  ;  because  it  has  been  given  to  him  to  personify  the  cause  of  honor  abroad 
and  prosperity  at  home,  of  wise  legislation  and  straightforward  administration. 

We  all  know  the  old  adage  about  swapping  horses  while  crossing  a 
stream  and  the  still  older  adage  about  letting  well  enough  alone.  To  change 
from  President  McKinley  now  would  be  not  merely  to  swap  horses.  It  would  be 
to  jump  off  the  horse  that  had* carried  us  across  and  wade  back  into  the  torrent ; 
and  to  put  him  for  four  years  more  into  the  White  House  means  not  merely  to 
let  well  enough  alone,  but  to  insist  that  when  we  are  thriving  as  never,  never 
before  we  shall  not  be  plunged  back  into  the  abyss  of  shame  and  panic  and 
disaster. 

We  have  done  so  well  that  our  opponents  actually  use  this  very  fact  as  an 
appeal  for  turning  us  out.  We  have  put  the  tariff  on  a  foundation  so  secure  ; 
we  have  passed  such  wise  laws  on  finance  that  they  actually  appeal  to  the 
patriotic,  honest  men  who  deserted  them  at  the  last  election  to  help  them  now, 
because,  forsooth,  we  have  done  so  well  that  nobody  need  fear  their  capacity  to 
undo  our  work.  I  am  not  exaggerating.  This  is  literally  the  argument  that 
is  now  addressed  to  the  gold  Democrats  as  a  reason  why  they  need  no  longer 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION  345 

stand  by  the  Republican  party.  To  all  such  who  may  be  inclined  to  listen  to 
these,  specious  arguments  I  would  address  an  emphatic  word  of  warning. 

Remember  that,  admirable  though  our  legislation  has  been  during  the 
past  three  years,  it  has  been  rendered  possible  and  effective  only  because  there 
was  good  administration  to  back  it.  Wise  laws  are  invaluable,  but,  after  all, 
they  are  not  as  necessary  as  wise  and  honest  administration  of  the  laws. 

The  best  law  ever  made,  if  administered  by  those  who  are  hostile  to  it, 
and  who  mean  to  break  it  down,  cannot  be  wholly  effective,  and  may  be  wholly 
ineffective.  We  have  at  last  put  our  financial  legislation  on  a  sound  basis,  but 
no  possible  financial  legislation  can  save  us  from  fearful  and  disastrous  panic -if 
we  trust  our  finances  to  the  management  of  any  man  who  would  be  acceptable 
to  the  leaders  and  guides  of  the  Democracy  in  its  present  spirit.  No  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  who  would  be  acceptable  to  or  who  could  without  loss  of  self- 
respect  serve  under  the  Populistic  Democracy  could  avoid  plunging  the  country 
back  into  financial  chaos.  Until  our  opponents  have  explicitly  and  absolutely 
repudiated  the  principles  which  in  1896  they  professed,  and  the  leaders  who 
embody  these  principles,  their  success  means  the  undoing  of  the  country.  Nor 
have  they  any  longer  even  the  excuse  of  being  honest  in  their  folly.  They  have 
raved,  they  have  foamed  at  the  mouth  in  the  denunciation  of  trusts,  and,  now, 
in  my  own  state,  their  foremost  party  leaders,  including  the  man  before  whom 
the  others  bow  with  bared  head  and  trembling  knee,  have  been  discovered  in  a 
trust  which  really  is  of  infamous  and  perhaps  of  criminal  character  ;  a  trust  in 
which  these  apostles  of  Democracy,  prophets  of  the  new  dispensation,  have 
sought  to  wring  fortunes  from  the  dire  need  of  their  poorer  brethren. 

Nationai.  Grkatness  and  Prosperity 

I  rise  to  second  the  nomination  of  William  McKinley  because  with  him 
as  leader  this  country  has  trod  the  path  of  national  greatness  and  prosperity 
with  the  strides  of  a  giant,  and  because,  under  him,  we  can,  and  will,  once 
more  and  finally  overthrow  those  whose  success  would  mean  for  the  nation 
material  disaster  and  moral  disgrace.  Exactly  as  we  have  remedied  the  evils 
which,  in  the  past,  we  undertook  to  remedy,  so,  now,  when  we  say  that  a 
wrong  shall  be  righted  it  most  assuredly  will  be  righted. 

We  have  nearly  succeeded  in  bringing  peace  and  order  to  the  Philippines. 
We  have  sent  thither  and  to  the  other  islands  toward  whose  inhabitants  we 
now  stand  as  trustees  in  the  cause  of  good  government  men  like  Wood,  Taft 
and  Allen,  whose  very  names  are  synonyms  of  integrity,  and  guarantees  of 
efiiciency.  Appointees  like  these,  with  subordinates  chosen  on  grounds,  of 
merit  and  fitness  alone,  are  evidence  of  the  spirit  and  methods  in,  and  by  which, 
this  nation  must  approach  its  new  and  serious  duties .     Contrast  this  with  what 


346  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION 

would  be  the  fate  of  the  islands  under  the  spoils  system  so  'brazenly  atdvocated 
by  our  opponents  in  their  last  national  platform. 

The  war  still  goes  on  because  the  allies  in  this  country  of  the  bloody 
insurrectionary  oligarchy  have  taught  their  foolish  dupes  abroad  to  believe 
that,  if  the  rebellion  is  kept  alive  until  next  November,  Democratic  success  at 
the  polls  here  will  be  followed  by  the  abandonment  of  the  islands — that  means 
their  abandonment  to  savages  who  would  scramble  for  what  we  desert,  until 
some  powerful  civilized  nation  stepped  in  to  do  what  we  would  have  shown 
ourselves  unfit  to  perform.  Our  success  in  November  means  peace  in  the 
islands. 

The  success  of  our  political  opponents  means  an  indefinite  prolongation 
of  misery  and  bloodshed.  We  of  this  convention  now  renominate  the  man 
whose  name  is  a  guaranty  against  such  disaster.  When  we  place  William 
McKinley  as  our  candidate  before  the  people  we  place  the  Republican  party  on 
record  as  standing  for  the  performance  which  squares  with  promise,  as  standing 
for  the  redemption  in  administration  and  legislation  of  the  pledges  made  in  the 
platform  and  on  the  stump,  as  standing  for  the  upbuilding  of  the  national 
honor  and  interest  abroad,  and  the  continuance  at  home  of  the  prosperity  which 
it  has  already  brought  to  the  farm  and  the  workshop . 

We  stand  on  the  threshold  of  a  new  century,  a  century  big  with  the  fate 
of  the  great  nations  of  the  earth.  It  rests  with  us  now  to  decide  whether,  in 
the  opening  years  of  that  century,  we  shall  march  forward  to  fresh  triumphs, 
or.  whether,  at  the  outset,  we  shall  deliberately  cripple  ourselves  for  the  contest. 
Is  America  a  weakling,  to  shrink  from  the  world  work  that  must  be  done  by 
the  world  powers  ?  No.  The  young  giant  of  the  West  stands  on  a  continent 
and  clasps  the  crest  of  an  ocean  in  either  hand. 

Our  nation,  glorious  in  youth  and  strength,  looks  into  the  future  with 
fearless  and  eager  eyes,  and  rejoices  as  a  strong  man  to  run  a  race. 

We  do  not  stand  in  craven  mood,  asking  to  be  spared  the  task,  cringing 
as  we  gaze  on  the  contest.  No.  We  challenge  the  proud  privilege  of  doing 
the  work  that  Providence  allots  us,  and  we  face  the  coming  years  high  of  heart 
and  resolute  of  faith  that  to  our  people  is  given  the  right  to  win  such  honor 
and  renown  as  has  never  yet  been  granted  to  the  peoples  of  mankind." 

Hearty  Seconding   From  the  South 

John  W.  Yerkes,  of  Kentucky,  arose  to  second  the  nomination 
of  McKinley,  on  behalf  of  the  South  and  said  : 

"  Mr.  Chairman  and  Fellow  Delegates  :  The  supreme  thought  in  my  mind 
at  this  moment  is  what  remains  to  be  said  that  ought  to  be  said  ;  and  as  in  time 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION  347 

of  danger,  one's  thought  naturally  turns  to  his  home,  I  recall  that  in  the 
historic  Philadelphia  Republican  Convention  of  1856  liberty-loving  men  from 
my  state  sat  as  delegates  in  that  body.  In  contrast  with  this  immense  audience, 
this  huge  hall  with  its  splendor  of  decoration  and  its  superb  equipment,  that 
gathering  would  seem  to  be  of  small  import.  But  in  devotion  to  freedom,  in 
intensity  and  force  of  utterance,  in  eternal  results,  that  assemblage  has  no  peer 
in  the  history  of  conventions. 

She  is  Rkpublican  To-day 

Forty  years  after  that  body  adjourned,  Kentucky,  for  the  first  time,  gave 
her  electoral  vote  to  a  Republican  Presidential  candidate,  Major  William 
McKinley.  (Applause.)  Recognized  as  a  citadel  of  Democracy  she  had 
capitulated  to  the  Republicans  in  the  noted  state  campaign  of  1895.  She 
was  Republican  iniSge,  Republican  in  1899,  is  Republican  to-day  (applause,) 
and  as  such  seconds  this  nomination.  It  would  be,  gentlemen,  but  a  fitting 
tribute  to  our  President  and  to  the  industrial,  commercial,  diplomatic  and 
martial  victories  of  his  administration  if  every  state  placed  the  stamp  of  its 
approval  upon  his  course  of  conduct ;  and  if  opportunity  were  given  there 
would  join  in  this  majestic  chorus  of  rational  indorsement  voices  coming  across 
the  waters  from  our  new  to  our  old  shores  ;  voices  coming  from  our  insular 
possessions  to  this  venerable  city  where  a  nation  was  born  consecrated  to 
liberty,  to  freedom  and  to  independence,  and  where  is  there  a  more  fitting 
place  for  this  universal  chorus  to  sound  forth  than  in  this  old-time  city  ? 

Now,  gentlemen,  these  voices  that  would  come  from  abroad  would  ring 
at  every  home  from  which,  for  the  first  time,  the  flag  of  freedom  floats,  and  that 
by  the  orders  of  our  President.  Furthermore,  to-day  there  are  linked  to  our 
progress  and  to  our  destiny,  and  therein  stable  government,  domestic  tranquility 
and  Christian  civilization  are  assured  to  them;  and,  just  as  I^incoln's  name 
sounds  to  the  emancipated  slave  and  his  children,  so  the  name  of  President 
McKinley  will  be  to  70,000,000  of  political  serfs.     (Applause.) 

Sectional  Lines  Disappear 

In  1896  we  gave  you  an  old  representative  slave  state.  By  so  doing  we 
removed  one  charge  against  our  party — that  it  was  sectional.  Republicanism 
marched  southward,  and  this  sectional  line  disappeared  from  the  map.  We  will 
do  it  again.  (Applause.)  We  will  still  show  the  people  in  the  North  and  the 
South  and  the  East  that  Republicanism — to  use  language  of  our  distinguished 
Chairman — means  action,  and  is  always  moving  forward.  A  Kentuckian,  a 
lover  of  my  native  state,  believing  in  the  integrity  and  honesty  of  her  citizens, 
I  have  the  fullest  confidence  in  them  ;  I  believe  they  will  make  final  response 


348  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION 

to  right  arguments,  and  that  that  response  will  be  made  at  our  polls  next 
November,  in  electing  electors  to  vote  for  President  William  McKinley  for 
re-election."     (Applause.) 

Theodore  Roosevelt  Nominated 
In  a  Speech  by  Lafayette  Young,  of  Iowa 

In   nominating   Governor  Roosevelt  for  the  Vice  Presidency, 
Lafayette  Young,  of  Iowa,  said: 

' '  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  :  I  have  listened  with  profound  interest  to 
the  numerous  indictments  pronounced  against  the  Democratic  party,  and  as  an 
impartial  reader  of  history  I  am  compelled  to  confess  that  the  indictments  are 
only  too  true.  If  I  am  to  judge,  however,  by  the  enthusiasm  of  this  hour,  the 
Republican  Relief  Committee  sent  out  four  years  ago  tp  carry  supplies  and 
succor  to  the  prostrate  industries  of  the  Republic  has  returned  to  make  formal 
report  that  the  duty  has  been  discharged.  (Applause.)  I  could  add  nothing  to 
this  indictment,  except  to  say  that  this  unfortunate  party,  through  four  years 
of  legislative  and  administrative  control,  had  made  it,  up  to  1896,  impossible 
for  an  honest  man  to  get  into  debt,  or  to  get  out  of  it.     (lyaughter.) 

Withdrawing  Doi,i.iver 

But,  my  fellow- citizens,  you  know  my  purpose  ;  you  know  the  heart  of 
this  convention.  The  country  never  called  for  patriotic  sons  from  any  given 
family  but  more  were  offered  than  there  was  room  for  on  the  enlistment  roll. 
When  this  convention  and  this  great  party  called  for  a  candidate  for  Vice  Pre- 
sident two  voices  responded — one  from  the  Mississippi  Valley  by  birth,  another 
by  loving  affection  and  adoption.  It  is  my  mission,  representing  that  part  of 
the  great  lyouisiana  purchase,  to  withdraw  one  of  these  sons  and  suggest  that 
the  duty  be  placed  upon  the  other.  I  therefore  withdraw  the  name  of  Jonathan 
P.  Dolliver,  of  Iowa,  a  man  born  with  the  thrill  of  the  L,incoln  and  Fremont 
campaigns  in  his  heart  and  with  the  power  to  stir  the  hearts  and  consciences  of 
men  as  part  of  his  birthright.  We  turn  to  this  other  adopted  son  of  the  great 
Middle  West,  and  at  this  moment  I  recall  that  two  years  ago  to-day  as  many 
men  as  there  are  men  and  women  in  this  great  hall  were  on  board  sixty  trans- 
ports lying  off  Santiago  Harbor,  in  full  view  of  the  bay,  with  Morro  Castle 
looming  up  upon  the  right  and  another  prominence  upon  the  left,  with  the 
opening  of  the  channel  between. 

On  board  those  transports  were  20,000  soldiers  that  had  gone  away 
from  our  shores  to  liberate  another  race,  to  fulfill  no  obligation  but  that  of 
humanity. 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION  349 

As  a  campaign  follower  there  were  those  who  witnessed  this  great  specta- 
cle of  that  fleet,  and  on  the  ship  Yucatan  was  that  famous  regiment  of  Rough 
Riders  of  the  far  West  and  the  Mississippi  Valley.  (Applause.)  In  command 
of  that  regiment  was  that  fearless  young  American,  student,  scholar,  plains- 
man, reviewer,  historian,  statesman,  soldier,  of  the  Middle  West  by  adoption,  of 
New  York  by  birth.  That  fleet  sailing  around  the  point,  coming  to  the  place 
of  landing,  stood  off  the  harbor  two  years  ago  to-morrow,  and  the  navy  bom- 
barded that  shore  to  make  a  place  for  landing,  and  no  man  who  lives  who  was 
in  that  campaign  as  an  officer,  as  a  soldier  or  as  a  camp  follower,  can  fail  to 
recall  the  spectacle ;  and,  if  he  closes  his  eyes  he  sees  the  awful  scenes  in 
that  campaign  in  June  and  Jnly,  1898. 

Landing  of  the;  Troops 

Then  the  landing  being  completed,  there  were  those  who  stood  upon  the 
shore  and  saw  these  indomitable  men  land,  landing  in  small  boats  through  the 
waves  that  dash  against  the  shore,  landing  without  harbor,  but  land  they  did, 
with  their  accoutrements  on  and  their  weapons  by  their  sides,  and  those  who 
stood  upon  that  shore  and  saw  these  men  come  on  thought  they  could  see 
in  their  faces,  '  Stranger,  can  you  tell  me  the  nearest  road  to  Santiago  ?  ' 
(Applause.) 

That  is  the  place  they  were  looking  for.  And  the  leader  of  that  cam- 
paign of  one  of  those  regiments  shall  be  the  name  that  I  shall  place  before  this 
convention  for  the  office  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States.    (Applause.) 

There  is  not  under  any  sun  or  any  clime  any  man  or  government  that 
cares  to  insult  the  flag  of  the  United  States.  Not  one.  We  are  a  greater  and 
a  broader  people  on  account  of  these  achievements.  Uncle  Sam  has  been  made 
a  cosmopolitan  citizen  of  the  world .  No  one  questions  his  prowess  or  bravery 
as  the  result  of  these  campaigns,  and  as  the  result  of  the  American  spirit,  my 
fellow-citizens,  the  American  soldier,  10,000  miles  away  from  home,  with  a 
musket  in  his  hands,  says  to  the  aggressor,  to  those  who  are  in  favor  of  tyranny  : 
' '  Halt !  Who  comes  there  ? ' '  and  the  same  spirit  says  to  the  beleaguered  hosts 
of  liberty  :   "  Hold  the  fort,  for  I  am  coming  !  " 

Naming  Thk  Candidate 

Now,  gentlemen  of  the  convention,  I  place  before  you  this  distinguished 
leader  of  Republicanism  of  the  United  States,  this  leader  of  the  aspirations  of 
the  people,  whose  hearts  are  right,  and  this  leader  of  the  aspirations  of  the 
young  men  of  this  country.  Their  hearts  and  consciences  are  with  this  young 
leader,  whom  I  shall  name  for  the  Vice  Presidency  of  the  United  States,  Theo- 
dore Roosevelt,  of  New  York."     (L,oud  cheering.) 


350  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION 

In  response  to  a  popular  call  by  the  convention,  who  desired 
to  hear  the  man  who  in  previous  conventions  had  put  in  nomination 
New  York's  favorite  sons,  Senator  Depew  took  the  platform,  and, 
in  seconding  Roosevelt's  nomination,  said  : 

"Gentlemen  of  the  Convention : — Permit  me  to  state  to  you  at  the  outset 
that  I  am  not  upon  the  programme  ;  but  I  will  gladly  perform  the  pleasant 
duty  of  announcing  that  New  York  came  here,  as  did  every  other  delegation, 
for  Colonel  Roosevelt  for  Vice  President  of  the  United  States.  (Applause.) 
When  Colonel  Roosevelt  expressed  to  us  his  wish  that  he  should  not  be 
considered,  we  respected  it,  and  we  proposed  to  place  in  nomination,  by  our 
unanimous  vote,  our  Lieutenant- Governor,  the  Honorable  Timothy  Woodruff. 
(Applause.)  Now  that  the  Colonel  has  responded  to  the  call  of  the  conven- 
tion and  the  demand  of  the  people.  New  York  withdraws  Mr.  Woodruff  and 
puts  Roosevelt  in  nomination. 

I  had  the  pleasure  of  nominating  him  two  years  ago  for  Governor,  when 
all  the  signs  pointed  to  the  loss  of  New  York  in  the  election,  but  he  charged 
up  and  down  the  old  state  from  Montauk  Point  to  Niagara  Falls  as  he  went  up 
San  Juan  Hill  (applause) ,  and  the  Democrats  fled  before  him  as  the  Spaniards 
had  in  Cuba.     (Applause.) 

It  is  a  peculiarity  of  American  life  that  our  men  are  not  born  to  anything, 
but  they  get  there  afterward. 

McKinley,  a  young  soldier  and  coming  out  a  major  ;  McKinley,  a  Con- 
gressman and  making  a  tariff;  McKinley,  a  President,  elected  because  he 
represented  the  protection  of  American  industries,  and  McKinley  after  four 
years'  development,  in  peace,  in  war,  in  prosperity  and  in  adversity,  the  great- 
est President  save  one  or  two  that  this  country  has  ever  had,  and  the  greatest 
ruler  in  Christendom  to-day.  (Applause.)  So  with  Colonel  Roosevelt — we  call 
him  '  Teddy.'  He  was  the  child  of  New  York,  of  New  York  city,  the  place 
that  you  gentlemen  from  the  West  think  means  '  coupons,  clubs  and  eternal 
damnation  for  every  one.'  '  Teddy,'  this  child  of  Fifth  Avenue — he  was  the 
child  of  the  clubs  ;  he  was  the  child  of  the  exclusiveness  of  Harvard  College, 
and  he  went  West  and  became  a  cowboy.  (Applause  and  laughter.)  And 
then  he  went  into  the  Navy  Department  and  became  an  assistant  secretary. 
He  gave  an  order  and  the  old  chiefs  of  bureaus  came  to  him  and  said  :  '  Why, 
Colonel,  there  is  no  authority  and  no  requisition  to  burn  this  powder.' 

'Well,'  said  the  Colonel,  '  we  have  got  to  get  ready  when  war  comes, 
and  powder  was  manufactured  to  be  burned.'     (Applause.) 

And  the  burning  of  that  powder  sank  Cervera's  fleet  outside  of  Santiago's 
harbor  and  the  fleet  in  Manila  Bay.     (Applause) 


THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION  351 

At  Santiago  a  modest  voice  was  heard,  exceedingly  polite,  addressing  a 
militia  regiment,  lying  upon  the  ground,  while  the  Spanish  bullets  were  flying 
over  them.  This  voice  said  :  '  Get  one  side,  gentlemen,  one  side,  gentlemen, 
please,  that  my  men  can  get  out.'  And  when  this  polite  man  got  his  men 
out  in  the  open,  where  they  could  face  the  bayonet  and  face  the  bullet,  there 
was  a  transformation,  and  the  transformation  was  that  the  dude  had  become 
a  cowboy,  the  cowboy  had  become  a  soldier,  the  soldier  had  become  a  hero, 
and,  rushing  up  the  hill  pistol  in  hand  (great  applause),  the  polite  man 
shouted  to  the  militiamen  lying  down,  'Give  them  hell  boys!  Give  them 
hell !  '     (Applause.) 

At  this  point  Senator  Depew  had  bowed,  and  was  about  to 
retire  from  the  platform,  when  voices  from  all  directions  were 
heard  calling  out,  "  More,"  "  Go  on!  "  "  Go  on  !  " 

The  Senator,  having  in  mind  the  ill-concealed  impatience 
which  the  audience  very  audibly  had  exhibited  during  the  last  few 
minutes  of  Governor  Mount's  speech,  retorted,  "  I  thought  you 
were  tired." 

There  was  the  response  of  hearty  laughter  from  all  parts  of 
the  hall,  mingled  with  calls  of  "  Go  on,"  and  the  Senator  continued  : 

Allusion  has  been  made  by  one  of  the  speakers  to  the  fact  that  the 
Democratic  Convention  is  to  meet  on  the  Fourth  of  July.  Great  Scott !  The 
Fourth  of  July  !  (Laughter.)  On  the  Fourth  of  July  all  the  great  heroes  of 
the  Revolution,  all  the  great  heroes  of  the  War  of  181 2.  all  the  great  heroes 
of  Mexico  and  the  heroes  of  the  war  with  Spain  who  are  not  dead,  will  be  in 
processions  all  over  the  country ;  those  mighty  spirits  ;  but  they  will  not 
be  at  the  Democratic  Convention  at  Kansas  City. 

A  voice  from  the  platform  :   '  And  the  War  of  the  Rebellion.' 

Senator  Depew — And  the  war  of  the  Rebellion.  There  is  one  gentleman 
who  is  detained  from  there  and  from  the  welcome  which  they  would  delight  to 
give  him,  but  he  is  at  present  engaged  in  running  a  foot-race,  under  the  blazing 
sun,  from  the  soldiers  of  the  United  States.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  George 
Washington's  spirit  will  not  be  there,  but  George  Washington  Aguinaldo,  if 
he  could,  would  be  there  as  a  welcome  delegate.      (Laughter  and  applause.) 

I  would  like  to  sit  in  the  gallery  and  hear  the  platform  read  condemning 
expansion,  with  Jeff"erson  coming  out  of  the  clouds  and  saying,  '  Who  are 
you?  Didn't  my  expansion  become  fifteen  States  as  glorious  and  as  great  as 
any  in  your  convention,  and  what  are  you  condemning  me  for?'  Anti- 
imperialism  ?     Because  we  are  putting  down  an  insurrection  in  the  Philippines  ? 


352  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION 

And  from  the  grave  at  the  Herhiitage  comes  the  spirit  of  old  Andrew  Jackson, 
saying,  '  Get  out  of  here,  or  by  the  eternal  I  will  let  you  know  who  I  am.' 
(Laughter and  applause.)  Anti-acquisition  of  territory?  And  then  comes  a 
procession  of  Democrats  of  the  old  Democratic  party — Jefferson,  Monroe,  Polk, 
Pierce — pointing  to  Louisiana,  pointing  to  New  Mexico,  pointing  to  Cali- 
fornia, pointing  to  Oregon,  pointing  to  what  has  made  our  country  first  and 
foremost  among  the  countries  of  the  world.  (Applause  and  cheers.)  And 
then  will  come  the  great  card  of  the  convention,  headed  by  the  great  Bryan 
himself,  '  Down  with  the  trusts  !  '  '  Down  with  the  trusts  !  '  And  when  the 
applause  is  over  it  will  be  found  that  the  pitchers  on  the  table  have  been 
broken  by  the  clashing  of  the  ice  within.  (Prolonged  laughter  and  cheering.) 
For  that  ice  will  be  making  merry  at  5  cents  a  chunk. 

.Vintage:  of  June,   1900 

I  heard  a  story  (laughter) — this  is  a  brand  new  story.  (Continued 
laughter.)  It  is  the  vintage  of  June,  1900.  Most  of  my  stories  are  more 
venerable.  There  was  a  lady  with  her  husband  in  Florida  last  winter.  He 
consumptive  and  she  a  strenuous  and  a  tumultuous  woman.  (Laughter.) 
Her  one  remark  was  as  they  sat  on  the  piazza,  '  Stop  coughing,  John.' 
John  had  a  hemorrhage.  The  doctor  said  he  must  stay  in  bed  six  weeks.  His 
tumultuous  wife  said  :  '  Doctor,  it  is  impossible.  We  are  traveling  on  a  time 
limit  ticket  and  we  have  got  several  more  places  to  go  to.'  (Laughter.)  So 
she  carried  him  off.  The  next  station  they  got  to  the  poor  old  man  died, 
and  the  sympathetic  hotel  proprietor  said,  '  Poor  madame,  what  shall  we 
do?'  She  said,  'Box  him  up,  I  have  got  a  time  limit  ticket  and  several 
more  places  to  go  to.'  (Laughter  and  applause.)  Now  we  tried  16  to  i  in 
1896.  We  put  a  monument  over  it  weighing  as  many  tons  as  the  Sierra 
Nevada  when  gold  was  put  into  the  statutes  by  a  Republican  Congress  and  the 
signature  of  William  McKinley. 

It  Expires  in  November 

Colonel  Bryan  has  been  a  body-snatcher  (laughter)  ;  he  has  got  the  corpse 
out  from  under  the  monument,  but  it  is  dead.  He  has  got  it  in  its  coffin, 
carrying  it  along,  as  the  bereaved  widow,  because,  he  says  : 

'  I  must,  I  must.  I  am  wedded  to  this  body  of  sin  and  death. '  (Laughter.) 
I  must,  I  must,  because  I  have  a  time  limit  ticket  which  expires  in  November. 
(Laughter  and  applause.)  '  .  • 

I  remember  when  I  used  to  go  abroad — it  is  a  good  thing  for  a  Yankee  to 
go  abroad — I  used  to  be  ashamed  because  everywhere  they  would  say  :  '  What 
is  the  matter  with  the  Declaration  of  Independence  when  you  have  slavery  in 


777^  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION  355 

your  land  ?  '  Well,  we  took  slavery  out,  and  now  no  American  is  ashamed  to 
go  abroad.  When  I  went  abroad  afterward  the  ship  was  full  of  merchants 
buying  iron,  and  buying  steel,  and  buying  wool,  and  buying  cotton  and  all 
kinds  of  goods.  Now,  when  an  American  goes  around  the  world,  what 
happens  to  him  when  he  reaches  the  capital  of  Japan  ?  He  rides  on  an  electric 
railway  made  by  American  mechanics  ;  when  he  reaches  the  territory  of  China 
he  rides  under  an  electric  light  invented  by  Mr.  Edison  and  put  up  by 
American  artisans.  When  he  goes  over  the  great  railway  across  Siberia,  from 
China  to  St.  Petersburg,  he  rides  on  American  rails  in  cars  drawn  by  American 
locomotives.  When  he  goes  to  Germany  he  finds  our  iron  and  steel  climbing 
over  a  $2.50  tariff  and  thereby  scaring  the  Kaiser  most  out  of  his  wits. 
(Ivaughter.)  When  he  reaches  the  great  exposition  at  Paris  he  finds  the  French 
winemaker  saying  that  American  wine  cannot  be  admitted  there  for  the  pur- 
pose of  judgment,  When  he  gets  to  old  London  he  gets  for  breakfast  Cali- 
fornia fruit,  he  gets  for  lunch  biscuit  and  bread  made  of  Western  flour,  and 
he  gets  for  dinner  '  roast  beef  of  old  Kngland  '  and  taken  from  the  plains  of 
Montana.  (Laughter.)  His  feet  rest  on  a  carpet  marked  Axminster  and 
made  at  Yonkers,  N.  Y.     (Renewed  laughter.) 

A  Reference  ;  a  Record 

Now,  my  friends,  this  canvass  we  are  entering  upon  is  a  canvass  of  the 
future  ;  the  past  is  only  for  record  and  for  reference,  and,  thank  God,  we  have 
a  reference  and  a  record.  What  is  the  tendency  of  the  future  ?  Why  this  war 
in  South  Africa  ?  Wh}^  this  hammering  at  the  gates  of  Peking  ?  Why  this 
marching  of  troops  from  Asia  to  Africa  ?  Why  these  parades  of  people  from 
other  empires  and  other  lands  ?  It  is  because  the  surplus  productions  of  the 
civilized  countries  of  modern  times  are  greater  than  civilization  can  consume. 
It  is  because  this  overproduction  goes  back  to  stagnation  and  to  poverty. 

The  American  people  now  produce  $2,000,000,000  worth  more  than  we 
can  consume,  and  we  have  met  the  emergency  and  by  the  providence  of  God, 
by  the  statesmanship  of  William  McKinley  and  by  the  valor  of  Roosevelt  and 
his  associates  (applause)  we  have  our  market  in  Cuba,  we  have  our  market  in 
Porto  Rico,  v/e  have  our  market  in  Hawaii,  we  have  our  market  in  the  Philip- 
pines and  we  stand  in  the  presence  of  800,000,000  of  people  with  the  Pacific  as 
an  American  lake  and  the  American  artisan  producing  better  and  cheaper 
goods  than  any  country  in  the  world  ;  and,  my  friends,  we  go  to  American 
labor  and  to  the  American  farm  and  say  that  with  McKinley  for  another  four 
years  there  is  no  congestion  for  America.  Let  invention  proceed,  let  produc- 
tion go  on,  let  the  mountains  bring  forth  their  treasures,  let  the  factories  do 
their  best,  let  labor  be  empolyed  at  the  highest  wages,  because  the  world  is 


356  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CONVENTION 

ours  and  we  have  conquered  it  by  Republican  principles  and  by  Republican 
persistency  in  the  principles  of  American  industry  and  of  America  for 
Americans.     (Applause.)- 

Ali.  Points  of  the  Compass 

You  and  I,  my  friends — you  from  New  England  with  all  its  culture  and 
its  coldness  (laughter),  and  you  from  the  Middle  West  who,  starting  from  Ohio, 
and  radiating  in  every  direction,  think  you  are  all  there  is  of  it  (laughter),  you 
from  the  West  who  produced  on  this  platform  a  product  of  New  England 
transformed  to  the  West  through  New  York,  that  delivered  the  best  presiding 
ofl&cers  speech  in  oratory,  and  all  that  makes  up  a  great  speech,  that  has  been 
heard  in  many  a  day  in  any  convention  in  this  country  (applause,  and  cries  of 
'good,  good).'  It  was  a  glorious  thing  to  see  the  fervor  of  the  West  and 
the  culture  and  polish  of  New  England  giving  us  an  ammunition  wagon  from 
which  the  spell-binder  everywhere  can  draw  the  powder  to  shoot  down  opposi- 
tion East  and  West  and  North  and  South.     (Applause  and  laughter.) 

Many  of  you  I  met  in  convention  four  years  ago.  We  all  feel  what  little 
men  we  were  then  compared  with  what  we  (loud  applause) — the  statesman  and 
the  cowboy  (laughter) ,  the  accomplished  man  of  affairs  and  the  heroic  fighter. 
The  man  who  has  proved  great  as  President,  and  the  fighter  who  has  proved 
great  as  Governor.  (Applause.)  We  leave  this  old  town  simply  to  keep  on 
shouting  and  working  to  make ic  unanimous  for  McKinley  and  for  Roosevelt." 


CHAPTER  XX. 

"The  Party  of  Live  Issues." 

Address  by  Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  Permanent  Chairman  of  the 
Philadelphia  Convention,  June  20,  1900, 

Declares  the  Republican  Party  to  be  the  Party  of  Live  Issues — 
New  Problems  brought  by  War  to  be  faced  with  Confidence 
— Deeds  of  the  past  four  years  Guarantee  the  Promises 
for  the  Future — Scholarly  and  Eloquent  Addjess. 

SENATOR  LODGE,  after  being  chosen  permanent  chairman 
of  the  convention  delivered  a  powerful  and  impressive  speech, 
setting  forth  the  splendid  accomplishments  of  the  Republi- 
can party  during  the  past  four  years  and  declaring  that  these  deeds 
guarantee  that  the  promises  of  to-day  will  be  fulfilled.      His  address 
in  full  follows  : — 

One  of  the  greatest  honors  that  can  fall  to  any  American  in  public  life  is 
to  be  called  to  preside  over  a  Republican  National  Convention.  How  great  that 
honor  is  you  know,  but  you  cannot  realize,  nor  can  I  express,  the  gratitude  which 
I  feel  to  you  for  having  conferred  it  upon  me.  I  can  only  say  to  you,  in  the 
simplest  phrase,  that  I  thank  you  from  the  bottom  of  my  heart.  "  Beggar  that 
I  am,  I  am  even  poor  in  thanks,  and  yet  I  thank  you." 

We  meet  again  to  nominate  the  next  President  of  the  United  States.  Four 
years  have  passed  since  we  nominated  the  soldier  and  statesman  who  is  now 
President,  and  who  is  soon  to  enter  upon  his  second  term.  Since  the  Civil  War 
no  Presidental  term  has  been  so  crowded  with  great  events  as  that  which  is 
now  drawing  to  a  close.  They  have  been  four  memorable  years.  To  Republi- 
cans they  show  a  record  of  promises  kept,  of  work  done,  of  unforeseen  ques- 
tions met  and  answered.  To  the  Democrats  they  have  been  generous  in  the 
exhibition  of  unfulfilled  predictions,  in  the  ruin  of  their  hopes  of  calamity,  and 
in  futile  opposition  to  the  forces  of  the  times  and  the  aspirations  of  the  Ameri- 
can people.  I  wish  I  could  add  that  they  had  been  equally  instructive  to  our 
opponents,  but  while  it  is  true  that  the  Democrats,  like  the  Bourbons,  learn 

357 


358  THE  PARTY  OF  LIVE  ISSUES 

nothing,  it  is  only  too  evident  that  the  familiar  comparison  cannot  be  com- 
pleted, for  they  forget  a  great  deal  which  it  would  be  well  for  them  to  remember. 

A  Comparison 

In  1897  we  took  the  government  and  the  country  from  the  hands  of  Presi- 
dent Cleveland.  His  party  had  abandoned  him  and  were  joined  to  their  idols, 
!  of  which  he  was  not  one.  During  the  last  years  of  his  term  we  had  presented 
to  us  the  melancholy  spectacle  of  a  President  trying  to  govern  without  a  party. 
The  result  was  that  his  policies  were  in  ruin,  legislation  was  at  a  standstill, 
and  public  affairs  were  in  a  perilous  and  incoherent  condition.  Party  respon- 
sibility had  vanished,  and  with  it  all  possibility  of  intelligent  action,  demanded 
by  the  country  at  home  and  abroad.  It  was  an  interesting  but  by  no  means 
singular  display  of  Democratic  unfitness  for  the  practical  work  of  government. 
To  the  political  student  it  was  instructive,  to  the  country  it  was  extremely 
painful,  to  business  disastrous. 

We  replaced  this  political  chaos  with  a  President  in  thorough  accord  with 
his  party,  and  the  machinery  of  government  began  again  to  move  smoothly 
and  effectively.  Thus  we  kept  at  once  our  promise  of  better  and  more  efficient 
administration.  In  four  months  after  the  inauguration  of  President  McKinley 
we  had  passed  a  tariff  bill.  For  ten  years  the  artificial  agitation,  in  beha,lf  of 
what  was  humorously  called  tariff  reform  and  of  what  was  really  free  trade,  had 
kept  business  in  a  ferment,  and  had  brought  a  Treasury  deficit,  paralyzed 
,  industries,  depression,  panic,  and,  finally,  continuous  bad  times  to  a  degree 
never  before  imagined. 

Would  you  know  the  result  of  our  tariff  legislation,  look  about  you. 
Would  you  measure  its  success,  recollect  that  it  is  no  longer  an  issue  ;  that  our 
opponents,  free  traders  as  they  are,  do  not  dare  to  make  it  an  issue  ;  that  there 
is  not  a  state  in  the  Union  to-day  which  could  be  carried  for  free  trade  against 
protection.  Never  was  a  policy  more  fully  justified  by  its  works  ;  never  was 
a  promise  made  by  any  party  more  absolutely  fulfilled. 

Promises  Made  and  FuIvFii.i.ed 

Dominant  among  the  issues  of  four  years  ago  was  that  of  our  monetary 
and  financial  system.  The  Republican  Party  promised  to  uphold  our  credit, 
to  protect  our  currency  from  revolution,  and  to  maintain  the  gold  standard.  We 
have  done  so.  We  have  done  more.  We  have  been  better  than  our  promise. 
Failing  to  secure,  after  honest  effort,  any  encouragement  for  international 
bimetallism,  we  have  passed  a  law  strengthening  the  gold  standard  and  planting 
it  more  firmly  than  ever  in  our  financial  system,  improving  our  banking  laws, 
buttressing  our  credit,  and  refunding  the  public  debt  at  2  per  cent,  interest, 


THE  PARTY  OF  LIVE  ISSUES  359 

the  lowest  rate  in  the  world.  It  was  a  great  work  well  done.  The  only  argu- 
ment the  Democrats  can  advance  to-day  in  their  own  behalf  on  the  money 
question  is  that  a  Republican  Senate,  in  the  event  of  Democratic  success,  would 
not  permit  the  repeal  of  a  Republican  law.  This  is  a  precious  argument  when 
looked  at  with  considerate  eyes,  and  quite  worthy  of  the  intellects  which  pro- 
duced it.  Apply  it  generally.  Upon  this  theory,  because  we  have  defeated 
the  soldiers  of  Spain  and  sunk  her  ships  we  can  with  safety  dispense  with  the 
army  and  the  navy  which  did  the  work.  Take  another  example.  There  has 
been  a  fire  in  a  great  city  ;  it  has  been  checked  and  extinguished,  therefore  let 
us  abolish  the  fire  department  and  cease  to  insure  our  homes.  Distrust  in  our 
currency,  the  dread  of  change,  the  deadly  fear  of  a  debased  standard  were 
raging  four  years  ago,  and  business  lay  prostrate  before  them.  Republican 
supremacy  and  Republican  legislation  have  extinguished  the  fires  of  doubt  and 
fear,  and  business  has  risen  triumphant  from  the  ashes.  Therefore  abolish 
your  fire  department,  turn  out  the  Republicans  and  put  in  power  the  incendi- 
aries who  lighted  the  flames,  and  trust  to  what  remains  of  Republican  control 
to  avert  fresh  disaster.     The  proposition  is  its  own  refutation. 

The  supremacy  of  the  party  that  has  saved  the  standard  of  sound  money 
and  guarded  it  by  law  is  as  necessary  for  its  security  and  for  the  existence  of 
honest  wages  and  of  business  confidence  now  as  it  was  in  1896. 

The  moment  the  Republican  party  passes  from  power  and  the  party  of 
free  silver  and  fiat  paper  comes  in,  stable  currency  and  the  gold  standard,  the 
standard  of  the  civilized  world,  are  in  imminent  and  deadly  peril.  Sound  cur- 
rency and  a  steady  standard  of  value  are  to-day  safe  only  in  Republican  hands. 

But  there  were  still  other  questions  in  1896.  We  had  already  thwarted 
the  efforts  of  the  Cleveland  Administration  to  throw  the  Hawaiian  Islands 
back  to  their  dethroned  Queen  and  to  give  England  a  foothold  for  her  cables 
in  the  group.  We  then  said  that  we  would  settle  finally  the  Hawaiian  question. 
We  have  done  so.  The  traditional  American  policy  has  been  carried  out.  The 
flag  of  the  Union  floats  to-day  over  the  cross-roads  of  the  Pacific. 

The:  ResuIvTS  o^  the:  Spanish  War 
We  promised  to  deal  with  the  Cuban  question.  Again  comes  the  reply, 
we  have  done  so.  The  long  agony  of  the  island  is  over.  Cuba  is  free.  But 
this  great  work  brought  with  it  events  and  issues  which  no  man  had  foreseen, 
for  which  no  party  creed  had  provided  a  policy.  The  crisis  came,  bringing 
war  in  its  train.  The  Republican  President  and  the  Republican  Congress  met 
the  new  trial  in  the  old  spirit.  We  fought  the  war  with  Spain.  The  result  is 
history  known  of  all  men.  We  have  the  perspective  now  of  only  a  short  two 
years,  and  yet  how  clear  and  bright  the  great  facts  stand  out,  like  mountain 
peaks  against  the  sky,  while  the  gathering  darkness  of  a  just  oblivion  is  creep- 


36o  THE  PARTY  OF  LIVE  ISSUES 

ing  fast  over  the  low  grounds  where  lie  forgotten  the  trivial  and  unimportant 
things,  the  criticisms  and  the  fault-findings,  which  seemed  so  huge  when  we 
still  lingered  among  them.     Here  they  are,  these  great  facts : 

A  war  of  a  hundred  days,  with  many  victories  and  no  defeats,  with  no 
prisoners  taken  from  us  and  no  advance  stayed,  with  a  triumphant  outcome 
startling  in  its  completeness  and  in  its  world-wide  meaning.  Was  ever  a  war 
more  justly  entered  upon,  more  quickly  fought,  more  fully  won,  more  thorough 
in  its  results?  Cuba  is  free.  Spain  has  been  driven  from  the  Western  Hemis- 
phere. Fresh  glory  has  come  to  our  arms  and  crowned  our  flag.  It  was  the 
work  of  the  American  people,  but  the  Republican  party  was  their  instrument. 
Have  we  not  the  right  to  say,  that,  here  too,  even  as  in  the  days  of  Abraham 
lyincoln,  we  have  fought  a  good  fight,  we  have  kept  the  faith,  we  have  finished 
the  work  ? 

War,  however,  is  ever  like  the  sword  of  Alexander.  It  cuts  the  knots. 
It  is  a  great  solvent  and  brings  many  results  not  to  be  foreseen.  The  world 
forces  unchained  in  war  perform  in  hours  the  work  of  years  of  quiet.  Spain 
sued  for  peace.  How  was,  that  peace  to  be  made  ?  The  answer  to  this  great 
question  had  to  be  given  by  the  President  of  the  United  States.  We  were  vic- 
torious in  Cuba,  Forth  Rico,  in  the  Philippines.  Should  we  give  those  islands 
back  to  Spain  ?  Never  !  was  the  President's  reply.  Would  any  American  wish 
that  he  had  answered  otherv/ise  ?  Should  we  hand  them  over  to  some  other 
power  ?  Never  !  was  again  the  answer.  Would  our  pride  and  self-respect  as  a 
nation  have  submitted  to  any  other  reply  ?  Should  we  turn  the  islands,  where 
we  had  destroyed  all  existing  sovereignity,  loose  upon  the  world  to  be  a  prey  to 
domestic  anarchy  and  the  helpless  spoil  of  some  other  nation  ?  Again  the 
inevitable  negative.  Again  the  President  answered  as  the  nation  he  represented 
would  have  him  answer.  He  boldly  took  the  islands,  took  them  knowing  well 
the  burden  and  the  responsibility  ;  took  them  from  a  deep  sense  of  duty  to  our- 
selves and  others,  guided  by  a  just  foresight  as  to  our  future  in  the  East,  and 
with  entire  faith  in  the  ability  of  the  American  people  to  grapple  with  the  new 
task.  When  future  conventions  point  to  the  deeds  by  which  the  Republican 
party  has  made  history,  they  will  proclaim  with  especial  pride  that  under  a 
Republican  Administration  the  war  of  1898  was  fought,  and  that  the  peace 
with  Spain  was  the  work  of  William  McKinley. 

A  Party  of  I^ivf  Issues 
So  much  for  the  past.  We  are  proud  of  it,  but  we  do  not  expect  to  live 
upon  it,  for  the  Republican  party  is  pre-eminently  the  party  of  action,  and  its 
march  is  ever  forward.  We  are  not  so  made  that  we  can  be  content  to  retreat 
or  to  mark  time.  The  traditions  of  the  early  days  of  our  party  are  sacred  to  us, 
and  are  hostages  given  to  the  American  people  that  we  will  not  be  unworthy  of 


THE  PARTY  OF  LIVE  ISSUES  361 

the  great  leaders  who  have  gone.  The  deeds  of  yesterday  are  in  their  turn  a 
proof  that  what  we  promise  we  perform,  and  that  the  people  who  put  faith  in 
our  declarations  in  1896  were  not  deceived,  and  may  place  the  same  trust  in  us 
in  1900.  But  our  pathway  has  never  lain  among  dead  issues,  nor  have  we  won 
our  victories  and  made  history  by  delving  in  political  graveyards.  We  are  the 
party  of  to-day,  with  cheerful  yesterdays  and  confident  to-morrows.  The  living 
present  is  ours,  the  present  of  prosperity  and  activity  in  business,  of  good  wages 
and  quick  payments,  of  labor  employed  and  capital  invested,  of  sunshine  in  the 
market  place,  and  the  stir  of  abounding  life  in  the  workshop  and  on  the  farm. 
It  is  with  this  that  we  have  replaced  the  depression,  the  doubts,  the  dull  busi- 
ness, the  low  wages,  the  idle  labor,  the  frightened  capital,  the  dark  clouds 
which  overhung  industry  and  agriculture  in  1896.  This  is  what  we  would 
preserve,  so  far  as  sound  government  and  wise  legislation  can  do  it.  This  is- 
what  we  brought  to  the  country  four  years  ago.  This  is  what  we  offer  now. 
Again  we  promise  that  the  protective  system  shall  be  maintained,  and  that  our 
great  industrial  interests  shall  go  on  their  way  unshaken  by  the  dire  fear  of 
tariff  agitation  and  of  changing  duties.  Again  we  declare  that  we  will  guard 
the  national  credit,  uphold  a  sound  currency  based  on  gold,  and  keep  the 
wages  of  the  workingman  and  the  enterprise  of  the  man  of  business  free  from 
that  most  deadly  of  all  evils,  a  fluctuating  standard  of  value.  The  deficit  which 
made  this  great  country  in  a  time  of  profund  peace  a  borrower  of  money  to 
meet  its  current  expenditures  has  been  replaced  by  abundant  revenues,  bring- 
ing a  surplus,  due  alike  to  prosperity  and  to  wise  legislation,  so  ample  that  we 
can  now  safely  promise  a  large  reduction  of  taxation  without  imperilling  our 
credit  or  risking  a  resort  to  loans. 

We  are  prepared  to  take  steps  toreviveand  build  up  ourmerchantmarine,  and 
thus  put  into  American  pockets  the  mon^y  paid  for  carrying  American  freights. 
Out  of  the  abundant  resources  which  our  financial  legislation  has  brought  us 
we  will  build  the  Isthmian  canal  and  lay  the  cables  which  will  help  to  turn 
the  current  of  Eastern  trade  to  the  Golden  Gate.  We  are  on  good  terms  with 
all  nations  and  mean  to  remain  so,  while  we  promise  to  insure  our  peace  and 
safety  by  maintaining  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  by  ample  coast  defences  and  by 
building  up  a  navy  which  no  one  can  challenge  with  impunity. 

Thb  New  Questions. 

The  new  problems  brought  by  the  war  we  face  with  confidence  in  our- 
selves and  a  still  deeper  confidence  in  the  American  people,  who  will  deal 
justly  and  rightly  with  the  islands  which  have  come  into  their  charge,  The 
outcry  against  our  new  possessions  is  as  empty  as  the  cant  about  ' '  militarism  ' ' 
and  ' '  imperialism  ' '  is  devoid  of  sense  and  meaning. 


362  THE  PARTY  OF  LIVE  ISSUES 

Regard  for  a  moment  those  who  are  loudest  in  shrieking  that  the  Amer- 
ican people  are  about  to  enter  upon  a  career  of  oppression  and  that  the  Repub- 
lic is  in  danger.  Have  they  been  in  the  past  the  guardians  of  freedom  ?  Is 
safety  for  liberty  now  to  be  found  most  surely  in  the  party  which  was  the 
defender  of  domestic  slavery  ?  Is  true  freedom  to  be  secured  by  the  ascendency 
of  the  party  which  beneath  our  very  eyes  seeks  to  establish  through  infamous 
laws  the  despotic  rule  of  a  small  and  unscrupulous  band  of  usurpers  in 
Kentucky,  who  trample  there  not  upon  the  rights  of  the  black  men  only  but  of 
the  whites,  and  which  seeks  to  extend  the  same  system  to  North  Carolina  and 
Missouri  ?  Has  it  suddenly  come  to  pass  that  the  Democratic  party,  which 
to-day  aims  whenever  it  acquires  power  to  continue  in  oflQce  by  crushing  out 
honest  elections  and  popular  rule,  has  it  indeed  come  to  pass,  I  say,  that  that 
party  is  the  chosen  protector  of  liberty  ?  If  it  were  so  the  outlook  would  be 
black  indeed.  No  !  the  party  of  Lincoln  may  best  be  trusted  now,  as  in  the 
past,  to  be  true,  even  as  he  was  true,  to  the  rights  of  man  and  to  human  free- 
dom, whether  within  the  borders  of  the  United  States  or  in  the  islands  which 
have  come  beneath  our  flag.  The  liberators  may  be  trusted  to  watch  over  the 
liberated.  We  who  freed  Cuba  will  keep  the  pledge  we  made  to  her  and  will 
guide  her  along  the  road  to  independence  and  stable  government  until  she  is 
ready  to  settle  her  own  future  by  the  free  expression  of  her  people's  will.  We 
will  be  faithful  to  the  trust  imposed  upon  us,  and  if  among  those  to  whom  this 
great  work  is  confided  in  Cuba,  or  elsewhere,  wrongdoers  shall  be  found,  men 
not  only  bad  in  morals  but  dead  to  their  duty  as  Americans  and  false  to  the 
honor  of  our  name,  we  will  punish  these  basest  of  criminals  to  the  extent  of 
the  law. 

For  the  islands  of  Hawaii  and  Porto  Rico  the  political  problem  has  been 
solved,  and  by  Republican  legislation  they  have  been  given  self-government, 
and  are  peaceful  and  prosperous  under  the  rule  of  the  United  States. 

No  Backdown  in  thk  Philippines 
In  the  Philippines  we  were  met  by  rebellion,  fomented  by  a  self-seeking 
adventurer  and' usurper.  The  duty  of  the  President  was  to  repress  that  rebellion, 
to  see  to  it  that  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  as  rightful  and  as  righteous 
in  Manila  as  in  Philadelphia,  was  acknowledged  and  obeyed.  That  harsh  and 
painful  duty  President  McKinley  has  performed  firmly  and  justly,  eager  to 
resort  to  gentle  measures  wherever  possible,  unyielding  when  treachery  and 
violence  made  force  necessary.  Unlike  the  opponents  of  expansion,  we  do  not 
regard  the  soldiers  of  Otis,  L,awton,  and  MacArthur  as  "an  enemy's  camp." 
In  our  eyes  they  are  the  soldiers  of  the  United  States,  they  are  our  army,  and 
we  believe  in  them  and  will  sustain  them.  Even  now  the  Democrats  are 
planning,  if  they  get  control  of  the  House,  to  cut  off  appropriations  for  the 


ca^ 


THE  PARTY  OF  LIVE  ISSUES  365 

army  and  thus  compel  the  withdrawal  of  our  troops  from  the  Philippines. 
The  result  would  be  to  force  the  retirement  of  such  soldiers  as  would  remain  to 
Manila,  and  their  retreat  would  be  the  signal  for  the  massacre  and  plunder  of 
the  great  body  of  the  peaceful  inhabitants  of  the  islands  who  have  trusted  to  us 
to  protect  and  guard  them.  Such  an  event  would  be  an  infamy.  Is  the 
government,  is  the  House,  to  be  given  over  to  a  party  capable  of  such  a  policy  ? 
Shall  they  not  rather  be  entrusted  to  the  party  which  will  sustain  the  army  and 
suppress  the  brigands  and  guerrillas  who,  under  pretence  of  war,  are  now 
adding  so  freely  to  the  list  of  crimes  committed  in  the  name  of  liberty  by 
usurpers  and  pretenders,  and  who,  buoyed  up  by  Democratic  promises,  keep 
up  a  highwayman's  warfare  in  hope  of  Democratic  success  in  November?  It 
is  for  the  American  people  to  decide  this  question.  Our  position  is  plain. 
The  restoration  of  peace  and  order  now  so  nearly  reached  in  the  Philippines 
shall  be  completed.  Civil  government  shall  be  established,  and  the  people 
advanced  as  rapidly  as  possible  along  the  road  to  entire  freedom  and  to  self- 
government  under  our  flag.  We  will  not  abandon  our  task.  We  will  neither 
surrender  nor  retreat.  We  will  not  write  failure  across  this  page  of  our  history. 
We  will  do  our  duty,  our  full  duty,  to  the  people  of  the  Philippines,  and  strive 
by  every  means  to  give  them  freedom,  contentment,  and  prosperity.  We  have 
no  belief  in  the  old  slaveholders'  doctrine  that  the  Constitution  of  its  own  force 
marches  into  every  newly  acquired  territory,  and  this  doctrine,  which  we  cast 
out  in  r86o,  we  still  reject.  We  do  not  mean  that  the  Philippines  shall  come 
without  our  tariff  system  or  become  part  of  our  body  politic.  We  do  mean  that 
they  shall,  under  our  teaching,  learn  to  govern  themselves  and  remain  under 
our  flag  with  the  largest  possible  measure  of  home  rule.  We  make  no 
hypocritical  pretence  of  being  interested  in  the  Philippines  solely  on  account  of 
others.  While  we  regard  the  welfare  of  those  people  as  a  sacred  trust  we 
regard  the  welfare  of  the  American  people  first. 

We  see  our  duty  to  ourselves  as  well  as  to  others.  We  believe  in  trade 
expansion .  By  every  legitimate  means  within  the  province  of  government  and 
legislation  we  mean  to  stimulate  the  expansion  of  our  trade  and  to  open  new 
markets.  Greatest  of  all  markers  is  China.  Our  trade  there  is  growing  by 
leaps  and  bounds.  Manila,  the  prize  of  the  war,  gives  us  inestimable  advan- 
tages in  developing  that  trade.  It  is  the  corner-stone  of  our  Eastern  policy, 
and  the  briliant  diplomacy  of  John  Hay  in  securing  from, all  nations  a  guaran- 
tee of  our  treaty  rights  and  of  the  open  door  ih  China  rests  upon  it.  We  ask 
the  American  people  whether  they  will  throw  away  those  new  markets  and 
widening  opportunities  for  trade  and  commerce,  by  putting  in  power  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  which  seeks  under  cover  of  a  newly  discovered  affection  for  the 
rights  of  man  to  give  up  these  islands  of  the  East  and  make  Dewey's  victory 


366  THE  PARTY  OF  LIVE  ISSUES 

fruitless  ?  The  choice  lies  between  this  Democratic  policy  of  retreat  and  the 
Republican  policy,  which  would  hold  the  islands  and  give  them  freedom  and 
prosperity,  and  enlarge  those  great  opportunities  for  ourselves  and  for  posterity. 

The  Democratic  attitude  toward  the  Philippines  rests  wholly  upon  the 
proposition  that  the  American  people  have  neither  the  capacity  nor  the  honesty 
to  deal  rightly  with  these  islands.  They  assume  that  we  shall  fail.  They 
fall  down  and  worship  a  Chinese  half-breed ,  whose  name  they  had  never  heard 
three  years  ago,  and  they  slander  and  cry  down  and  doubt  the  honor  of  Amer- 
ican soldiers  and  sailors,  of  Admirals  and  Generals,  and  puplic  men  who  have 
gone  in  and  out  before  us  during  an  entire  lifetime.  We  are  true  to  our  own. 
We  have  no  distrust  of  the  honor,  the  humanity,  the  capacity  of  the  American 
people.  To  feel  or  do  otherwise  is  to  doubt  ourselves,  our  government,  and 
our  civilization.  We  take  issue  with  the  Democrats  who  would  cast  off  the 
Philippines,  and  we  declare  that  the  American  people  can  be  trusted  to  deal 
wisely  and  generously  with  these  distant  islands  and  will  lift  them  up  to  a 
higher  prosperity,  a  broader  freedom,  and  a  nobler  civilization  than  they  have 
ever  known.     We  have  not  failed  elsewhere.     We  shall  not  fail  here. 

These  are  the  questions  we  present  to  the  American  people  in  regard  to 
the  Philippines.  Do  they  want  such  a  humiliating  change  there  as  Democratic 
victory  would  bring  ?  Do  they  want  an  even  more  radical  change  at  home  ? 
Suppose  the  candidate  of  the  Democrats,  the  Populists,  the  foes  of  expansion, 
the  dissatisfied,  and  the  envious  should  come  into  power,  what  kind  of  an 
administration  would  he  give  us  ?  What  w^ould  his  Cabinet  be  ?  Think  what 
an  electric  spark  of  confidence  would  run  through  every  business  interest  in 
the  country  when  such  a  Cabinet  was  announced  as  we  can  readily  imagine  he 
would  make.  More  important  still,  w^e  ask  the  American  people  whether  they 
will  put  in  the  White  House  the  hero  of  uncounted  platforms,  the  prodigal 
spendthrift  of  words,  the  champion  of  free  silver,  the  opponent  of  expansion, 
the  assailant  of  the  Courts  ;  or  whether  they  will  retain  in  the  Presidency  the 
Union  soldier,  the  leader  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  the  trained  states- 
man who  bas  borne  the  heavy  burdens  of  the  last  four  years,  the  champion  of 
protection  and  sound  money,  the  fearless  supporter  of  law  and  order  whenever 
the  flag  floats  ? 

Will  You  Risk  a  Change; 

But  there  is  oiie  question  which  we  will  put  to  the  American  people  in 
this  campaign  which  includes  and  outweighs  all  others.  We  will  say  to  them  : 
You  were  in  the  depths  of  adversity  under  the  last  Democratic  Administration  ; 
you  are  on  the  heights  of  prosperity  to-day.  Will  that  prosperity  continue  if 
you  make  a  change  in  your  President  and  in  the  party  which  administers  your 
government  ?  How  long  will  your  good  times  last  if  you  turn  out  the  Repub- 


THE  PARTY  OF  LIVE  ISSUES  2>^'j 

licans  and  give  political  power  to  those  who  cry  nothing  but  ' '  Woe  !  Woe  !  ' ' 
— the  lovers  of  calamity  and  foes  of  prosperity,  wjio  hold  success  in  business  to 
be  a  crime  and  regard  thrift  as  a  misdemeanor  ?  If  the  Democrats  should  win, 
do  you  think  business  would  improve  ?  Do  j^ou  think  that  prices  would  remain 
stead)^,  that  wages  would  rise  and  emploj-ment  increase  when  that  result  of  the 
election  was  known  ?  Business  confidence  rests  largelj^  upon  sentiment.  Do 
5^ou  think  that  sentiment  would  be  a  hopeful  one  the  day  after  Brj^an's  elec- 
tion ?  Business  confidence  is  a  delicate  plant.  Do  j^ou  think  it  would  flourish 
with  the  Democratic  party?  Do  5^ou  not  know  that  if  Brj-an  were  elected,  the 
day  after  the  news  was  flashed  over  the  countrj^  wages  would  go  down,  prices 
would  decline,  and  that  the  great  argosy  of  American  business  now  forging 
ahead  over  calm  waters,  with  fair  breezes  and  with  swelling  canvas,  would 
begin  to  take  in  sail  and  seek  shelter  and  anchorage  of  the  nearest  harbor  ?  Do 
you  not  know  from  recent  and  bitter  experience  what  that  arrest  of  movement, 
that  fear  of  the  future  means?  It  means  the  contraction  of  business,  the 
reduction  of  employment,  the  increase  of  the  unemployed,  lower  wages,  hard 
times,  distress,  unhappiness.  We  do  not  say  that  we  have  panaceas  for  every 
human  ill.  We  do  not  claim  that  anj^  policy  we  or  an}^  one  else  can  offer  will 
drive  from  the  world  sorrow  and  suffering  and  povert}^  but  we  say  that  so  far 
as  government  and  legislation  can  secure  the  prosperity  and  well-being  of  the 
American  people  our  administration  and  our  policies  will  do  it.  We  point  to 
the  adversity  of  the  Cleveland  years  lying  dark  behind  us.  It  has  been  replaced 
by  the  prosperity  of  the  McKinlej^  years.  Let  them  make  whatever  explanation 
they  will,  the  facts  are  with  us. 

It  is  on  these  facts  that  we  shall  ask  for  the  support  of  the  American  peo- 
ple. What  we  have  done  is  known,  and  about  what  we  intend  to  do  there  is 
neither  secrecy  nor  deception.  What  we  promise  we  will  perform.  Our  old 
policies  are  here,  alive,  successful  and  full  of  vigor.  Our  new  policies  have  been 
begun,  and  for  them  we  ask  support.  When  the  clouds  of  impending  civil'war 
hung  dark  over  the  country  in  1861  we  took  up  the  great  task  then  laid  upon 
us  and  never  flinched  until  we  had  carried  it  through  to  victor^^  Now  at  the 
dawn  of  a  new  century,  with  new  policies  and  new  opportunities  opening 
before  us  in  the  bright  sunshine  of  prosperity,  we  again  ask  the  American 
people  to  entrust  us  with  their  future.  We  have  profound  faith  in  the  people. 
We  do  not  distrust  their  capacity  of  meeting  the  new  responsibilities,  even  as 
they  met  the  old,  and  we  shall  await  with  confidence,  under  the  leadership  of 
William  McKinle}^  the  verdict  of  November. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

Republican  Platform  Adopted 

At  Philadelphia,  June  20,  1900 

A   Declaration  of  Republican   Party   Principles — War  Taxes, 

Expansion,   Trusts,   Government   of    New  Possessions, 

and   Other  Vital    Questions    Stated 

THE  following  is  a  brief  synopsis  of  the  Republican  Platform, 
which  is  given  in  full  below. 

The  party  endorses  President  McKinley's  Administration  ; 
asserts  its  allegiance  to  the  gold  standard  and  its  steadfast  opposi- 
tion to  the  free  coinage  of  silver ;  it  condemns  conspiracies  and 
combinations  to  restrict  business  ;  re-affirms  its  policy  of  protection 
and  reciprocity  ;  declares  for  more  effective  restriction  of  immigra- 
tion of  cheap  labor  ;  and  upholds  Civil  Service  reform. 

Declares  that  there  can  be  no  discrimination  on  account  of  race 
or  color ;  stands  for  good  roads  ;  rural  free  delivery  ;  free  homes  ; 
reclamation  of  arid  lands ;  favors  statehood  for  New  Mexico, 
Arizona  and  Oklahoma  ;  promises  reduction  of  war  taxes  ;  declares 
for  an  Isthmian  Canal  and  an  open  door  in  China ;  women  are  con- 
gratulated on  the  work  in  camp  and  hospital;  re-affirms  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  and  approves  the  tender  of  good  offices  to  end  the  war  in 
South  Africa ;  promises  restoration  of  order  and  establishment  of 
self-government  in  the  Philippines  and  independence  to  Cuba. 

The  Platform. 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  through  their  chosen  representa- 
tives met  in  National  Convention,  looking  back  upon  an  unsurpassed  record  of 
achievement  and  looking  forward  into  a  great  field  of  duty  and  opportunity, 
arid  appealing  to  the  judgment  of  their  countrymen,  make  these  declarations  : 

The  expectation  in  which  the  American  people,  turning  from  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  intrusted  power  four  years  ago  to  a  Republican  Chief  Magistrate 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM  ADOPTED  369 

and  a  Republican  Congress  has  been  met  and  satisfied.  When  the  people  then 
assembled  at  the  polls,  after  a  term  of  Democratic  legislation  and  administra- 
tion, business  was  dead,  industry  paralyzed  and  the  National  credit  disastrously 
impaired.  The  country's  capital  was  hidden  away,  and  its  labor  distressed  and 
unemployed .  The  Democrats  had  no  other  plan  with  which  to  improve  the 
ruinous  conditions  which  they  had  themselves  produced  than  to  coin  silver  at 
the  ratio  of  16  to  i.  The  Republican  party,  denouncing  this  plan  as  sure  to 
produce  conditions  even  worse  than  those  from  which  relief  was  sought,  prom- 
ised to  restore  prosperity  by  means  of  two  legislative  measures — a  protective 
tariff  and  a  law  making  gold  the  standard  of  value. 

Promises  Made  and  Kept 

The  people  by  great  majorities  issued  to  the  Republican  party  a  commis- 
sion to  enact  these  laws.  This  commission  has  been  executed,  and  the  Repub- 
lican promise  is  redeemed.  Prosperity  more  general  and  more  abundant  than 
we  have  ever  known  has  followed  these  enactments.  There  is  no  longer  con- 
trovery  as  to  the  value  of  any  government  obligation .  Every  American  dollar 
is  a  gold  dollar,  or  its  assured  equivalent,  and  American  credit  stands  higher 
than  that  of  any  nation.  Capital  is  fully  employed,  and  labor  everywhere  is 
profitably  occupied.  No  single  fact  can  more  strikingly  tell  the  story  of  what 
Republican  government  means  to  the  country  than  this — that  while  during  the 
whole  period  of  one  hundred  and  seven  years,  from  1790  to  1897,  there  was  an 
excess  of  exports  over  imports  of  only  $383,028,497,  there  has  been  in  the  short 
three  years  of  the  present  Republican  Administration  an  excess  of  exports  over 
imports  in  the  enormous  sum  of  |5i, 483, 537, 094. 

And  while  the  American  people,  sustained  by  this  Republican  legislation, 
have  been  achieving  these  splendid  triumphs  in  their  business  and  commerce, 
they  have  conducted,  and  in  victory  concluded,  a  war  for  liberty  and  human 
rights.  No  thought  of  national  aggrandizement  tarnished  the  high  purpose 
with  which  American  standards  were  unfurled.  It  was  a  war  unsought  and 
patiently  resisted,  but  when  it  came  the  American  government  was  ready.  Its 
fleets  were  cleared  for  action.  Its  armies  were  in  the  field,  and  the  quick  and 
signal  triumph  of  its  forces  on  land  and  sea  bore  equal  tribute  to  the  courage 
of  American  soldiers  and  sailors,  and  to  the  skill  and  foresight  of  Republican 
statesmanship.  To  ten  millions  of  the  human  race  there  was  given  "a  new 
birth  of  freedom,"  and  to  the  American  people  a  new  and  noble  responsibility. 

The  Administeation  Endorsed 
We  endorse  the  administration  of  William  McKinley.     Its  acts  have  been 
established  in  wisdom  and  in  patriotism,  and  at  home  and  abroad  it  has  dis- 
tinctly elevate  and  extended  the  influence  of  the  American  nation.     Walkino- 

21 


370  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM  ADOPTED 

untried  paths  and  facing  unforeseen  responsibilities,  President  McKinley  has 
been,  in  every  situation,  the  true  American  patriot  and  the  upright  statesman, 
clear  in  vision,  strong  in  judgment,  firm  in  action,  always  inspiring  and 
deserving  the  confidence  of  his  countrymen. 

In  asking  the  American  people  to  endorse  this  Republican  record  and  to 
renew  their  commission-  to  the  Republican  Party,  we  remind  them  of  the  fact 
that  the  menace  to  their  prosperity  has  always  resided  in  Democratic  princi- 
ples, and  no  less  in  the  general  incapacity  of  the  Democratic  Party  to  conduct 
public  affairs.  The  prime  essential  of  business  prosperity  is  public  confidence 
in  the  good  sense  of  the  government  and  in  its  ability  to  deal  intelligently  with 
each  new  problem  of  administration  and  legislation.  That  confidence  the 
Democratic  Party  has  never  earned.  It  is  hopelessly  inadequate,  and  the 
country's  prosperity  when  Democratic  success  at  the  polls  is  announced  halts 
and  ceases  in  mere  anticipation  of  Democratic  blunders  and  failures. 

Thk  G01.D  Standard  Approved 
We  renew  our  allegiance  to  the  principle  of  the  gold  standard,  and  declare . 
our  confidence  in  the  wisdom  of  the  legislation  of  the  Fifty -sixth  Congress,  by 
which  the  parity  of  all  our  money  and  the  stability  of  our  currency  upon  a  gold 
basis  have  been  secured.  We  recognize  that  interest  rates  are  potent  factors  in 
production  and  business  activity,  and  for  the  purpose  of  further  equalizing  and  of 
further  lowering  the  rates  of  interest  we  favor  such  monetary  legislation  as  will 
enable  the  varying  needs  of  the  season  and  of  all  sections  to  be  promptly  met,  in 
order  that  trade  may  be  evenly  sustained,  labor  steadily  employed  and  commerce 
enlarged.  The  volume  of  money  in  circulation  was  never  so  great  per  capita 
as  it  is  to-day.  We  declare  our  steadfast  opposition  to  the  free  and  unlimited 
coinage  of  silver.  No  measure  to  that  end  could  be  considered  which  was 
without  the  support  of  the  leading  commercial  countries  of  the  world.  However 
firmly  Republican  legislation  may  seem  to  have  secured  the  country  against  the 
peril  of  base  and  discredited  currency,  the  election  of  a  Democratic  President 
could  not  fail  to  impair  the  country's  credit  and  to  bring  once  more  into  question 
the  intention  of  the  American  people  to  maintain  upon  the  gold  standard  the 
parity  of  their  money  circulation.  The  Democratic  party  must  be  convinced 
that  the  American  people  will  never  tolerate  the  Chicago  platform . 

Renewed  Decearation  for  Protection 
We  recognize  the  necessity  and  propriety  of  the  honest  co-operation  of 
capital  to  meet  new  business  conditions,  and  especially  to  extend  our  rapidly 
increasing  foreign  trade,  but  we  condemn  all  conspiracies  and  combinations 
intended  to  restrict  business,  to  create  monopolies,  to  limit  production  or  con- 
trol prices,  and  favor  such  legislation  as  will  effectively  restrain  and  prevent 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM  ADOPTED  371 

all  such  abuses,  protect  and  promote  competion  and  secure  the  rights  of  pro- 
ducers, laborers  and  all  who  are  engaged  in  industry  and  commerce. 

We  renew  our  faith  in  the  policy  of  protection  to  American  labor.  In 
that  policy  our  industries  have  been  established,  diversified  and  maintained. 
By  protecting  the  home  market  competition  has  been  stimulated  and  produc- 
tion cheapened.  Opportunity  for  the  inventive  genius  of  our  people  has  been 
secured  and  wages  in  every  department  of  labor  maintained  at  high  rates, 
higher  now  than  ever  before,  and  always  distinguishing  our  working  people  in 
their  better  conditions  of  life  from  those  of  any  competing  country.  Knjoying 
the  blessings  of  the  American  common  school,  secure  in  the  right  of  self- 
government  and  protected  in  the  occupancy  of  their  own  markets,  their  con- 
stantly increasing  knowledge  and  skill  have  enabled  them  finally  to  enter  the 
markets  of  the  world. 

We  favor  the  associated  policy  of  reciprocity  so  directed  as  to  open  our 
markets  on  favorable  terms  for  what  we  do  not  ourselves  produce,  in  return  for 
free  foreign  markets. 

Restriction  of  Immigration 

In  the  further  interest  of  American  workmen  we  favor  a  more  effective 
restriction  of  the  immigration  of  cheap  labor  from  foreign  lands,  the  extension 
of  opportunities  of  education  for  working  children,  the  raising  of  the  age  limit 
for  child  labor,  the  protection  of  free  labor  as  against  contract  convict  labor, 
and  an  effective  system  of  labor  insurance. 

Our  present  dependence  upon  foreign  shipping  for  nine-tenths  of  our 
foreign  carrying  is  a  great  loss  to  the  industry  of  this  country.  It  is  also  a 
serious  danger  to  our  trade,  for  its  sudden  withdrawal  in  the  event  of  European 
war  would  seriously  cripple  our  expanding  foreign  commerce.  The  National 
defence  and  naval  efl&ciency  of  this  country,  moreover,  supply  a  compelling 
reason  for  legislation  which  will  enable  us  to  recover  our  former  place  among 
the  trade  carrying  fleets  of  the  world. 

SoivDIERS    AND    SaIEORS.       CiVIE    SERVICE 

The  nation  owes  a  debt  of  profound  gratitude  to  the  soldiers  and  sailors 
who  have  fought  its  battles,  and  it  is  the  government's  duty  to  provide  for  the 
survivors  and  for  the  widows  and  orphans  of  those  who  have  fallen  in  the 
country's  wars.  The  pension  laws,  founded  in  this  just  sentiment,  should  be 
liberal,  and  should  be  liberally  administered,  and  preference  should  be  given 
wherever  practicable  with  respect  to  employment  in  the  public  service  to 
soldiers  and  sailors  and  to  their  widows  and  orphans. 

We  commend  the  policy  of  the  Republican  party  in  maintaining  the 
efficiency  of  the  Civil  Service  Rules.     The  Administration  has  acted  wisely  in 


372  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM  ADOPTED 

its  eflfort  to  secure  for  public  service  in  Cuba,  Porto  Rico,  Hawaii  and  the 
Philippine  Islands  only  those  whose  fitness  has  been  determined  by  training  and 
experience.  We  believe  that  employment  in  the  public  service  in  these  terri- 
tories should  be  confined  as  far  as  practicable  to  their  inhabitants. 

It  was  the  plain  purpose  of  the  Fifteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution 
to  prevent  discrimination  on  account  of  race  or  color  in  regulating  the  elective 
franchise.  Devices  of  State  governments,  whether  by  statutory  or  constitutional 
enactment,  to  avoid  the  purpose  of  this  amendment  are  revolutionary  and 
should  be  condemned. 

Public  movements  lookmg  to  a  permanent  improvement  of  the  roads  and 
highways  of  the  country  meet  with  our  cordial  approval,  and  we  recommend 
this  subject  to  the  earnest  consideration  of  the  people  and  of  the  I,egislatures 
of  the  Several  States . 

Rural  Frbe  Dklivkry 

We  favor  the  extension  of  the  rural  free  delivery  service  wherever  its 
extension  may  be  justified. 

In  further  pursuance  of  the  constant  policy  of  the  Republican  party  to 
provide  free  homes  on  the  public  domain,  we  recommend  adequate  National 
legislation  to  reclaim  the  arid  lands  of  the  United  States,  reserving  control  of 
the  distribution  of  water  for  irrigation  to  the  respective  States  and  Territories. 

We  favor  home  rule  for  and  the  early  admission  to  statehood  of  the 
territories  of  New  Mexico,  Arizona  and  Oklahoma. 

The  Dingley  act,  amended  to  provide  suflScient  revenue  for  the  conduct  of 
the  war,  has  so  well  performed  its  work  that  it  has  been  possible  to  reduce  the 
war  debt  in  the  sum  of  $40,000,000.  So  ample  are  the  Government's  revenues 
and  so  great  is  the  public  confidence  in  the  integrity  of  its  obligations  that  its 
newly  funded  2  per  cent,  bonds  sell  at  a  premium.  The  country  is  now 
justified  in  expecting,  and  it  will  be  the  policy  of  the  Republican  party  to  bring 
about  a  reduction  of  the  war  taxes. 

The)  Isthmian  Canal 

We  favor  the  construction,  ownership,  control  and  protection  of  an 
Isthmian  canal  by  the  government  of  the  United  States.  New  markets  are 
necessary  for  the  increasing  surplus  of  our  farm  products.  Every  efibrt  should 
be  made  to  open  and  obtain  new  markets,  especially  in  the  Orient,  and  the 
administration  is  warmly  to  be  commended  for  its  successful  eflfort  to  commit 
all  trading  and  colonizing  nations  to  the  policy  of  the  open  door  in  China.'-  In 
the  interest  of  our  expanding  commerce  we  recommend  that  Congress  create  a 
department  of  commerce  and  industries  in  the  charge  of  a  secretary  with  a  seat 
in  the  Cabinet. 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM  ADOPTED  373 

The  United  States  consular  system  should  be  reorganized  under  the  super- 
vision of  this  new  department,  upon  such  a  basis  of  appointment  and  tenure  as 
will  render  it  still  more  serviceable  to  the  Nation's  increasing  trade. 

The  American  government  must  protect  the  person  and  property  of  every 
citizen  wherever  they  are  wrongfully  violated  or  placed  in  peril. 

Thk  Womkn  Congratulated 

We  congratulate  the  women  of  America  upon  their  splendid  record  of 
,  public  service  in  the  volunteer  aid  association,  and  as  nurses  in  camp  and  hos- 
pital during  the  recent  campaigns  of  our  armies  in  the  Eastern  and  Western 
Indies,  and  we  appreciate  their  faithful  co-operation  in  all  works  of  education 
and  industry. 

President  McKinley  has  conducted  the  foreign  affairs  of  the  United 
States  with  distinguished  credit  to  the  American  people.  In  releasing  us  from 
the  vexatious  conditions  of  a  European  alliance  for  the  government  of  Samoa 
his  course  is  especially  to  be  commended.  By  securing  to  our  undivided  con- 
trol the  most  important  island  of  the  Samoan  group  and  the  best  harbor  in  the 
Southern  Pacific,  every  American  interest  has  been  safeguarded. 

We  approve  the  annexation  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  to  the  United  States. 

Thk  Pkacb  ConpkrEnc:^ 

We  commend  the  part  taken  by  our  government  in  the  Peace  Conference 
at  The  Hague.  We  assert  our  steadfast  adherence  to  the  policy  announced  in 
the  Monroe  Doctrine.  The  provisions  of  The  Hague  Convention  were  wisely 
regarded  when  President  McKinley  tendered  his  friendly  offices  in  the  interest 
of  peace  between  Great  Britain  and  the  South  African  Republics.  While  the 
American  government  must  continue  the  policy  prescribed  by  Washington, 
affirmed  by  every  succeeding  President  and  imposed  upon  us  by  The  Hague 
Treaty,  of  non-intervention  in  European  controversies,  the  American  people 
earnestly  hope  that  a  way  may  soon  be  found,  honorable  alike  to  both  contend- 
ing parties,  to  terminate  the  strife  between  them. 

In  accepting  by  the  Treaty  of  Paris  the  just  responsibility  of  our  victories 
in  the  Spanish  war,  the  President  and  the  Senate  won  the  undoubted  approval 
of  the  American  people.  No  other  course  was  possible  than  to  destroy  Spain's 
sovereignty  throughout  the  West  Indies  and  in  the  Philippine  Islands.  That 
course  created  our  responsibility  before  the  world,  and  with  the  unorganized 
population  whom  our  intervention  had  freed  from  Spain,  to  provide  for  the 
maintenance  of  law  and  order,  and  for  the  establishment  of  good  government 
and  for  the  performance  of  international  obligations.  Our  authority  could  not 
be  less  than  our  responsibility,  and  wherever  sovereign  rights  were  extended  it 


374 


REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM  ADOPTED 


became  the  high  duty  of  the  government  to  maintain  its  authority,  to  put  down 
armed  insurrection  and  to  confer  the  blessings  of  liberty  and  civilization  upon 
all  the  rescued  peoples.  The  largest  measure  of  self-government  consistent 
with  their  welfare  and  our  duties  shall  be  secured  to  them  by  law. 

To  Cuba  independence  and  self-government  were  assured  in  the  same 
voice  by  which  war  was  declared,  and  to  the  letter  this  pledge  shall  be  per- 
formed. 

The  Republican  party  upon  its  history,  and  upon  this  declaration  of  its 
principles  and  policies,  confidently  invokes  the  considerate  and  approving  judg- 
ment of  the  American  people. 


CHAPTER  XXII 

The  Life  and  Public  Services  of 
Theodore    Roosevelt 

Republican  Candidate  for  Vice  President  Nominated 
June  21,  1900 

44r-pHEODORE  ROOSEVELT  is  Andrew  Jackson  edu- 
cated," said  a  prominent  man,  while  the  hero  of  the 
Rough-Riders  was  making  the  race  for  Governor  of  the 
State  of    New  York  in  October,  1898. 

No  man  of  his  age  in  America  has  been  a  more  uncompro- 
mising reformer  or  waged  a  more  relentless  warfare  against  corrupt 
and  designing  public  officials.  Both  in  public  and  private,  he  has 
been  always  the  staunch,  fearless  champion  of  the  right. 

Mr.  Roosevelt  is  a  native  of  New  York  City,  where  he  was 
born  October  27,  1858.  The  family  of  the  Roosevelts  have  lived 
in  New  York  from  the  time  of  the  old  Dutch  Governor,  Peter 
Stuyvesant,and  throughout  every  generation  they  have  been  repre- 
sented by  some  upright  and  honorable  man  of  their  name  in  the 
public  service. 

At  the  age  of  eighteen  young  Roosevelt  entered  Harvard 
College,  where  he  graduated  in  1880,  shortly  before  he  was  twenty- 
two  years  of  age,  after  which  he  went  abroad  and  continued  his 
studies  for  a  time  in  Dresden,  traveled  in  Europe  and  in  Asia,  and 
at  the  age  of  twenty-three  returned  to  New  York  and  took  up  the 
study  of  law  in  the  office  of  his  uncle,  Robert  B.  Roosevelt,  but 
soon  after  abandoned  it  for  politics. 

In  1882,  when  the  members  of  the  General  Assembly  met  at 
Albany,  Theodore  Roosevelt  went  as  the  representative  of  his 
district.      He  was  the  youngest  member  of  the  Legislature,  but  he 

375 


376  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

soon  made  himself  what  he  has  been  ever  since — a  storm  centre. 
Within  two  months  he  had  studied  his  colleagues  and  divided  them 
into  two  classes — the  good  and  the  bad — and,  to  the  astonishment 
and  dismay  of  the  latter,  opened  an  uncompromising  war,  with  him- 
self the  undisputed  leader  of  the  incorruptible  minority.  It  was 
nothing  to  him  that  he  had  a  bitter  majority  of  corrupt  politicians 
to  fight,  nor  that  the  strong  and  powerful  press  lampooned  him 
without  mercy  as  "an  egotistical  popinjay."  He  knew  it  was  right 
to  fight  and  expose  corruption,  and  his  courage  faltered  not  once. 
He  was  re-elected  twice.  The  reforms  which  his  aggressive  daring 
effected  during  his  three  terms  in  the  New  York  Legislature  saved 
the  public  hundreds  of  thousands  of  dollars  annually,  which  had 
formerly  gone  into  the  "  grab-bag  "  of  the  spoilsman  in  office. 

In  1884  Mr.  Roosevelt  was  sent  as  an  instructed  delegate  to 
the  Republican  National  Convention  at  Chicago,  and  two  years 
later,  1886,  at  the  age  of  28,  he  made  the  race  for  Mayor  of  New 
York,  and,  though  defeated  he  polled  the  largest  Republican  vote 
ever  given  to  any  candidate  for  that  office  by  his  party  up  to  that 

time. 

On  the  Civil  Service  Commission 

In  1889,  President  Harrison  appointed  the  dauntless  young 
reformer  President  of  the  United  States  Civil  Service  Commission, 
which  position  he  filled  for  six  years,  four  of  them  under  President 
Cleveland,  who,  recognizing  his  ability,  courage,  and  sterling  integ- 
rity, continued  him  in  that  office.  When  he  accepted  the  office  he 
saw  there  was  an  heroic  work  to  be  done  in  the  correction  of  pubHc 
abuses,  and  that  he  would  have  the  bitterest  and  most  powerful 
opposition  in  Congress  and  out  of  it ;  but  it  was  a  work  that  he 
liked,  and  with  the  conviction  that  the  spoil-monger  and  the  bribe- 
giver were  equally  bad,  he  assailed  them  both  without  favor  or 
mercy,  grappling  publicly  and  privately  with  every  stripe  of  poli- 
tician ;  he  "ousted  rascals,"  and  enforced  the  law  as  it  had  never 
been  enforced  before. 

In  1895,  after  the  Parkhurst  crusade  against  corrupt  adminis- 
tration in  New  York  City,  which   resulted   in   the  overthrow  of  a 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  377 

municipal  ring  by  the  election  of  Mayor  Strong,  the  question 
arose,  "  Who  is  brave  enough,  and  wise  enough,  and  strong  enough 
to  head  the  Board  of  Police  Commissioners  and  enforce  the  prin- 
ciples of  reform?"  Roosevelt  was  chosen.  Within  a  month  he 
was  at  once  the  most  hated  and  the  best-beloved  man  in  New 
York  City.  His  clear  and  rigid  interpretation  of  the  laws  was  a 
marvel  even  to  his  friends,  and  his  prompt,  uncompromising 
enforcement  of  them  was  an  astonishment  alike  to  policemen 
and  offenders.  The  promptness  and  rapidity  of  his  action  was  like 
a  whirlwind,  spreading  consternation  among  all  law-breakers. 

President  of  Police  Board 

The  politicians  tried  to  entangle  him,  but  he  foiled  and  eluded 
them  at  every  attempt  by  speaking  the  plain  truth  and  sticking  to 
the  plain  law,  which  he  enforced  with  impartiality  against  rich  and 
poor  alike.  Many  of  the  laws  had  been  dead-letters  for  years. 
Under  him  they  became  instantly  alive  and  active.  When  prom- 
inent citizens  and  influential  newspapers  protested,  he  answered  : 
"  I  am  placed  here  to  enforce  the  law  as  I  find  it.  I  shall  enforce 
it.  If  you  don't  like  the  law  repeal  it."  The  police  at  first  learned 
to  fear  him,  for  he  brooked  no  neglect  of  duty  ;  then,  to  respect  him, 
for  he  worked  more  hours  than  he  required  of  them,  and  demanded 
nothing  but  simple  duty ;  then  to  love  him,  for  he  quickly  recog- 
nized and  rewarded  merit. 

When  the  Cuban  war  began  to  excite  this  country  intensely  in 
1897,  Mr.  Roosevelt  remarked  to  a  friend,  "We  shall  be  compelled 
to  fight  Spain  before  a  year  passes."  It  was  this  belief  that 
induced  him  to  give  up  the  position  in  the  New  York  Police 
Department  and  acccept  the  Assistant  Secretaryship  of  the  Navy, 
when  it  was  offered  to  him  by  President  McKinley  in  1897.  His 
first  work  was  to  ascertain  the  needs  of  the  navy.  "  To  be  pre- 
pared for  war  is  the  most  effectual  means  to  promote  peace,"  said 
Washington,  and  this  became  Roosevelt's  motto  in  his  new  posi- 
tion. He  suggested  and  put  through  a  measure  to  get  every  Amer- 
ican war-vessel  in  fighting  trim,  and  to  fill  every  foreign  coaling 


.  378  THEODORE  ROOSE  VELT 

station  with  an  ample  supply  of  fuel.  It  was  this  which  enabled 
Dewey  to  move  so  promptly  from  Hong  Kong  to  Manila,  and  it 
was  Roosevelt  who  urged  the  sending  of  the  dispatch  instructing 
the  now  famous  Admiral  to  capture  or  destroy  the  Spanish  fleet  at 
Manila  immediately  upon  the  declaration  of  war.  Peace  Commis- 
sioner Cushman  K.  Davis  declared  :  "  If  it  had  not  been  for  Roose- 
velt we  should  not  have  been  able  to  strike  the  blow  we  did  at 
Manila.  It  was  Roosevelt's  forethought,  energy  and  promptness 
that  made  it  possible." 

Organizes  the  Rough-Riders 

Six  days  after  Dewey's  victory  Mr.  Roosevelt  resigned  his 
portfolio  in  the  Navy  Department  and  organized  the  now  famous 
Rough  Riders  (Seventy-first  New  York  Cavalry),  composed  of 
cow-boys,  policemen,  and  rich  young  society  men — all  good  horse- 
men, good  shots,  and  full  of  courage.  He  had  enjoyed  four  years' 
trainino-  as  militiaman  in  the  National  Guards  of  the  State  of  New 
York,  in  which  he  held  the  rank  of  captain,  consequently  he  was 
competent  for  the  colonelcy  of  his  regiment,  which  was  offered 
him,  but,  with  characteristic  generosity,  he  declined  the  honor, 
suo-o-esting  his  friend.  Dr.  Leonard  Wood,  a  surgeon  and  trained 
Indian-fio-hter,  as  colonel,  himself  accepting  the  second  place  in 
command.  At  Las  Guasimas,  the  first  engagement  of  his  regiment 
in  Cuba,  he  fought  with  marked  bravery,  and  when  Colonel 
Wood  was  advanced  to  brigadier-general  after  that,  battle,  Mr. 
Roosevelt  was  advanced  to  colonel,  in  which  capacity  he  served 
during  the  remainder  of  the  war.  The  stories  of  their  colonel's 
bravery,  generosity  and  kindness,  as  told  by  the  Rough-Riders, 
would  fill  a  volume.  It  was  an  act  of  reciprocity.  Roosevelt  loved 
his  men  ;  and  when  they  were  mustered  out  of  service  in  Sep- 
tember, 1898,  he  presented  every  man  of  them  with  a  medal  of 
honor  and  saw  that  none  of  them  went  away  in  need. 

Mr.  Roosevelt  is  fond  of  outdoor  life  and  is  an  enthusiastic 
sportsman,  in  the  nobler  sense  of  that  term.  During  his  fifteen 
years  of  busy  toil  he  has  found  time  to  make   threescore  or  more 


THEODORE  ROOSE  VELT  379 

trips  into  the  "wild  and  woolly  West."  He  owns  a  large  ranch 
in  the  Bad  Lands  of  North  Dakota,  and  this  is  his  retreat  for  rest 
and  recreation. 

His  Home  Life 

When  at  home  he  lives  in  a  comfortable,  roomy  house  with 
pleasant  grounds  surrounding  it,  on  Oyster  Bay,  Long  Island.  He 
married  Miss  Edith  K.  Carow  in  1886,  and  at  the  time  of  his 
inauguration  as  Governor  of  New  York,  January  2,  1899,  ^^  ^^^ 
two  daughters  and  three  sons. 

Mr.  Roosevelt  is  a  man  of  comfortable  fortune,  but  he  believes 
and  delights  in  constant  employment.  He  has  done  enough  literary 
work  to  entitle  him  to  renown,  though  one  hardly  misses  the  time 
in  which  he  did  it  from  the  stirring  scenes  of  public  life.  When  he 
was  23  years  of  age  he  finished  his  history  of  "  The  Naval  War  of 
1 81 2."  This  book  has  since  become  the  standard  history  of  that 
period,  and  a  copy  of  it  is  in  the  library  of  every  American  warship. 
Following  this  came  the  four-volumed  work,  "Winning  of  the  West," 
a  history  of  the  acquirement  by  our  government  of  the  territory 
west  of  the  Alleghenies.  This  work  is  perhaps  the  most  important, 
evincing  great  original  research,  and  is  regarded  by  authorities  as  a 
standard  history.  His  "  Life  of  T.  H.  Benton"  and  "The  Life  of 
Governor  Morris"  stamp  him  as  a  biographer  of  ability.  His 
*'  History  of  the  City  of  New  York  "  is  the  best  on  the  subject.  A 
series  of  hero  tales  from  American  history,  and  "  The  Imperial 
History  of  the  British  Navy,"  his  last  work,  done  in  collaboration 
with  Captain  A.  T.  Mahan,  make  up  a  bulk  of  carefully  done 
historical  writing  not  exceeded,  perhaps,  by  any  man  of  his  years  in 
America. 

Out  of  his  Western  experiences  he  has  produced  three  large 
volumes,  entitled  "Ranch  Life  and  the  Hunting  Trail,"  "The 
Wilderness  Hunter,"  and  "  Hunting  Trips  of  a  Ranchman,"  which 
are  acknowledofed  the  most  excellent  works  on  the  huntinor  of  laro^e 
game  in  America.  Two  volumes  of  his  miscellaneous  essays  have 
also  been  published.  His  style  is  nervous,  energetic,  direct,  and 
entertaining  ;  his  descriptions  vivid  and  true  to  nature. 


38o  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT    - 

Governor  Roosevelt  is  a  thorough  Republican  in  principle ; 
but  he  is  a  patriot  before  a  partisan.  "  I  do  not  number  party 
allegiance  among  the  Ten  Commandments,"  he  once  said.  "  There 
are  times,"  he  continued,  "when  it  may  be  the  duty  of  a  man  to 
break  with  his  party.  *  *  *  j£  ^^  j-j^^j  j^q  independence  we 
should  always  be  running  the  risk  of  the  most  degraded  kind  of 
despotism — -the  despotism  of  the  party  boss  and  the  party  machine." 
"  Be  sure  you  are  right  and  then  go  ahead "  has  been  no  man's 
motto  more  than  Theodore  Roosevelt's  in  all  his  past  public  acts ; 
and,  in  the  pursuit  of  the  course  of  right,  as  he  saw  it,  for  the  public 
good,  he  has  been  as  patriotic  as  George  Washington,  as  discreet 
and  honest  as  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  as  courageous  as  Andrew 
Jackson — the  three  great  statesmen  and  patriots  who  have  been 
his  models. 

In  the  best  sense  of  the  word  Theodore  Roosevelt  is  a 
democrat.  More  than  any  other  young  man  of  his  generation 
who  has  been  in  the  public  eye,  he  has  believed  in  and  practised 
the  real  truth  that  is  in  democracy,  which  is  equality  of  opportunity 
and  of  right  before  the  law  for  every  man.  Mr.  Roosevelt  sincerely 
looks  upon  every  man  as  possessing  exactly  the  same  equality  of 
opportunity  and  of  rights  which  he  himself  possesses,  and  that 
explains  why  it  is  that  when  he  goes  over  to  the  East  Side  of  New 
York  the  workingmen  cheer  and  swing  their  dinner  pails  for 
"  Teddy,"  for  they  know  that  at  heart  he  holds  them  as  standing 
before  the  law  exactly  as  he  does  himself. 

When  the  Republican  Convention  met  in  Philadelphia  in  June, 
1900,  his  name  was  prominently  mentioned  for  the  second  place  on 
the  ticket.  It  seemed  that  the  party  leaders  would  force  upon  him 
the  nomination.  He  steadfastly  expressed  it  as  his  wish  to  complete 
the  work  he  had  undertaken  at  Albany  and  asked  that  his  name 
be  not  presented  to  the  convention.  But  it  proved  that  the  people, 
and  not  the  party  leaders,  were  behind  the  movement,  and  when  he 
recognized  this,  he  yielded,  and  when  the  nomination  came  to  him 
so  unanimously,  he  accepted  gracefully. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

The  Political  Leaders  and  Statesmen  of 

the  Day 

James  K.  Jones 

Senator  from  Arkansas — Chairman  of  the  Democratic  National 

Committee. 

JAMES  K.  JONES,  Senator  from  Arkansas,  and  chairman  of 
the  National  Democratic  Committee,  was  born  in  Marshall 
County,  Miss.,  September  29,  1839.  ^^  received  a  classical 
education  at  one  of  the  Southern  institutions,  and,  at  the  breaking 
out  of  the  war  of  1861,  enlisted  as  a  private  soldier  in  a  Mississippi 
regiment.  At  the  close  of  the  war  he  returned  to  private  life  on 
the  farm  in  Arkansas,  and  took  up  the  study  of  law.  He  was  ad- 
mitted to  practice  in  1873,  and  the  same  year  was  elected  to  the 
State  Senate.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Constitutional  Convention 
of  1874,  and  continued  in  the  State  Senate,  where  he  was  elected 
President  of  the  Senate  in  1877.  He  represented  his  state  in  the 
Forty-seventh,  Forty-eighth  and  Forty-ninth  Congresses,  and  served 
with  credit.  He  succeeded  Hon.  James  D.  Walker  as  United 
States  Senator  from  Arkansas,  March  18,  1885,  and  has  since  been 
re-elected  twice.      His  term  expires  March  20,  1903. 

At  the  Chicago  Convention,  in  1896,  he  was  made  chairman 
of  the  Democratic  National  Committee — though  previously  he 
had  not  been  a  conspicuous  leader  in  politics. 

His  Financial  Views 

When  the  repeal  of  the   purchase  clause  of  the  Sherman  act 

was  pending  in  the  United   States  Senate,  Senator  Jones  was  one 

of  its  bitterest  opponents.      Like  other  bimetallists,  he  held  that 

the  law  was  unscientific  and  illogical,  and  that  under  it  silver  was 

381 


382  POLITICAL  LEADERS  AND  STATESMEN 

degraded  to  the  position  practically  of  token  money.  But  he  saw- 
as  most  representatives  of  Southern  and  Western  communities  saw, 
that  the  law  prevented  any  very  grave  contraction  of  the  currency, 
and  he  sturdily  refused  to  aid  in  its  repeal  until  some  substitute, 
which  would  accomplish  the  same  purpose,  was  assured.  It  is  a 
curious  commentary  on  the  way  in  which,  of  late  years,  the  consti- 
tutional barrier  between  the  executive  and  legislative  departments 
of  the  government  has  been  broken  down,  that  negotiations  for 
that  substitute  were  conducted  not  with  representatives  of  the  ma- 
jority in  the  House  or  Senate,  but  with  representatives  of  the  Presi- 
dent, Mr.  Cleveland.  There  have  been  charges  and  countercharges 
made  concernine  the  gfood  faith  of  the  President  in  these  neg^otia- 
tions.  Enough  now  to  say  that  after  fighting  the  repeal  for  three 
months.  Senator  Jones  at  last  signed  a  compromise  which  he  thought 
was  approved  at  the  White  House.  The  repudiation  by  Mr.  Cleve- 
land and  his  followers  of  that  compromise  and  the  passage  of  an 
unconditional  repeal  law  so  embittered  the  Arkansas  Senator  that 
he  declared  he  would  never  again  be  a  party  to  a  compromise  on 
the  silver  question. 

Personal  Magnetism 

His  state  is  both  Southern  and  Western,  It  is  essentially  an 
agricultural  state,  and  he,  in  record  and  in  manner,  is  the  ideal  rep- 
resentative of  a  farming  community.  He  is  a  big  man,  given  much 
to  the  flowing  frock  coats  of  Southern  statesmanship  ;  handsome 
of  face,  with  a  noble  brow,  a  beard  just  whitening  and  blue  eyes 
that  would  be  kindly  except  that  they  seem  to  be  always  seeking 
for  the  purpose  of  the  visitor.  In  speech,  he  is  gentle  and  polite — 
when  he  wants  to  be — and  bluff  and  decisive  when  the  need  arises. 
His  method  of  conducting  a  campaign  is  diametrically  opposed  to 
that  of  his  distinguished  opponent. 

His  manner  is  open  and  frank,  his  speech  disarms  suspicion. 
His  demeanor  is  that  of  a  man  who  is  playing  a  game  which  can 
be  won  by  main  strength,  not  by  chicanery.  He  conceals  his  plan 
of  campaign  as  little  as  the  man  at  bat  conceals  his  purpose  to  hit 
the  ball  as   hard   as  he  can.      And   yet   the    men   who    know   this 


POLITICAL  LEADERS  AND  STATESMEN  383 

bluff,  hearty,  outspoken  chairman  best  wonder  if  beneath  it  all 
there  Is  not  some  quiet  concealment  of  his  real  activities  in  the 
campaign. 

John  Hay 

•Author — Diplomat — Secretary  of  State. 

John  Hay,  President  McKInley's  Secretary  of  State,  is  of 
Scotch  parentage.  His  ancestor,  John  Hay,  arrived  in  Virginia  in 
the  middle  of  the  last  century.  The  grandfather  of  John  Hay  was 
a  Revolutionary  soldier,  and  afterwards  lived  in  Kentucky.  Charles 
Hay,  the  father  of  the  present  Secretary,  was  a  successful  physi- 
cian in  Salem,  Indiana,  and  the  mother  of  John  Hay  was  a  daughter 
of  the  Rev.  David  A.  Leonard,  of  Rhode  Island  ;  consequently 
the  son,  when  old  enough  to  go  to  college,  was  sent  to  Brown  Uni- 
versity, where  he  completed  his  education.  He  early  showed  fond- 
ness for  English  literature  and  writing.  Some  of  his  first  poems 
were  written  while  In  collegfe,  and  were  noted  for  their  humor  and 
vivacity.  Soon  after  leaving  college,  the  event  which  influenced  his 
future  career  transpired,  when  he  was  Invited  by  Abraham  Lincoln 
to  enter  his  law  house,  at  Springfield.  At  that  time  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  at  the  head  of  his  profession,  and  becoming  known  In  political 
circles  outside  of  his  own  state.  Mr.  Lincoln  trusted  the  young 
man  Implicitly,  and  called  upon  him  for  services  which  many  would 
expect  to  get  from  older  assistants.  Very  soon  after  entering  Mr. 
Lincoln's  office,  the  contest  was  on  for  the  presidency  of  i860, 
which  gave  Mr.  Hay  an  opportunity  to  study  politics,  even  at  the 
expense  of  not  learning  much  law.  He  was  admitted  to  the  bar 
just  before  Mr.  Lincoln  left  for  Washington  to  assume  the  duties  of 
the  Presidency.  He  accompanied  Mr.  Lincoln  to  Washington  and 
became  one  of  his  secretaries.  Soon  after  he  came  to  Washington 
he  met  the  daughter  of  Amos  Stone,  a  friend  of  Mr.  Lincoln's, 
whom  he  afterwards  married. 

He  obtained  his  title  of  colonel  while  actinor  as  the  President's 
adjutant,  which  took  him  to  the  field  for  the  purpose  of  observation 
and  bringing  Information  to  the  Commander-in-Chief. 


384  POLITICAL  LEADERS  AND  STATESMEN 

It  is  true  that  Mr.  Hay  was  not  widely  known  in  political 
circles  until  President  McKinley  appointed  him  as  ambassador  to 
Great  Britain,  March  19,  1897  ;  but  during  all  the  previous  years  he 
had  exercised  a  potent  influence  in  politics,  occasionally  making 
speeches  which  were  clever  and  cogent.  He  was  frequently  called 
into  the  Republican  councils,  and  freely  gave  of  his  time  and 
means  in  contributing  to  the  success  of  his  party.  His  short 
residence  of  eighteen  months  in  England  enabled  him  to  make 
many  acquaintances  and  become  familiar  with  the  condition  of 
European  politics. 

Assuming  the  duties  of  Secretary  of  State  he  has  shown 
that,  while  he  is  aggressive  in  upholding  American  rights,  he 
firmly  believes  in  Washington's  policy  of  avoiding  foreign  entangle- 
ments. He  is  likewise  an  upholder  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine ; 
consequently  he  has  been  able  to  keep  the  country  out  of 
European  troubles  and  assert  American  rights  in  the  western 
hemisphere.  Probably  his  greatest  achievement  will  be  remem- 
bered as  "the  open  door"  policy  which  he  has  pursued  in  the 
treatment  of  Oriental  relations. 

He  must  have  foreseen  what  the  policy  of  the  European  gov- 
ernments would  be  in  the  East,  and  knew  that  our  acquiring  the 
Philippine  Islands  would  be  a  step  towards  the  expansion  of  the 
United  States  as  a  commercial  power.  His  administration  is 
also  marked  by  the  settlement  of  the  Samoan  question,  which 
has  been  so  troublesome  and  costly.  In  this  settlement,  the  United 
States  gets  the  island  of  Tutuila,  which  has  one  of  the  best  har- 
bors in  the  Pacific,  and  this  without  depriving  the  United  States 
of  any  of  its  commercial  privileges  in  the  Samoan  group.  He  has 
also  arranged  with  Great  Britain  in  such  a  manner  that  there  will 
be  no  trouble  in  regard  to  the  boundary  line  for  the  disputed  terri- 
tory in  Alaska.  We  cannot  omit  mentioning  also  the  prominent 
part  the  United  States  took  at  the  conference  at  The  Hague,  at 
which  the  great  powers  came  to  an  understanding  as  to  the  settle- 
ment of  disputes.  Secretary  Hay's  contribution  to  the  success 
of  the  conference  is  well  known. 


Lyman  Judson  Gage 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

Lyman  Judson  Gage,  financier,  was  born  in  De  Ruyter,  Mad- 
ison County,  New  York,  June  26,  1836.  He  is  descended  from 
Thomas  Gage,  who  came  to  Yarmouth,  Cape  Cod,  from  England, 
about  1640.  His  son  Benjamin  had  a  son  Thomas,  who  settled  in 
Duchess  County,  New  York.  About  1800,  Ebenezer,  son  of  the  last- 
named  Thomas,  became  a  resident  of  Madison  County,  New  York. 
He  had  a  family  of  several  sons,  one  of  whome  was  Justus,  who  had  a 
son  Eli  A.,  father  of  the  subject  of  this  sketch.  All  those  named 
were  farmers  except  his  father,  who,  for  a  time  lived  in  Rome,  Oneida 
County,  New  York,  where  he  engaged  in  commercial  business.  The 
son  received  a  common  school  education  in  his  native  county  of  Mad- 
ison, and  upon  removal  of  his  parents  to  Oneida  County,  he  had  for  a 
short  time  the  advantages  of  Rome  Academy.  Upon  the  removal  of 
his  father  to  Chicago,  in  1855,  he  entered,  in  a  subordinate  position,  a 
banking  institution  in  that  city.  He  rose  rapidly  through  the  vari- 
ous grades  until  in  1 868  he  becarfle  cashier  ot  the  First  National  Bank 
of  Chicago,  and  in  1882  its  president,  as,  in  fact,  he  had  been  its 
manager  for  many  years.  The  growth  of  this  remarkable  financial 
concern  is  a  part  of  the  life  of  Mr.  Gage.  Under  his  guidance,  it 
not  only  survived  several  trying  periods  in  the  history  of  the  rap- 
idly growing  city,  but  it  came  to  be  a  leading,  and,  at  times,  the 
most  powerful  bank  in  the  United  States.  Its  stock  in  1868  was 
worth  not  more  than  par,  and  notwithstanding  dividends  of  ten  per 
cent,  paid  annually  since  that  time,  the  value  of  principal  invested 
therein  has  increased  sixfold.  It  was  one  of  the  institutions  to  sur- 
vive the  crisis  of  the  great  fire  of  187 1,  and  the  panic,  no  less 
destructive  of  values,  of  1873.  In  those  days  of  wrecks  it  stood  as 
an  example  to  other  banks,  and  by  its  moral  influence  sustained 
several  which  would  have  otherwise  gone  to  the  wall. 

Distinguished  as  have  been  Mr.  Gage's  achievements  in  build- 
ing  up  a  powerful  banking  house,   they  are,  while   better  known, 

22  385 


386  POLITICAL  LEADERS  AND  STATESMEN 

perhaps  not  to  be  compared  with  successes  involved  in  the  munici- 
pal growth  of  Chicago.  The  growth  of  that  city  from  60,000  to 
nearly  2,000,000  of  people  gave  full  employment  to  his  energies, 
both  in  relation  to  the  many  social  and  economic  problems  inciden- 
tal to  such  a  development  and  to  the  enormous  expansion  of  busi- 
ness affairs  of  the  bank  to  which  he  was  related. 

He  organized  the  Chicago  Clearing  House  Association,  was 
its  president  for  a  number  of  years,  and  always  a  member  of  the 
Executive  Committee.  He  has  three  times  been  President  of  the 
American  Bankers'  Association,  and  President  of  the  Commercial 
Club  of  Chicago,  a  strong  organization  limited  in  number  to  sixty 
and  composed  only  of  representative  business  men. 

He  has  contrijbuted  much  by  his  pen  to  the  public  causes 
in  which  he  has  been  interested.  When  in  the  early  seventies  the 
growth  of  the  greenback  movement  became  pronounced,  he  was 
active  in  organizing  the  Honest  Money  League  which  began  a 
campaign  of  education  against  the  rapidly  spreading  movement  for 
a  permanent  paper  currency.  His  writings  at  that  time  were 
widely  circulated,  and  doubtless  contributed  much  toward  arresting 
the  spread  of  the  movement.  He  is  a  clear  writer,  and  his  style 
possesses  much  literary  merit.  He  has  the  happy  faculty  of  stating 
the  truth  attractively  and  convincingly. 

The  National  Treasury  is  so  closely  identified  with  the  busi- 
ness life  of  the  country  that  it  needs  must  have  at  its  head  a  care- 
ful and  experienced  financier.  When  at  the  close  of  the  memorable 
campaign  of  1896,  during  which  questions  relating  to  the  currency 
of  the  country  overwhelmed  all  other  issues,  resulting  in  the  elec- 
tion of  President  McKinley,  Mr.  Gage  was  called  upon  to  preside 
over  the  Treasury  Department,  there  was  universal  agreement  that 
the  selection  was  one  which  could  not  have  been  more  fittingly 
made.  He  is  a  philosopher  and  a  student  of  social  and  moral 
problems  as  they  affect  the  nation's  life,  and  he  possesses  still  that 
force  of  intellect  which  has  made  him,  for  a  quarter  of  a  century,  a 
leading  citizen  of  one  of  America's  greatest  cities. 


Benjamin  Ryan  Tillman 

Senator  from  South  Carolina. 

Benjamin  Ryan  Tillman  was  born  In  Edgefield  County,  S.  C, 
August  II,  1847,  His  father  was  a  successful  planter  of  more 
than  ordinary  intelligence,  and  a  very  influential  citizen.  Reared 
on  the  farm,  young  Tillman  was  properly  instructed  in  the  manage- 
ment of  a  large  plantation,  and  was  given  such  educational  advan- 
tages as  the  common  schools  of  the  county  afforded.  The  boy 
was  bright  and  apt,  full  of  vitality  and  imbued  with  all  the  character- 
istics of  the  Southern  youth  of  that  day.  He  was  fond  of  reading, 
and,  though  his  school  days  were  abruptly  ended  in  1864,  his 
education  did  not  stop. 

After  the  close  of  the  Civil  War  the  subject  of  this  sketch,  having 
recovered  from  a  severe  illness,  set  himself  resolutely  to  the  task  of 
building  up  the  shattered  family  estates,  and  to  the  still  more  diffi- 
cult task  of  redeeming  his  neighborhood  and  county  from  utter  ruin. 
In  this  he  was  not  alone  ;  but  Ben  Tillman  was  a  leader.  His  eood 
judgment,  steady  nerve  and  unfaltering  determination  in  the  face  of 
difficulties  made  him  a  leader.  He  took  the  best  papers  and  periodi- 
cals, studied  human  nature  closel}^,  and  was  unflinching  in  the  solu- 
tion of  problems  and  the  settling  of  questions  that  made  other  men 
hesitate. 

In  the  trying  days  of  '76,  when  the  intelligent  people  of  South 
Carolina  determined  to  rid  the  state  of  the  fearful  octopus  that  had 
been  sucking  her  life  since  '65,  Ben  Tillman,  now  Captain  Till- 
man, found  ample  opportunities  for  the  exercise  of  his  varied 
powers. 

The  state  redeemed  and  in  the  hands  of  the  intelligent  and 
property-owning  element  of  the  commonwealth,  Captain  Tillman 
settled  down  to  the  routine  of  his  farm  life. 

A  close  student  of  current  events  and  of  life  in  all  its  phases, 
and  now  thoroughly  convinced  that  the  prime  trouble  with  his  peo- 
ple was  a  lack  of  industrial  and  technical  education.  Captain  Tillman 

387 


388  POLITICAL  LEADERS  AND  STATESMEN 

in  October,  1885,  wrote  a  series  of  articles  for  the  Charleston  News 
and  Courier,  which  attracted  wide-spread  attention. 

In  January,  1890,  B.  R.  Tillman  and  E.  B.  Gary  were  declared 
the  farmers'  candidates  for  Governor  and  Lieutenant-Governor, 
Then  the  leading  papers  of  the  state  tried  to  rule  the  farmers  out 
of  the  Democratic  party, 

A  red  hot  campaign  followed.  But  the  campaign  ended  with- 
out any  riot  or  serious  bloodshed.     Tillman  swept  the  State. 

Tillman  and  his  followers  would  not  be  ruled  out  of  the 
Democratic  party.  They  proposed  to  make  a  canvass  of  the  state, 
then  go  into  the  regular  September  convention  and  whip  the  fight, 
and  they  did  it.  In  that  convention  Tillman  was  nominated 
Governor  with  a  full  state  ticket  made  up  of  his  supporters.  As 
the  government  was  in  the  hands  of  the  white  people,  a  nomination 
at  this  convention  was  tantamount  to  an  election. 

Opposition  to  Governor  Tillman  during  his  first  term  of  office 
was  bitter  and  strong,  and  at  the  end  of  two  years  a  full  opposition 
state  ticket  was  put  in  the  field.  This  was  known  as  the  Conserva- 
tive ticket  and  was  made  up  of  strong  men  with  Colonel  John  C. 
Sheppard  at  the  head.  Another  bitter  campaign  followed.  Gov- 
ernor Tillman  and  his  ticket  winning  the  second  time  by  a  large 
majority.  Governor  Tillman  advocated  a  canvass  of  the  state  by 
candidates  for  seats  in  the  United  States  Senate.  He  believed 
that  the  people  had  a  right  to  hear,  and  know  the  views  of  men 
aspiring  to  positions  of  trust  and  responsibility.  General  M.  C. 
Butler's  third  term  of  United  States  Senator  expiring  as  Governor 
Tillman's  second  term  as  Governor  ended,  the  Governor  declared 
himself  a  candidate  for  General  Butler's  seat  in  the  Senate.  Aeain 
a  canvass  of  the  state  was  made  and  aeain  was  Tillman  the  winner. 
Senator  Tillman's  record  as  a  national  law  maker  is  known  and 
read  of  all  men  who  care  to  know  the  sayings  and  doings  of  the 
leaders  of  the  nation.  He  is  unquestionably  a  man  of  wonderful 
brain  power,  and  in  clearness,  directness,  and  effectiveness  of 
speech  he  has  few  equals  in  America. 


Albert  J.  Beveridge 

Senator  from  Indiana. 
The  Story  of  a  Career  from  Logging-camp  to  Congress. 

Albert  J.  Beveridge,  was  born  on  a  farm  in  Highland  County 
Ohio,  October  6,  1862.  His  father,  having  been  a  soldier  in  the 
Civil  War,  came  home  to  find  himself  penniless,  and  with  a  small 
family  to  provide  for.  He  removed  to  Illinois,  where  Albert  was 
educated  in  a  country  school  and  worked  on  a  farm  in  summer. 
During  the  day  he  worked  as  a  boss  in  the  logging-camp,  and  at 
night  studied  to  gain  the  knowledge  necessary  to  prepare  himself 
for  college.  It  was  not  until  he  was  twenty-one  that  he  was  able  to 
enter  college  at  Greencastle,  Indiana.  At  college  he  maintained  him- 
self by  working  during  vacation  times,  and  accepting  such  remun- 
erative work  as  he  could  obtain  during  the  .college  term.  He  took 
several  cash  prizes  during  his  course.  He  was  a  leader  not  only  in 
the  college  debating  society  and  athletics,  but  also  in  literary  work. 
He  was  always  recognized  as  a  leader  on  one  side  or  the  other  of 
every  collegiate  and  Intercollegiate  contest.  When  he  left  college 
he  had  no  money  and  little  else  than  the  clothing  on  his  back,  and 
his  fare  paid  to  the  West.  After  a  year  on  the  ranch  In  which  he 
regained  a  strong  constitution,  he  returned  to  Indianapolis,  and 
accepted  a  position  of  reading  clerk  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives. He,  here  made  enough  of  money  to  pay  his  expenses  as  a 
student  of  law  in  one  of  the  large  offices  of  that  city.  In  1S89,  he 
was  able  to  open  an  office  for  himself.  He  has  met  with  remarkable 
success  as  practicing  attorney,  and  has  been  employed  in  many  of 
the  great  cases  that  have  come  before  the  Indianapolis  courts  in 
recent  years.  Probably  no  lawyer  In  Indiana  has  had  more  import- 
ant cases  on  constitutional  law  than  has  Mr.  Beveridge. 

As  an  orator  he  has  few  equals,  and  probably  this  more  than 
anything  else  has  brought  him  fame  throughout  the  United  States. 

391 


392  POLITICAL  LEADERS  AND  STATESMEN 

He  Is  widely  known  as  a  public  speaker,  and  is  in  great  demand  for 
many  public  occasions. 

In  the  election  of  1898  in  Indiana  he  took  great  interest  and 
performed  some  important  work  in  securing  the  success  of  the 
Republican  party  in  that  state.  Having  many  good  and  influential 
friends  in  that  party,  they  organized  themselves  to  secure  for  him 
the  nomination,  and  after  a  spirited  contest  he  was  elected  to 
United  States  Senate,  January  17,  1899.  His  term  will  expire 
March  3,  1905,  Socially  he  is  charming  in  his  manner,  vivacious 
and  good  humored.  He  entered  the  United  States  Senate  at  an 
age  much  younger  than  the  average  senator,  and  has  a  brilliant 
career  before  him.  His  ambition,  intellect,  tact,  and  good  judge- 
ment, together  with  a  fine  physical  and  mental  strength  will  secure 
for  him  one  of  the  leading  places  in  that  body. 

In  the  summer  of  1899  he  visited  the  Philippine  Islands  and 
gathered  much  important  information  which  he  used  in  preparing 
a  speech  delivered  in  United  States  Senate  during  the  winter  of 
1900.  This  attracted  attention  far  and  wide,  and  was  listened  to 
with  marked  attention  by  his  colleagues. 

Henry  Cabot  Lodge. 

Author,  Statesman  and  Republican  Senator  from  Massachusetts 

One  of  the  most  distinguished  men  of  the  day,  known  as  well 
for  literary  and  scholarly  pursuits  as  for  political  acumen,  is  Henry 
Cabot  Lodge,  of  Massachusetts.  He  received  a  thorough  prepar- 
ation for  college,  and  graduated  with  honor  from  Harvard  Univer- 
sity in  1 87 1,  and  in  the  law  department  in  1875,  receiving  the  degree 
of  Bachelor  of  law.  Literature  being  more  to  his  taste,  he  con- 
tributed articles  to  the  "North  American  Review"  and  to  the 
"  International  Review,"  and  has  written  several  volumes  of 
biography  and  history.  He  has  served  in  the  Legislature  of  his 
own  state,  and  represented  his  district  in  Congress.  In  1893,  he 
was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate,  where  he  has  taken 
high  rank  as  statesman   and  orator. 


Chauncey  Mitchell  Depew 

Orator,  Financier,  Senator. 

Chauncey  Mitchell  Depew  was  born  at  Peekskill,  New 
York,  April  23,  1834.  His  remote  ancestors  were  French  Hugue- 
nots, who  founded  New  Rochelle,  in  Westchester  County.  His 
father,  Isaac  Depew,  was  a  prominent  and  highly  esteemed  citizen 
of  Peekskill,  and  his  mother,  Martha  Mitchell  was  a  representative 
of  the  distinguished  New  England  family,  one  of  whose  members, 
Roger  Sherman,  was  a  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 

Early  Career. 

Mr.  Depew  spent  his  boyhood  in  Peekskill,  where  he  prepared 
for  college.  He  was  a  bright  student,  and  at  the  age  of  eighteen 
entered  Yale  College,  from  which  he  was  graduated  in  1856,  with 
one  of  the  first  honors  of  his  class.  In  June,  1887,  Yale  conferred 
upon  him  the  degree  of  LL.D.  It  will  be  noted  that  Mr.  Depew 
reached  his  majority  at  about  the  time  of  the  formation  of  the  Re- 
publican party.  Although  of  Democratic  antecedents,  he  had  been 
a  close  student  of  politics,  and  his  sympathies  were  with  the  aims 
of  the  new  political  organization,  to  which  he  speedily  gave  his 
allegiance. 

Mr.  Depew  studied  law  in  his  native  village,  and  was  admitted 
to  the  bar  in  1858.  In  the  same  year,  Vanderbilt  became  his  firm 
friend.  In  1866  Mr,  Depew  was  appointed  the  attorney  of  the  New 
York  and  Harlem  Railroad  Company,  and  three  Years  later,  when 
that  road  was  consolidated  with  the  New  York  Central,  he  was 
made  the  attorney  of  the  new  organization,  being  afterwards  elected 
a  member  of  the  Board  of  Directors. 

As  other  and  extensive  roads  were  added  to  the  system,  Mr. 
Depew,  in  1875  was  promoted  to  be  general  counsel  for  them  all, 
and  elected  to  a  directorship  in  each  of  the  numerous  organizations. 
The  year  previous,  the  Legislature  had  made  him  Regent  of  the 
State  University,  and  one  of  the  Commissioners  to  build  the  Capi- 
tol at  Albany. 

393 


394  POLITICAL  LEADERS  AND  STATESMEN 

At  the  National  Republican  convention  in  1888,  New  York 
voted  solidly  for  Mr.  Depew  as  its  candidate  for  the  Presidency, 
but  he  withdrew  his  name.  At  the  convention  at  Minneapolis  in 
1892,  he  was  selected  to  present  the  name  of  President  Harrison, 
and  made  one  of  the  best  speeches  of  his  life.  When  Mr.  Blaine 
] resigned  as  Secretary  of  State,  President  Harrison  urged  Mr. 
Depew  to  accept  the  place,  but  after  a  week's  deliberation,  he  felt 
obliged  to  decline  the  honor. 

He  was  delegate-at-large  to  the  Presidential  conventions  of 
1892  and  1896,  and  presented  the  names  of  Benjamin  Harrison  for 
President  and  of  Governor  Levi  P.  Morton  for  Vice-President,  on 
both  occasions.  At  the  unveiling  of  the  Statue  of  Liberty  in  New 
York  harbor,  he  was  the  orator  of  the  occasion,  also  at  the  open- 
ing of  the  great  World's  Fair  at  Chicago  in  1892,  he  delivered  an 
oration  remarkable  for  its  beauty  and  eloquence.  On  many  other 
occasions  has  he  also  been  the  popular  favorite  elected  to  deliver 
addresses  for  a  variety  of  occasions.  He  is  nowserving  as  Senator 
from  the  State  of  New  York,  his  term  expiring  March  3,  1905. 

Joseph  Welden  Bailey 

Congressman  and  Democratic  Leader  of  the  South- West. 

Joseph  W.  Bailey  is  a  native  of  Mississippi,  and  was  born 
October  6,  1863.  When  twenty  years  of  age  he  had  completed  his 
education,  and  been  admitted  to  the  practice  of  the  profession  of 
law.  He  early  took  an  interest  in  politics  and  in  the  campaign  of 
1884  was  an  elector  for  Cleveland  and  Hendricks.  In  1885  he 
located  in  Texas,  and  again  served  as  Democratic  elector  in  1888. 
He  was  elected  to  the  52nd  Congress,  and  has  served  in  each 
succeeding  Congress,  being  a  member  of  the  present  House.  At 
his  last  election  he  received  29,942  votes,  and  his  Republican  com- 
petitor 3,842.  He  was  Democratic  nominee  for  speaker  of  the 
House  in  the  55th  Congress.  He  had  been  Democratic  leader  of 
the  House,  and  is  recognized  as  a  man  of  marked  ability,  and  well 
informed  in  all  branches  of  the  present  day  politics. 


Ethan  Allen  Hitchcock 

Diplomat  and  Secretary  of  the  Interior. 

Ethan  Allen  Hitchcock,  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  is  a  great 
grandson  of  Ethan  Allen,  of  Vermont,  of  revolutionary  fame.  He 
was  born  in  Mobile,  Alabama,  September  19,  1835.  After  living 
one  year  at  New  Orleans,  he  removed  to  Nashville,  Tennessee, 
where  he  was  educated  at  private  schools,  completing  his  course  of 
study  in  1855  at  the  military  academy  in  New  Haven,  Connecticut. 
His  family  were  then  living  in  St.  Louis,  Missouri,  where  he  went 
to  live  after  completing  his  education,  and  engaged  in  mercantile 
business.  In  i860  he  went  to  China  as  a  representative  of  Oly- 
pant  &  Co.,  a  commission  house  having  a  large  trade.  His  worth 
was  soon  recognized,  and  in  1866  he  became  a  member  of  the  firm. 
In  1872  he  was  able  to  retire  from  business,  and  spent  two  or  three 
years  in  travel  and  observation  in  Europe.  He  returned  to  the  United 
States  in  1874,  and  engaged  in  several  business  enterprises,  including 
manufacturing,  mining  and  railway  adventures,  in  all  of  which  he 
was  a  marked  success,  and  was  soon  recognized  as  one  of  the  fore- 
most men  in  the  commercial  world  of  the  West.  He  is  a  type  of 
the  best  American  citizen,  in  that  he  has  taken  a  keen  interest  in 
great  political  questions  and  at  same  time  been  a  marked  success  in 
the  commercial  world.  He  is  not  a  politician  by  profession,  and 
hence  his  counsels  are  valued  by  his  party  and  his  example  one  to 
be  emulated  by  all  good  Americans. 

President  McKinley  recognized  his  business  ability  and  his  fit- 
ness to  represent  the  United  States  in  Russia,  where  our  trade  was 
rapidly  growing,  appointed  him  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  to  that  country.  He  discharged  his  duties  with 
signal  success,  and  was  the  first  American  Ambassador  credited  to 
the  Russian  port.  Upon  the  resignation  of  Hon.  Cornelius  N. 
Bliss,  he  was  called  home  to  take  the  portfolio  of  Department  of 
Interior.  He  was  confirmed  on  December  21,  1898,  and  has  made 
a  very  popular  Secretary. 

395 


William  Pierce  Frye 

President  of   United  States  Senate. 

William  Pierce  Frye,  Senator  from  Maine,  and  President  of 
the  United  States  Senate  was  born  in  Lewistown,  Maine,  September 
2,  1831.  He  completed  his  education  at  Bowdoin  College  in  1850,  and 
afterwards  studied  and  practiced  law.  He  was  elected  member  of 
the  State  Legislature  in  1861-62-67.  He  served  as  Mayor  of  his 
native  city,  Lewistown  in  1866-67,  ^^^  also  as  Attorney  General  of 
his  state  for  three  years.  His  Alma  Mater  conferred  upon  him  the 
degree  of  LL.  D.  He  has  several  times  been  presidential  elector, 
and  served  as  a  delegate  to  the  National  Republican  Convention. 
He  was  elected  a  representative  in  42d,  43th,  44th,  45th,  46th  and 
47th,  Congresses  and  United  States  Senate  in  1881,  when  James  G. 
Blaine  resigned  his  service  as  Secretary  of  State. 

He  is  now  completing  his  third  term  in  the  Senate.  That  he 
is  popular  in  his  native  state  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  he  received 
every  vote  except  one  in  both  branches  of  the  legislation.  On 
February  2,  1896,  he  was  elected  President  pro  tein.  of  the 
Senate,  becoming  its  President  upon  the  death  of  Vice-President 
Hobart  in  1899.  He  served  with  distinction  as  a  member  of  the 
commission  which  met  at  Paris,  September  1898,  to  adjust  terms  of 
peace  between  the  United  States  and  Spain. 

Mr.  Frye's  service  in  the  House  and  Senate  has  been  such  as  to 
necessitate  a  participation  in  many  important  subjects  of  legislation 
during  the  past  three  decades.  In  the  House  he  was  chairman  of 
the  Library  Committee  ;  served  for  several  years  on  the  Judiciary, 
and  was  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means.  During 
two  or  three  congresses  he  was  chairman  of  the  Executive  Commit- 
tee. It  was  generally  conceded  that  he  would  have  been  elected 
Speaker  of  the  House  in  the  47th  Congress,  without  opposition  on 
the  Republican  side,  had  he  not  resigned  before  the  meeting  of  that 
Cong-ress,  on  account  of  his  election  to  the  Senate. 

In  the  House  he  took  an  active  part  in  debates,  especially  on 


POLITICAL  LEADERS  AND  STATESMEN  397 

political  questions,  having  a  keen  relish  for  participation  in  those 
exciting  impromptu  debates  which  frequently  occurred  in  times  of 
intense  party  feeling.  He  took  part  also  in  the  discussion  of  nearly 
all  important  national  questions.  In  the  Senate  he  has  for  many 
years  been  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Commerce,  the  largest 
and  one  of  the  most  important  of  that  body,  and  as  such  he  has 
had  especial  charge  of  all  matters  relating  to  shipping,  river  and 
harbor  improvements,  and  kindred  subjects,  He  is  also  a  member 
of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  and  by  seniority  was 
entitled  to  its  chairmanship  on  the  resignation  of  Senator  Sherman, 
but  chose  to  remain  at  the  head  of  the  Committee  on  Commerce. 

He  reserves  his  speeches  for  occasions  when  they  are  needed 
and  then  speaks  forcibly  and  to  the  point.  Looking  over  the 
debates  of  Congress  for  the  last  thirty  years  one  cannot  fail  to  note 
the  fact  that  Senator  Frye  has  done  his  part  in  moulding  legislation. 
His  persistent  efforts  through  five  Congresses  in  respect  to  the 
Geneva  awards,  securing  at  last  the  rights  of  the  actual  loosers,  is 
one  of  his  important  achievements.  His  efforts  towards  securing 
the  abrogation  of  the  fishery  articles  in  the  treaty  with  Great 
Britain  ;  his  successful  work  in  respect  to  Samoan  affairs,  securing 
an  honorable  settlement  of  existing  complications  ;  his  bill  providing 
for  a  Congress  of  American  Nations,  and  another  for  a  Maritime 
Congress  ;  his  Postal  Subsidy  bill,  his  Tonnage  bill ;  his  important 
amendments  to  the  Dingley  shipping  bill ;  his  championship  of  the 
Nicaragua  Canal  bill ;  his  speeches  in  defense  of  protective  tariff 
measures  ;  his  support  of  other  measures  of  national  importance 
indicate  the  breadth  of  his  legislative  equipment. 

Outside  of  the  halls  of  Cono-ress  his  voice  is  often  heard.  At 
many  notable  public  meetings  and  banquets  he  has  delivered 
speeches  on  national  topics  which  have  been  widely  circulated  by 
the  press. 

As  a  campaign  orator  he  is  considered  one  of  the  most  effective 
and  his  services  are  much  in  demand.  For  the  past  forty  years 
he  has  participated  in  every  political  campaign  and  spoken  in  nearly 
every  state  of  the  North. 


Marcus  A.  Hanna 

Senator  from  Ohio. 

Marcus  Alonzo  Hanna  was  born  in  New  Lisbon,  Columbiana 
County,  Ohio,  September  24,  1837.  Mr.  Hanna  inherited  abiHty 
and  was  educated  in  business.  Next  to  the  efficacy  of  good 
brains  and  blood  in  making  up  a  man  comes  environment — the  cir- 
cumstances surrounding  the  boy  and  man — the  conditions  upon 
which  are  opened  in  his  neighborhood  the  golden  gates  of  oppor- 
tunity. Mr.  Hanna  had  a  high  school  education,  and  a  year  at  the 
Western  Reserve  College,  one  of  the  multitude  of  Ohio  colleees. 

Mr.  Hanna's  father,  on  removing  to  Cleveland,  became  a  whole- 
sale grocer  and  provision  merchant,  and  the  son  at  23  years  of  age 
was  a  clerk  In  the  store,  and  in  1861  his  father  died  and  he  suc- 
ceeded to  the  business.  Young  Hanna  traveled  extensively  and 
formed  a  valuable  acquaintance.  In  1864  he  married  Miss  Augusta 
Rhodes,  the  daughter  of  his  senior  partner,  D.  P.  Rhodes,  who 
retired  a  few  years  later,  when  the  existing  firm  of  M.  A  Hanna  & 
Co.  was  organized.  The  business  of  the  firm  required  a  great  deal 
of  transportation  on  the  lakes,  and  Hanna,  after  being  interested 
in  several  vessels,  became  the  proprietor  of  one  named  for  his 
father,  Leonard  Hanna,  and  he  is  now  a  large  owner  of  ships  on  the 
lakes  and  the  head  of  the  Globe  Iron  Works  Co.  of  shipbuilders. 
He  is  active  in  his  personal  affairs  and  has  them  so  organized  that 
when  he  takes  a  turn  in  politics  he  has  only  to  say  "  yes  "  and  "  no  " 
a  good  deal  touching  matters  not  public,  and  they  go  as  he  says. 
The  course  of  his  business  is  plainly  marked  as  a  system  of  pro- 
gression. First  a  grocer,  then  a  shipowner  — the  ships  growing 
out  of  and  sailing  in  the  requirements  of  trade  ;  then,  as  he  wanted 
ships,  he  became  a  shipbuilder,  and  as  he  consumed  iron  he  devel- 
oped ores.  His  handsome  residence  is  famous  for  hospfitality,  and 
it  is  administered  with  a  geniality  and  liberality  that  gain  and  give 
pleasure.  He  has  a  charming  family — a  son  with  a  home  and 
household  of  his  own.  He  values  too  highly  the  blessing  of  health 
398 


POLITICAL  LEADERS  AND  STATESMEN  401 

to  neglect  it  and  takes  exercise  regularly.  Mr.  Hanna  is  a  man  of 
large  estate,  but  he  has  no  idle  hours  or  dollars.  He  is  active  in 
capital  and  labor,  and  an  example  that  head  and  hands  may  work 
together  with  profit  and  show  each  other  fair  play.  As  there  are 
several  thousand  men  employed  in  the  various  enterprises  in  which 
he  is  influentially  interested,  he  has  not  escaped  incidents  of  differ- 
ences of  opinion  between  employers  and  employed  that  passed  into 
a  stage  of  warfare 

He  holds  the  respect  of  workingmen  because  he  treats  them 
with  respect,  and  he  gains  their  good  will  because  he  is  fair,  and  in 
nothino-  does  he  show  them  orreater  consideration  than  in  never 
trying  the  blandishments  of  demagogues  with  them.  He  has  no 
ability  or  inclination  in  that  direction. 

Mr.  Hanna  has  been  chairman  of  the  Republican  National 
Committee  since  the  convention  of  1896,  and  has  won  a  reputation 
for  great  executive  skill  by  his  successful  management  of  that  cam- 
paign. It  became  his  duty  to  call  together  the  convention  at 
Philadelphia  and  to  introduce  the  temporary  chairman.  He  was 
appointed  to  the  United  States  Senate  by  Governor  Bushnell, 
March  5,  1897,  to  fill  the  vacancy  caused  by  resignation  of  Hon. 
John  Sherman.  He  was  elected  to  the  succeeding  short  and  long 
terms,  and  his  present  term  expires  March  4,  1905. 

Hon.  Cornelius  N.  Bliss 

Mr.  Bliss  was  born  in  Massachusetts  sixty-eight  years  ago. 
When  he  was  a  mere  boy  he  moved  to  New  Orleans,  but  afterwards 
came  North,  living  in  Boston  a  short  time.  In  1866  he  went  to 
New  York  City  where  in  course  of  time  he  became  one  of  the  most 
highly  esteemed  leaders  of  the  great  metropolis.  Mr.  Bliss  is  a 
man  of  marked  intellectual  breadth,  culture  of  mind,  taste  and 
spirit.  He  was  selected  by  President  McKinley  for  his  Secretary 
of  the  Interior,  which  portfolio  he  accepted.  Life  in  Washington 
did  not  suit  him,  and  his  business  interests  in  New  York  requiring 
his  attention  he  resigned  his  portfolio  in  December,  1898,  to  be 
succeeded  by  Mr.  E.  A.  Hitchcock. 


Thomas  Bracket!  Reed 

The  Great  "Speaker"  and  Debater. 

Thomas  Brackett  Reed  was  born  in  Portland,  Maine,  October 
1 8,  1839.  He  attended  the  common  schools  of  the  city,  and  was 
graduated  at  Bowdoin  College  in  i860,  being  among  the  first  in  his 
class  and  taking  the  highest  honors  possible — the  prize  for  excel- 
lence in  English  composition.  He  possesses  rare  gifts  in  this  re- 
spect, his  writings  showing  a  clear,  vigorous,  but  limpid  style,  which 
have  brought  him  a  national  reputation,  while  his  speeches  are 
eloquent,  sparkling,  logical,  and  corruscating  with  humor,  sar- 
casm, and  wit.  No  man  surpasses  him  in  readiness  of  repartee. 
No  more  enjoyable  treat  could  be  imagined  than  that  of  a  debate 
in  the  House,  where  he  was  beset  with  all  sorts  of  questions  from 
political  opponents.  His  instant  replies  were  inimitable,  and  the 
man  that  could  unhorse  him  in  debate  did  not  appear  on  the  floor  of 
Congress  during  Mr.  Reed's  long  service  as  member  and  speaker. 

After  his  crraduation,  Mr.  Reed  taug^ht  in  a  Portland  h'lQ-h. 
school,  studying  law  at  the  same  time.  He  went  to  California  in 
1863,  expecting  to  make  his  home  in  that  state.  He  taught  school 
there  and  began  the  practice  of  law,  but  at  the  end  of  the  year,  for 
family  reasons,  returned  to  Maine.  In  April,  1864,  he  was 
appointed  acting  assistant  paymaster  in  the  United  States  navy 
and  assigned  to  duty  on  the  gunboat  Sibyl,  which  patrolled  the 
Tennessee,  Cumberland  and  Mississippi  rivers  until  the  close  of 
the  war.  He  was  discharged  from  the  service  in  August,  1865,  and 
returned  to  Portland,  where  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar. 

His  advance  was  rapid.  He  was  interested  from  the  first  in 
politics,  and  his  power  and  popularity  were  so  marked  that,  with- 
out his  knowledge,  he  was  nominated  by  his  party  in  1868  for  the 
State  House  of  Representatives.  His  election  followed  as  a  matter 
of  course,  and  his  reputation  as  a  brilliant  lawyer  going  with  him, 
he  was  placed  on  the  Judiciary  Committee.  Maine  was  quick  to 
see  that  she  had  secured  the  right  man  and  re-elected  him  in  1869, 
402 


POLITICAL  LEADERS  AND  STATESMEN  403 

promoting  him  to  the  Senate  in  1870,  but  he  resigned  the  senator- 
ship  to  assume  the  duties  of  Attorney-General,  to  which  ofhce  he 
had  been  elected. 

His  name  was  well-known  throughout  the  state,  and  it  was  in 
the  natural  order  of  events,  that,  in  1876,  he  was  nominated  for 
Congress  and  elected  in  the  district  composed  of  Cumberland 
and  York  counties. 

Mr.  Reed  took  his  seat  in  Congress,  October  15,  1877.  He 
made  his  first  speech  April  12,  1878,  and  drew  the  attention  of  the 
House  by  his  keen,  convincing  logic.  His  great  ability  was  recog- 
nized by  political  opponents  as  well  as  friends.  In  1889,  when  the 
Republicans  had  a  bare  majority,  he  was  elected  to  the  Speaker's 
chair,  receiving  166  votes  to  154  cast  for  John  G.  Carlisle. 

There  are  few  who  are  not  acquainted ,  with  Speaker  Reed's 
career  as  presiding  officer  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  For  a 
time  indeed  he  was  the  central  figure  in  the  eyes  of  the  country. 
On  January  29,  1890,  when  the  Democrats  had  sat  mute  while  their' 
names  were  being  called  by  the  clerk,  Speaker  Reed  coolly  counted 
sufficient  numbers  "  present  but  not  voting,"  to  constitute  a  quorum. 

The  Speaker,  notwithstanding  the  storm  of  opposition, 
resolutely  held  to  his  decision  and  the  business  of  the  session  which 
had  been  blocked  so  long  moved  forward,  though  it  cannot  be  said 
without  friction. 

Four  years  later,  when  a  Democratic  House  was  caught  in 
precisely  the  same  dilemma,  it  adopted  precisely  the  same  rule. 
Mr.  Reed  was  chosen  speaker  again  of  Congress,  in  December, 
1895,  and  again  in  March,  1897. 

At  the  National  Republican  Convention,  which  met  in  St. 
Louis  in  1896,  Mr.  Reed's  name  was  prominently  spoken  of  for 
President;  but  William  McKinley,  of  Ohio,  was  nominated,  and 
the  "Courtly  Knight"  from  Maine  supported  him  in  some  of  the 
most  able  speeches  delivered  during  the  campaign. 

Quite  unexpectedly  Mr.  Reed  resigned  his  seat  in  the  56th 
Congress  and  gave  himself  to  the  practice  of  law  in  New  York, 
of  which  city  he  became  a  citizen. 


Grover  Cleveland 

Successful  Lawyer,  Governor  and  President. 

Grover  Cleveland,  twenty-second  and  twenty-fourth  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  was  born  in  the  village  of  Caldwell, 
Essex  County,  New  Jersey,  March  i8,  1837.  He  was  the  son  of 
Richard  Falley  Cleveland,  a  Presbyterian  minister,  who  was  gradu- 
ated at  Yale  in  1824,  and  five  years  later  married  Annie  Neal, 
dauo-hter  of  a  Baltimore  merchant. 

When  the  son  was  four  years  old  his  father  accepted  a  call  to 
Fayetteville,  near  Syracuse,  New  York,  where  the  boy  attended  the 
academy,  and  afterward  served  as  clerk  in  a  country  store.  Some 
time  later  the  family  removed  to  Clinton,  in  Oneida  County,  and 
Grover  was  a  student  at  the  academy  there.  At  the  age  of  sixteen 
he  became  a  clerk  and  assistant  teacher  in  the  New  York  Institu- 
tion for  the  Blind,  in  New  York  city.  In  the  same  institution  his 
elder  brother,  William,  now  a  preacher,  was  also  a  teacher. 

He  took  up  the  study  of  law  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in 
1859.  Meanwhile  his  father  died,  and,  that  he  might  be  able  to  sup- 
port his  mother,  Grover  remained  three  years  longer  with  the  firm 
with  whom  he  studied  at  a  moderate  salary. 

His  worth  and  ability  had  attracted  favorable  notice,  and  he  was 
appointed  assistant  district  attorney  of  Erie  County,  January  i, 
1863,  holding  the  office  for  three  years.  He  was  defeated  in  1865, 
as  the  Democratic  candidate  for  district  attorney,  and  became  a 
law  partner  of  Isaac  V.  Vanderpool,  uniting,  in  1869,  with  the  firm 
of  Lanning  &  Folsom.  By  this  time  he  had  attained  marked 
success,  and  in  1870  was  elected  sheriff  of  Erie  County.  At  the  end 
of  his  three  years'  term,  he  formed  a  law  partnership  with  his 
intimate  friend,  Lyman  K.  Bass,  who  had  defeated  him  for  the 
district  attorneyship,  the  firm  being  Bass,  Cleveland  &  Bissell.  Ill 
health  compelled  the  retirement  of  Mr.  Bass,  when  the  firm  became 
Cleveland  &  Bissell.  It  was  very  successful,  and  Mr.  Cleveland's 
reputation  increased. 

404 


POLITICAL  LEADERS  AND  STATESMEN  405 

In  September,  1882,  he  was  nominated  for  governor  of  the 
state.  Governor  Cleveland  made  no  blunders  that  could  mar 
his  prospects.  He  was  able,  honest,  and  wholly  devoted  to  the 
interests  of  the  state.  At  the  Democratic  national  convention,  held 
in  Chicago,  in  July,  1884,  he  received  the  nomination  for  President, 
which  he  formally  accepted  by  letter  on  the  i8th  of  August.  Mr. 
Cleveland  received  219  electoral  votes  to  182  for  Blaine. 

President  Cleveland  was  inaugurated  on  the  4th  of  March 
followine,  and  called  around  him  an  able  cabinet.  He  favored  a 
reduction  of  the  tariff,  with  the  ultimate  establishment  of  freer  trade. 

In  the  autumn  of  1888,  Cleveland  received  5,540,329  and  Har- 
rison 5,439,853,  while  of  the  electoral  votes  168  went  to  Cleveland 
and  233  to  Harrison. 

In  1892,  the  same  gentlemen  were  the  leading  candidates,  and 
the  verdict  was  reversed  ;  Cleveland  received  5,553,142  and  Harri- 
son 5,186,931  on  the  popular  vote,  while  in  the  electoral  college  276 
votes  went  to  Cleveland  and  145  to  Harrison.  It  was  the  first  time 
in  our  history  that  a  President  was  re-elected  after  being  out  of 
office  for  one  term. 

In  President  Cleveland's  second  term  a  monetary  stringency 
and  a  great  depression  of  business  were  accompanied  by  a  formida- 
ble railway  strike  which  necessitated  the  calling  out  of  the  United 
States  troops  in  several  parts  of  the  country.  President  Cleveland 
"struck  fire,"  in  his  message  to  Congress,  on  December  17,  1895, 
when  he  said  that  the  United  States  could  not  view  with  indifference 
the  dismemberment  of  a  sister  republic  Venezuela,  on  the  American 
continent,  for  it  would  be  a  flagrant  violation  of  the  Monroe 
doctrine  enunciated  in  1823,  which  declared  in  language  not  to  be 
mistaken  that  no  part  of  North  or  South  America  from  that  time 
forward  should  be  open  for  colonization  by  any  foreign  power. 

President  Cleveland  was   declared   to  be  an  American  in  the 

highest  sense  of  the  word,  and  an  exalted  patriot  who  had  sounded 

the  bugle  to  which  hundreds  of  thousands  of  loyal  spirits  would 

respond.     Since   the   close   of  his  term  he    has    become  a    highly 

respected  citizen  of  the  University  town,  Princeton,  N.  J. 
23 


Marion  Butler 

Populist  Senator  from  North  Carolina. 

Of  the  three  National  Committee  Chairmen,  Marion  Butler, 
the  Populist,  is  by  far  the  most  interesting.  ,  Both  Mr.  Hanna 
and  Senator  Jones  are,  to  the  country  at  large,  new  men.  Mr. 
Butler  was  a  country  editor,  sprung  from  the  plain  people  and 
reared  on  a  farm.  At  33  this  young  man  found  himself  in  control 
of  the  party  machinery  of  a  political  organization  larger  in  num- 
bers than  that  which  elected  Lincoln  for  the  first  time  ;  an 
acknowledged  party  leader,  and  a  United  States  Senator  to  boot. 
In  his  brief  and  quite  dazzling  career  he  has  shown  himself  a 
shrewd  manipulator  and  a  dexterous  tactician,  with  a  genius  for 
success  and  an  unusual  talent  for  taking  advantage  of  other  men's 
necessities. 

It  was  in  the  campaign  of  1896  that  Butler,  of  North  Carolina, 
came  to  the  front.  His  standing  in  the  Populist  party  was  strong. 
He  had  made  himself  master  of  his  own  State  ;  he  was  president  of 
the  National  Farmers'  Alliance;  he  had  all  the  prestige  that  goes 
with  success.  When  he  went  to  the  convention  in  St.  Louis  he 
had  not  committed  himself.  He  had  already  learned  the  power 
that  is  often  gathered  from  waiting  until  a  decisive  moment ;  he 
had  won  his  leadership  largely  through  his  ability  to  gauge  the 
feeling  of  the  ranks  and  direct  this  feeling  to  his  own  end. 

Made  temporary  chairman  of  the  convention,  in  his  speech  he 
played  skillfully  upon  the  passions  of  the  mass  and  the  desires  of 
the  leaders.  It  was  then  that  with  the  strength  gained  by  his  fore- 
sight in  making  himself,  so  to  speak,  the  balance  of  power,  he 
formulated  his  plan  for  the  endorsement  of  Bryan  and  the  nomina- 
tion of  a  Southern  Populist  for  second  place.  The  chief  leaders, 
Weaver  Allen  and  others,  fought  his  plan  bitterly.  But  the  Tar- 
heel statesman  carried  the  convention.  And  as  a  result,  he  was  put 
in  charge  of  the  campaign. 

This  at  33  years  of  age. 

406 


POLITICAL  LEADERS  AND  STATESMEN  407 

Mr.  Butler,  himself,  says  that  his  political  career  was  entirely 
an  accident,  that  it  was  not  the  one  he  had  picked  out  for  himself, 
and  that  it  was  due  almost  directly  to  the  death  of  his  father  when 
the  young  man  was  attending  college.  He  was  born  and  brought 
up  on  a  farm,  and  received  the  larger  share  of  his  early  education 
from  his  mother.  From  her,  with  the  occasional  aid  from  a  neigh- 
boring academy — the  free  schools  of  North  Carolina  are  a  compara- 
tively recent  innovation — he  received  his  preparation  from  the  Uni- 
versity of  North  Carolina.  Graduated  from  the  Academic  depart- 
ment of  that  institution,  he  entered  its  law  school  and  was  on  his 
way  to  his  chosen  profession  when  he  was  called  home  by  his  father's 
demise  to  undertake  the  care  of  the  farm  and  dependent  family. 

A  supporter  of  Mr.  Cleveland  in  1888,  the  latter's  renomina- 
tion  in  Chicago  in  1892  drove  Butler  out  of  the  Democratic  party, 
and  the  Populist  campaign  of  that  year  in  this  state  found  him 
prominently  at  the  fore.  Though  Cleveland  carried  the  state,  the 
Populists  cast  44,000  votes,  and  a  fusion  with  the  Republicans 
would  have  been  successful.  But  all  overtures  for  a.  union  that 
year  were  defeated  by  the  obstinacy  of  the  chairman  of  the  Repub- 
lican committee,  who  headed  a  faction  of  office-seeking  Republi- 
cans who  had  descended  from  the  carpet-bag  era. 

Personally  he  is  a  tall,  broad-shouldered,  rather  angular  man, 
who  swings  down  the  street  with  that  long  stride  that  seems  typical 
of  his  political  career.  He  is  a  strider  all  over.  He  has  a  rather 
heavy  head  of  hair,  and  a  full  beard,  which  keeps  you  guessing  as 
to  whether  his  face  is  a  strong  one.  As  he  talks,  his  deep-set  eyes 
shut  narrowly  as  though  they  were  looking  out  of  the  smallest  pos- 
sible space. 

Butler  has  shown  in  his  speeches  unquestioned  industry,  and 
a  considerable  reading  in  the  lore  of  the  patriot  fathers.  The  lat- 
ter has  often  stood  him  in  good  stead.  In  the  finished  sense  of  the 
word  he  is  not  an  orator,  and  his  place  in  the  progress  of  his  party 
will  be  more  of  a  manager.  For  this  working  he  has  shown,  judged 
by  his  success  under  many  trying  situations,  really  consummate 
ability. 


Stephen  B.  Elkins 

Republican  Senator  From  West  Virginia. 

Senator  Elkins  started  life  a  poor  boy,  without  influence  and 
without  friends  to  help  him.  He  was  born  and  brought  up  on  a 
farm.  Whatever  he  has  in  the  way  of  means  or  capital  he  has 
acquired  by  his  own  efforts.  He  is  a  large  employer  of  wage- 
earners,  and  enjoys  their  sympathy  and  confidence.  He  has  for 
more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  taken  an  active  interest  in 
national  politics  ;  but  during  all  this  time  he  has  been  a  hard-work- 
ing business  man,  and  known  as  such  rather  than  a  politician. 
During  his  service  as  a  member  of  Congress  and  a  Cabinet  officer, 
and  in  all  his  business  transactions,  which  have  extended  from  one 
ocean  to  the  other,  there  has  never  been  a  reflection  on  his  fairness 
or  integrity.  His  standing  and  credit  as  a  business  man  is  good, 
not  only  where  he  has  lived,  but  all  over  the  country.  In  all  the 
walks  of  life  he  has  made  himself  popular  with  all  who  have  known 
him.  He  is  unostentatious,  plain  and  simple  in  his  manners,  and  is 
easily  approached  by  all  classes  of  his  fellow  citizens. 

A  brief  sketch  of  his  life  will  show  how  his  great  experience, 
his  wide  acquaintance  with  men,  and  knowledge  of  the  country  has 
been  acquired.  He  was  born  in  Ohio,  reared  and  educated  in 
Missouri,  lived  ten  years  in  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  is  familiar 
with  the  Pacific  Coast.  He  lived  eight  years  in  Washington  City, 
twelve  years  in  New  York  City  during  the  winters,  spending  the 
summers  in  his  adopted  State  of  West  Virginia,  where  he  now 
resides  in  the  town  bearing  his  name.  Having  lived  in  the  East 
and  in  the  West,  he  knows  both  sections  and  their  people  as  no 
other  man  in  public  life.  Mr.  Blaine  once  said  that  Mr.  Elkins 
knew  more  men  and  had  a  wider  acquaintance  than  any  other  man 
in  the  country.  He  served  as  member  of  Legislature,  Attorney- 
General  and  United  States  Attorney  for  New  Mexico.  He  has 
been  a  member  of  Congress,  served  in  Cabinet  and  is  now  Senator 
of  the  United  States 

408 


William  B.  Allison 

Iowa's  Favorite  Statesman. 

William  B.  Allison,  Senator  from  Iowa,  is  a  native  of  Ohio, 
the  commonwealth  which  of  late  years  has  furnished  so  many- 
statesmen  to  the  Union. 

Mr.  Allison  was  born  in  1829,  and  was  graduated  from  the 
Western  Reserve  College.  His  first  entrance  into  public  politics,  as 
he  states,  was  in  i860,  when  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  tally 
secretaries  at  the  convention  which  nominated  Abraham  Lincoln 
for  the  Presidency. 

Although  Mr.  Allison  was  deeply  interested  in  politics  from 
the  first,  and  always  inclined  to  the  principles  of  the  Republican 
party,  he  felt  no  special  ambition  to  become  a  politician.  Never- 
theless, his  neighbors  appreciated  his  ability,  and  he  was  nominated 
for  Congress  in  1862  and  elected.  Mr.  Allison  remained  in  Con- 
gress until  1 87 1,  and  two  years  later  was  elected  to  the  Senate, 
where  he  has  remained  ever  since. 

President  Garfield  was  so  impressed  by  Allison's  attainments 
and  complete  mastery  of  financial  questions,  that,  in  the  face  of  the 
strongest  pressure  from  other  quarters,  he  urged  him  to  accept  the 
portfolio  of  the  Treasury,  but  this  he  declined  on  account  of  illness 
of  his  wife. 

Mr.  Allison  is  a  handsome  man,  genial  and  fond  of  a  good 
story,  and  he  can  tell  one  and  join  in  the  ringing  laughter  which 
greets  a  witticism.  He  is  fond  of  books,  art  and  travel,  and  is 
almost  as  familiar  with  the  politics  of  Europe  as  with  those  of  his 
own  country.  He  is  dignified  and  kindly  without  a  trace  of 
egotism  or  vanity.  Senator  Gear  of  Iowa  said  of  him:  "There  is 
nothing  of  a  coward  about  Allison.  He  is  cautious,  but  not 
cowardly.  He  has  a  stiff  backbone  in  him,  and  when  the  occasion 
demands,  he  always  shows  that  he  has  convictions  and  the  courage 
to  support  them.  He  has  been  in  public  life  for  a  generation,  and 
although  he  is  nearly  seventy  years  of  age,  he  looks  and  really  is 
ten  years  younger,  and  in  the  prime  of  physical  condition. 

409 


Hon.  Jonathan  P.  Dolliver 

Congressman  from  Iowa. 
An  Eloquent  Speaker,  an  Enthusiastic  Supporter  of  Repub- 
lican   Policy,  and  a  Favorite    with  many    for  the  Vice 
Presidency  Nomination  of   1900. 
The  subject  of  this  sketch  was  born  in  Preston  County,  Virginia, 
February  26,  1858.      He  was  educated  in  the  common  schools  of 
his  native  state,  and  afterwards  graduated  from  the  Western  Vir- 
ginia University  in  1875.      -^^  made  the  law  his  profession,  being 
admitted  in  1878  to  practice  at  the  bar.      His  father  was  a  minister 
in  the  Methodist  Church,  being  one  of  the  old-time  circuit  riders. 
He  was  an  eloquent  man  and  a  great  speaker  and  exhorter.     From 
him  Mr.   Dolliver,  no  doubt,  inherited  his  oratorical  powers.      He 
shows  by  the  full,  mellow,  round  voice  his  Virginia  ancestry  and 
raising.     A  story  is  told  to  illustrate  his  oratorical  powers,  that  the 
girls  have  nick-named  him  "  Rolled  Oats  "  because  of  his  habit  of 
rolling  his  r's  when  he  gave  his  orders  to  the  waiters  at  a  hotel  at 
a  certain  summer  resort. 

Mr.  Dolliver  confined  himself  to  the  practice  of  his  profession 
and  had  no  ambition  for  ofhce  until  he  was  placed  in  nomination 
and  elected  to  the  Fifty-first  Congress,  although  he  had  for  some 
time  before  made  a  reputation  as  a  campaign  speaker.  James  G. 
Blaine,  in  one  of  his  tours  in  the  West,  met  Mr.  Dolliver  and  was 
so  pleased  with  him  that  he  prophesied  that  he  would  have  a 
brilliant  public  career.  Mr.  Dolliver  soon  made  himself  known 
after  taking  his  seat  in  Congress,  and  came  under  Speaker  Reed's 
notice  and  was  complimented  for  his  thoughtful  and  eloquent 
speeches.  After  being  in  Congress  for  three  terms  he  was  made  a 
member  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  by  Speaker  Reed,  in 
the  Fifty-fourth  Congress.  It  was  Mr.  Dolliver  who,  in  the  cam- 
paign of  1896,  dubbed  Mr.  McKinley  ''the  advanced  agent  of 
prosperity."  This  became  one  of  the  watch-words  of  the  canvass 
and  brought  Mr.  Dolliver  into  much  prominence. 

Mr.  Dolliver  is  a  large,  heavily-built  man,  of  healthy  and  genial 
410 


POLITICAL  LEADERS  AND  STATESMEN  411 

appearance,  dark  hair,  dark  eyes,  and  ruddy  face.  He  is  a  good 
story-teller  and  all-round  good  fellow.  He  is  a  lover  of  books  and 
prepares  his  speeches  with  great  care.  Recently  he  has  been 
honored  with  the  degree  of  LL.  D.  by  Bethany '  College  in  the 
State  of  Kansas. 


David  Bennett  Hill 

United  States  Senator  from  New  York 

David  Bennett  Hill,  the  youngest  of  five  children,  was  born 
in  1843,  in  the  town  of  Havana,  Schuyler  County,  New  York. 

His  father  died  while  he  was  a  lad,  and  his  mother  eked  out  a 
living  as  best  she  could  from  the  heavily  mortgaged  farm.  David 
contributed  all  the  help  he  could,  selling  papers  and  candies  on  the 
New  York  Central  Railway  before  he  had  entered  his  teens.  Hav- 
ing passed  through  the  High  School,  he  now  entered  a  law  office 
in  Elmira  and  began  the  study  of  law.  He  was  a  hard  student, 
and  did  two  years'  work  in  one,  being  admitted  to  the  bar  when  he 
had  barely  reached  the  age  of  twenty-one.  Two  months  later  he 
was  appointed  city  attorney,  and  was  thus  fairly  launched  upon  the 
sea  of  politics,  where  he  has  made  a  brilliant  reputation.  He  was 
selected  as  a  delegate  to  the  Democratic  state  convention  in  1868. 
Two  years  later  he  was  elected  to  the  Legislature. 

In  1882  he  was  elected  Lieutenant-Governor  on  the  ticket 
which  placed  Grover  Cleveland  in  the  gubernatorial  chair.  In 
1885  he  was  chosen  Governor  by  a  large  majority,  being  re-elected 
and  holding  the  oftice  until  1891.  In  the  latter  year  he  was  chosen 
United  States  Senator,  for  the  term  expiring  in  1897.  The  Repub- 
licans gaining  the  supremacy  in  the  state,  he  did  not  gain  another 
term.  In  the  campaign  of  1896  he  opposed  the  free  silver  platform 
of  his  party,  by  which  he  lost  a  great  deal  influence.  He  repre- 
sented his  party  in  the  Kansas  City  convention,  and  again  is  in 
harmony. 


George  Dewey 

The  Hero  of  the  Battle  of  Manila. 

George  Dewey  was  born  in  Montpelier,  Vermont,  on  Decem- 
ber 26,  1837.  His  father  was  Dr.  Julius  Y.  Dewey,  a  prominent 
life  insurance  authority,  an  estimable  business  man,  and  also  a 
physician.  The  Dewey  family  belongs  to  New  England's  best 
stock,  and  dates  its  ancestry  back  to  colonial  times.  After  a  pre- 
paratory course  in  the  Northfield  Military  School  of  Massachusetts, 
George  Dewey  was  appointed,  at  the  age  of  seventeen,  as  a  cadet 
to  Annapolis,  where  he  graduated  in  1858.  When  the  Civil  War 
broke  out,  young  Dewey  was  made  a  lieutenant  and  assigned  to 
duty  on  the  seventeenth-gun  steam-sloop  Mississippi.  His  ship  was 
in  Farragut's  squadron,  which  forced  a  passage  up  the  Mississippi 
River  In  1862.     This  was  Dewey's  first  experience  in  real  war. 

Dewey  was  also  on  one  of  the  gunboats  at  the  engagement  at 
Donaldsonville  in  1863.  In  1864  and  1865  he  was  an  officer  on  the 
Agawam,  which  was  engaged  in  battle  at  Fort  Fisher.  In  March, 
1865,  he  received  his  commission  as  Lieutenant-Commander.  He 
was  made  Commodore  in  1896,  and  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
Inspection  Board.  In  January,  1898,  he  was  given  command  of  the 
Asiatic  squadron,  stationed  then  at  Hong  Kong,  China.  He  had 
been  but  a  few  weeks  in  his  new  position  when  the  declaration  of 
war  with  Spain  gave  him  the  chance  of  his  life  for  distinction, 
which  he  so  brilliantly  improved  by  falling  upon  and  annihilating 
the  Spanish  fleet  and  forts  at  Manila,  Philippine  Islands,  May  ist,  just 
six  days  after  the  declaration  of  war.  This  story  is  told  in  another 
chapter. 

The  battle  of  Manila  must  ever  remain  a  monument  to  the 
daring  and  courage  of  Admiral  Dewey.  However  unevenly 
matched  the  two  fleets  may  have  been,  we  must  agree  with  the 
naval  critic  who  declared  :  "This  complete  victory  was  the  product 
of  forethought,  cool,  well-balanced  judgment,  discipline,  and  brav- 
ery." Dewey  entered  with  his  squadron  an  unknown  harbor, 
supposed  to  be  strewn  with  deadly  mines,  and  blew  up  the  Spanish 

412 


POLITICAL  LEADERS  AND  STATESMEN  413 

navy  that  was  protected  by  the  heavy  guns  of  the  shore  batteries  ; 
and  not  only  did  he  sink  the  vessels,  but  he  silenced  those  batteries. 
It  was  magnificent ;  and  Dewey  will  go  down  in  history,  ranking 
with  Paul  Jones  and  Lord  Nelson  as  a  naval  hero. 

Congress  has  again  created  the  rank  of  Admiral  of  the  navy 
to  which  he  was  nominated  by  the  President  and  promptly  con- 
firmed by  the  United  States  Senate. 


William  C.  Whitney 

President  Cleveland's  Secretary  of  the  Navy 

William  C.  Whitney  was  born  in  Conway,  Mass.,  July  15, 
1841.  He  was  graduated  with  honors  from  Yale  University  in 
1863,  and  afterwards  took  up  the  study  of  law,  completing  the 
Harvard  law  course  in  1865.  He  removed  to  New  York  and  was 
admitted  to  the  bar,  beginning  the  practice  of  his  profession  in  the 
city  of  New  York.  He  early  became  connected  with  the  Young 
Men's  Democratic  Club,  and  was  prominently  identified  in  its  cam- 
paigns. When  the  famous  fight  took  place  against  the  Tweed 
ring  he  came  prominently  forward  as  one  of  the  active  participants. 
He  became  connected  with  the  education  of  the  city,  becoming 
inspector  of  public  schools  in  1872.  He  took  an  active  part  in  the 
campaign  of  1876,  favoring  the  election  of  Samuel  J.  Tilden.  He 
has  always  been  identified  with  every  movement  which  looks  for- 
ward to  the  betterment  of  politics,  never  being  identified  with  any 
of  the  famous  rings.  Grover  Cleveland,  upon  his  election  to  the 
Presidency  invited  Mr.  Whitney  to  become  his  Secretary  of  the 
Navy.  His  administration  was  marked  for  businesslike  methods 
and  important  improvements  in  the  naval  regulations  and  the  high 
efficiency  of  the  Navy.  He  has  held  no  of^ce  since,  but  has  been 
frequently  mentioned  for  many  places  of  honor  and  trust  in  his 
party.  Like  his  chief,  he  has  always  favored  a  sound  money  policy 
and  been  unwilling  to  accept  the  programme  of  the  silver  wing  of 
his  party. 


Hon.  John  D.   Long 

Secretary  of  the  Navy 

John  D.  Long,  the  able  Secretary  of  the  Navy  under  President 
McKinley,  is  a  native  of  Maine,  and  was  born  in  the  year  1838. 
He  was  educated  at  Harvard  University,  graduating  at  19  years-  of 
age  with  honors,  and  as  a  class  poet.  He  was  elected  master  of  one 
of  the  excellent  Massachusetts  academies  for  two  years,  and  then 
spent  two  years  in  the  Harvard  Law  School,  being  admitted  to  the 
bar  in  1861.  He  began  practicing  in  Maine,  but  changed  his  plans 
in  1862,  and  returned  to  Boston,  there  to  make  his  professional 
career. 

Having  rare  gifts  as  a  platform  speaker,  he  took  his  part  in 
political  campaigns  ;  but  it  was  not  until  1874,  at  the  age  of  thirty- 
six,  that  he  entered  ofificial  life.  He  was  elected  to  the  State  Legis- 
lature and  immediately  attained  influence  and  popularity.  The 
next  year  he  was  re-elected  and  made  Speaker  of  the  House, — an 
experience  which  was  repeated  for  three  succesive  years,  when  he 
was  universally  looked  upon  as  the  most  promising  young  Republi- 
can leader  in  the  state,  and  was  elected  Lieutenant-Governor.  In 
the  three  years  that  followed  he  was  elected  to  three  successive 
annual  terms  as  Governor  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts.  In  one  of 
these  elections  his  opponent  was  no  less  dangerous  an  adversary 
than  the  late  General  Benjamin  F.  Butler.  He  declined  further 
service  in  the  Governorship,  and  accepted  an  election  to  Congress, 
where  he  remained  for  three  terms.  He  then  became  a  candidate 
for  the  United  States  Senate  ;  but  Senator  Dawes  secured  re-elect- 
tion  for  his  final  term,  to  be  succeeded  later  by  Mr.  Lodge.  Mr. 
Long  retired  to  the  practice  of  his  profession,  and  for  eight  or 
ten  years  did  not  hold  public  office.  His  very  exceptional 
ability  is  recognized  by  all  who  have  followed  his  career.  His 
scholarly  tastes  and  associations  have  never  been  forsaken,  and 
he  stands  pre-eminently  in  Mr.  McKinley's  administration  as  the 
representative  of  American  scholarship.      He  claimed  no  especial 

414 


POLITICAL  LEADERS  AND  STATESMEN  415 

fitness  for  the  Navy  portfolio,  but  has  demonstrated  his  abiHty  to 
master  his  task  rapidly  and  to  utilize  intelligently  the  services  of  a 
permanent  oganization  that  is  full  of  technical  experts. 

Mr.  Long  most  worthily  represents  the  character,  capacity, 
intelligence,  culture  and  high  ideals  that  belong  to  New  England 
in  her  best  estate.  He  has  the  energy  and  strength  that  charac- 
terize the  sons  of  Maine,  and  he  has  the  mental  and  ethical  culture 
that  belongs  to  the  best  type  of  Harvard's  graduates.  He  has 
paved  the  way  for  the  later  "  Harvard  men  in  politics"  who  have 
served  their  state  so  creditably  and  have  set  so  good  an  example  to 
college-bred  men  the  whole  country  over. 

,    John  T.  Morgan 

Democratic  Statesman  from  Alabama 

Probably  the  most  distinguished  member  of  the  Democratic 
side  in  the  United  States  Senate,  and  one  who  has  fought  most 
fearlessly  for  the  principles  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  at  the 
same  time  gained  the  sincere  respect  and  admiration  of  the 
men  of  all  parties,  is  John  T.  Morgan,  who  represents  the  State  of 
Alabama  in  the  United  States  Senate.  He  was  born  at  Athens, 
Tennessee,  June  20,  1824,  but  at  9  years  of  age  his  parents  removed 
to  Alabama,  where  he  received  an  academic  education  and  has  since 
resided.  Being  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1845,  he  gained  the  foremost 
rank  in  the  practice  of  his  profession.  With  his  state,  he  seceded 
from  the  Union  and  served  in  the  Confederate  army,  and  arose  to 
the  rank  of  Brigadier-General.  In  1876  he  was  chosen  a  Presiden- 
tial elector  and  voted  for  Tilden  and  Hendricks.  He  entered  the 
United  States  Senate  in  1877,  having  served  continuously  since 
that  date.  He  has  served  on  the  most  important  committees  of  the 
Senate,  and  on  several  commissions,  among  which  was  the  com- 
mission for  draftinof  the  tariff  laws  for  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  He 
has  been  an  advocate  of  the  building  of  the  canal  across  the 
Isthmus  of  Panama,  but  insists  that  it  shall  be  truly  and  only 
American  and  under  the  American  auspices. 


Shelby  Moore  Cullom 

Senator  from   Illinois 

Shelby  Moore  Cullom,  son  of  Richard  Northcraft  Cullom 
and  Elizabeth  Coffey  Cullom,  was  born  in  Monticello,  Wayne 
county,  Ky.,  November  22,  1829.  His  father,  who  was  a  farmer, 
removed  to  Tazewell  county.  111.,  the  following  year;  he  was  a 
prominent  and  influential  Whig  in  his  time,  and  frequently  repre- 
sented his  district  in  both  Houses  of  the  General  Assembly.  Young 
Cullom  early  in  life  adopted  law  as  his  profession  and  fitted  him- 
self at  a  country  academy.  In  1855  he  began  the  practice  of  law 
at  Springfield,  111. 

Cullom's  Great  Public  Career 
In  Illinois  Senator  Cullom  has  steadily  risen  from  the  humble 
position  of  a  farmer's  boy,  who  at  the  plow  earned  his  own  education 
to  that  of  a  member  and  Speaker  of  the  lower  House  of  the  State 
Legislature,  member  of  Congress  thrice  elected,  again  elected  to  the 
Legislature,  and  again  elected  Speaker,  elected  Governor  and 
re-elected  to  that  office — and  three  times  elected  United  States 
Senator  from  his  state  ;  he  now  holds  a  conspicuous  position  as 
one  of  the  foremost  men  in  America. 

Advancing  steadily  without  serious  protest  from  any  source,  he 
has  stood  and  now  stands  before  the  people  a  poor  man  in  worldly 
goods,  but  rich  in  the  confidence  and  good  opinions  of  his  fellow- 
citizens.  Transferred  from  one  high  position  to  another  through  a 
life-time  of  strenuous  public  labor  and  acceptable  service,  maintain- 
ino-  all  his  friendships,  his  high  unsullied  character,  his  ideals  his 
purity  of  devotion  to  the  public  good,  and  coping  all  the  while  with 
the  vicissitudes  of  shifting  politics,  he  certainly  has  possessed  and 
displayed  a  high  order  of  judgment,  temperament,  humanity,  force 
and  power  of  leadership,  which,  combined  with  wide  and  pro- 
found knowledge  pertaining  to  the  history,  wants  and  interests  of 
the  country,  place  him  in  the  first  order  of  statesmen.  That  states- 
manship is  exemplified  by  the  things  he  has  done. 
416 


Henry  Moore  Teller 

Senator  from  Colorado — Champion  of  Free  Silver  Coinage. 

Henry  Moore  Teller  is  of  Dutch  descent  and  was  born  at 
Granger,  Allegheny  County,  N.  Y.,  May  23,  1830.  He  received  a 
good  academic  education,  and  while  in  attendance  at  the  academy 
taught  school  at  intervals  in  order  to  help  to  pay  the  expenses  of  his 
education 

Having  completed  his  course  at  the  academy,  he  took  up  the 
study  of  law  under  the  instruction  of  Judge  Martin  Grover,  and 
was  admitted  to  the  bar  January  5,  1858,  at  Binghampton  in  his 
native  state.  Like  many  other  young  men  Mr.  Teller  formed  the 
idea  that  the  West  offered  a  wider  field  for  success.  In  April,  1861, 
he  emigrated  to  Colorado,  which  is  still  his  home.  In  that  terri- 
tory he  found  a  congenial  field  for  his  ability  and  energy,  not  only 
in  law,  but  in  business  enterprises. 

Although  originally  a  Democrat,  Mr.  Teller  joined  the  Repub- 
lican party  in  1855,  when  it  was  in  its  infancy.  He  became  a  power 
in  politics,  commanding  the  respect  and  confidence  of  all  classes. 
He  never  sought  office,  and  did  not  seem  to  care  for  political 
honors,  but  in  1876,  upon  the  admission  of  Colorado  as  a  state,  he 
was  elected  one  of  the  first  United  States  Senators.  He  was 
re-elected,  and  served  until  April,  1882,  when  he  was  appointed 
Secretary  of  the  Interior  by  President  Arthur,  serving  until  March 
3,  1885,  when  he  was  again  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate  to 
succeed  Nathaniel  P.  Hill,  Republican,  His  present  term  expires 
March  3,  1901. 

As  a  representative  of  the  sentiments  of  Colorado,  Senator 
Teller,  it  need  hardly  be  said,  is  a  pronounced  "silver  man,"  as  he 
has  proved  times  without  number  in  warm  debates  and  struggles 
which  have  taken  place  during  the  last  few  years  in  Washington. 
His  ability,  forceful  logic,  and  commanding  courage  have  given  him 
a  national  reputation  and  a  popularity  which  places  him  at  the  head 
of  the  champions  of  his  financial  ideas,  and  scarcely  a  great  rival 
in  the  great  West. 

417 


41 8  POLITICAL  LEADERS  AND  STATESMEN 

In  the  convention  held  at  St.  Louis,  in  1896,  Senator  Teller 
was  on  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  and  presented  a  minority- 
report  in  favor  of  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  with  ratio  of 
16  to  I.  In  a  speech  of  deep  emotion  he  declared  the  time  had 
come  when  if  the  gold  standard  was  adopted,  he  should  be  com- 
pelled to  leave  the  party  with  which  he  had  been  associated  for 
thirty-five  years.  Upon  the  overwhelming  defeat  of  his  report  he, 
with  many  other  silver  men,  withdrew  from  the  convention,  and 
they  were  known  as  Silver  Republicans. 

Ignatius  Donnelly 

Candidate  for  Vice-President  on  Cincinnati  Platform 
Author,  Politician  and  Congressman 

Ignatius  Donnelly  has  been  well  known  for  a  number  of 
years  in  the  United  States,  both  as  a  contributor  to  current  literature 
on  social  and  political  problems,  and  an  author  of  considerable  note. 
He  was  born  in  Philadelphia,  November  3,  1831,  and  in  1857  went 
to  Minnesota,  where  he  made  his  home  and  became  interested  in 
the  politics  of  the  state.  He  was  elected  Lieutenant-Governor  in 
1859,  and  served  in  Congress  for  six  years— 1863  to  1869,  being  at 
that  time  elected  as  a  Republican.  Upon  the  issues  of  the  tariff 
and  money  question,  he  underwent  a  decided  change  of  view,  and 
early  became  connected  with  the  Populist  Party  in  the  West,  and 
advocated  their  most  radical  doctrines.  He  has  several  times  been 
prominently  mentioned  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency  and  was 
the  strongest  candidate  of  the  convention,  which  met  at  Cincinnati, 
May,  1900.  He  was  there  nominated  to  the  second  place,  with 
Wharton  Barker  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency. 

Among  his  literary  works  he  wrote  "Atlantis,"  "Antedilu- 
vian World"  and  "  Ragnarok."  The  best  known  of  his  works  is 
the  "  Great  Cryptogram,"  which  was  prepared  in  1888,  in  which  he 
tried  to  prove  that  Francis  Bacon  was  the  author  of  the  plays  com- 
monly attributed  to  William  Shakespeare. 


Wharton    Barker 

Populist  Candidate  for  President — A  Man  of  Distinguished  Ances- 
try and  an  Authority  on  Economic  and  Trans- 
portation Questions 

Wharton  Barker  was  born  in  Philadelphia,  May  i,  1846. 
His  Barker  Ancestors  came  from  England  to  Massachusetts  in 
1638,  and  settled  near  Boston.  His  Wharton  ancestors  came 
over  about  the  same  time,  and  settled  in  Philadelphia.  The 
Barker,  Folger,  Hazard,  Rodman,  Wharton,  Fisher,  and  Redwood 
families — Puritan  and  Quaker — were  connected  by  marriage  before 
the  great  struggle  of  the  American  revolution.  Wharton  Barker 
and  Benjamin  Franklin  were  cousins,  mothers  of  both  were  Fol- 
gers.  Jacob  Barker  was  born  in  1779  and  died  in  1872.  He  was 
a  hard  worker  and  influential  man  during  a  long  and  eventful  life  ; 
an  admirer  and  follower  of  Jackson  and  the  intimate  friend  of 
Madison  and  Jackson  and  ardent  supporter  of  Madison  in  the  Brit- 
ish war  in  181 2,  taking  in  18 14  the  major  part  of  the  ten  million 
loan.  He  was  the  first  to  nominate  Jackson  for  the  Presidency, 
and  gave  him  aggressive  support  in  his  war  upon  the  United 
States  Bank. 

Wharton  Barker  was  educated  at  the  University  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, receiving  degrees  of  A.  B.  in  1866  and  A.  M.  in  1869.  He 
is  now  an  active  member  of  the  board  of  trustees  of  that  institution, 
member  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society,  and  the  Historical 
Society  of  Pennsylvania.  He  has  been  active  in  letters,  in  business 
and  in  politics  for  more  than  twenty-five  years.  He  was  the  pro- 
prietor and  publisher  of  the  Pennsylvania  Monthly  from  1870  to 
1880  and  the  American  from  1880  to  1890,  and  since  1895  its  editor 
and  publisher.  He  has  traveled  much  in  England,  China  and 
Japan  and  in  all  these  countries  had  almost  intimate  relation  with 
prominent  men.  In  1876  he  was  charged  by  the  Russian  govern- 
ment with  building  cruisers  in  America  at  Cramps.  In  1879  and 
1880  he  directed  a  survey  of  the  Donetz  coal  and  iron  field  of 

419 


420  POLITICAL  LEADERS  AND  STATESMEN 

Southern  Russia  and  made  a  comprehensive  plan  of  railroad  build- 
ing for  the  development  of  that  country.  In  1879  the  Emperor 
Alexander  II,  in  consideration  of  this  work  conferred  upon  him  the 
order  of  St,  Stanislaus,  a  distinction  seldom  given  a  foreigner. 
His  Russian  associations  are  still  intimate.  In  1887  he  was  called 
to  Washington  by  the  Chinese  minister  to  the  United  States  acting 
under  instruction  of  Li  Hung  Chang  and  consulted  about  railroad 
building  in  China,  mines,  railroad  and  factory.  He  sent  engineers 
and  agents  to  China  that  year,  and  the  Chinese  government  sent 
special  envoys  to  America  to  confer  further  with  him.  Upon 
proclamation  of  peace  between  China  and  Japan,  in  1895  Mr.  Barker 
was  called  to  Peking  by  high  Chinese  officials. 

In  1890  Barker  Brothers  &  Co.,  of  which  firm  Wharton 
Barker  was  junior  partner,  met  disaster  through  assaults  of  the 
money  cliques,  who  disapproved  his  views  upon  finance  and  trans- 
portation. 

Since  1876  Wharton  Barker  has  taken  an  active  part  in  politics. 
In  1880  he  organized  and  led  the  campaign  that  resulted  in  the 
nomination  of  Garfield  for  president.  He  worked  for  the  nomina- 
tion of  Harrison  in  1884,  but  supported  Blaine  when  nomination 
of  Harrison  was  impossible.  He  was  successful  in  1888  in  his 
effort  to  nominate  Harrison  for  President.  When  Harrison  allied 
himself  with  the  railroad  and  bank  cliques,  Wharton  Barker  con- 
cluded there  was  no  hope  for  re-establishment  of  equity  of  op- 
portunity through  the  Republican  party.  He  gave  reluctant 
though  earnest  support  to  Bryan  in  1896,  and  joined  the  People's 
Party  soon  after.  Whether  supporting  Republican,  Democratic  or 
People's  Party,  he  has  always  fought  for  the  plain  people,  a  pure 
democracy  and  a  government  by  the  people.  He  is  now  accepted 
as  high  authority  on  all  economic  and  transportation  questions. 
He  urges  trade  expansion  on  natural  lines,  and  opposes  territorial 
expansion  in  the  Orient.  He  was  the  first  advocate  of  free  trade 
among  American  countries — an  American  Zollverein — knowing 
that  natural  trade  runs  along  the  degrees  of  longtitude  ;  not  along 
degrees  of  latitude. 


David  B.  Henderson 

Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  Fifty-sixth  Congress. 

David  Bremner  Henderson  was  born  at  Old  Deer,  Aberdeen- 
shire, Scotland,  March  14,  1840  ;  son  of  Thomas  and  Barbara  Brem- 
ner Henderson,  grandson  of  Walter  Henderson  on  father's  side. 
He  was  taken  to  America  by  his  parents,  who  located  on  a  farm  in 
Winnebago  County,  Illinois,  in  1846.  In  1849  they  moved  to 
Fayette  County,  Iowa,  where  the  son  was  educated,  attending  the 
district  schools  and  Upper  Iowa  University.  He  enlisted  in  the 
Union  Army,  September  15,  1861,  and  was  mustered  into  service 
November  5th,  as  First  Lieutenant  of  Company  C,  12th  Iowa  In- 
fantry. He  participated  in  the  battles  of  Fort  Henry,  Fort  Don- 
elson,  Shiloh  and  Corinth,  being  severely  wounded  at  Fort 
Donelson,  and  losing  a  leg  at  Corinth,  October  4,  1862.  He  re- 
entered the  army  June  10,  1864,  as  Colonel  of  the  46th  Iowa  In- 
fantry and  served  until  the  close  of  the  war,  when  he  was  appointed 
a  collector  of  internal  revenue.  He  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in 
1 865,  and  practiced  in  Dubuque,  Iowa.  He  was  afterward  an  assistant 
United  States  district  attorney,  and  in  1882  he  was  elected  as  a  Re- 
publican Representative  in  the  48th  Congress.  He  was  re-elected 
to  the  49th,  50th,  51st,  52d,  53d,  54th,  55th  and  56th  Congresses, 
serving  as  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary  and  as  a 
member  of  the  Committees  on  Rules  and  Appropriations.  It  is 
through  this  committee  that  the  Speaker  exercises  a  large  part 
of  his  great  authority  in  the  handling  of  the  business  of  Congress; 
and  Mr.  Henderson's  position  has  made  him  as  familiar  as  any 
other  man  with  the  methods  of  Speaker  Reed.  For  the  first  time 
in  the  history  of  the  country  the  Speakership  has  been  conferred 
upon  a  representative  of  a  state  west  of  the  Mississippi  River. 
Mr.  Henderson  has  great  personal  popularity  in  his  district, 
where  many  Democrats  are  accustomed  to  vote  for  him,  although 
his  Republicanism  is  of  the  most  aggressive  type.  He  is  also  a 
favorite  among  his  colleagues  in  Congress  regardless  of  party. 

24  421 


Charles  Emory  Smith 

Journalist,  Politician  and  Cabinet  Officer 

Charles  Emory  Smith,  one  of  the  best  known  journalists 
of  to  day,  a  public  orator  of  great  reputation,  was  born  in  Connec- 
ticut in  1842.  His  family  removed  to  New  York  while  he  was  a 
child,  and  he  received  his  preparatory  education  at  Albany  Aca- 
demy and  Union  College.  During  the  Civil  War  he  served  in 
several  military  capacities,  and  at  its  close  took  up  journalism.  In 
1880  he  removed  to  Philadelphia,  and  became  editor  of  the  Phila- 
delphia Press.  President  Harrison  appointed  him  as  our  Minister 
to  Russia  in  1889,  where  he  served  for  two  years.  During  the 
Russian  famine  in  1891  and  1892,  while  he  was  in  St.  Petersburg, 
he  had  charge  for  distribution  of  the  American  contributions  of 
over  $100,000  in  money  and  five  ship  loads  of  food.  President 
McKinley  nominated  him  for  Postmaster-General  in  1898,  and  he 
was  promptly  confirmed  by  the  Senate.  He  was  prominently 
named  before  the  convention  met  in  Philadelphia  as  a  possible 
candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency. 

James  Daniel  Richardson 

Democratic  Leader  and  Conoressman  From  Tennessee. 

James  D.  Richardson,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  represen- 
tatives from  the  South,  and  a  leader  of  his  party  in  the  House,  has 
served  in  Congress  continuously  in  eight  successive  Congresses, 
beginning  with  the  49th.  He  was  born  in  Rutherford  County, 
Tennessee,  March  10,  1843,  and  acquired  his  education  at  a  public 
school,  and  at  Franklin  College  in  his  own  state.  Although  but 
18  years  of  age,  at  the  beginning  of  the  Civil  War,  he  entered 
the  Confederate  services,  and  was  in  the  army  nearly  four  years. 
After  the  war  he  served  in  his  state  Legislature,  and  was  elected 
Speaker  of  the  House  in  1871,  although  he  was  then  only  28  years 
of  acre.  He  was  delegate  to  the  St.  Louis  Democratic  Convention 
in  1876,  and  also  to  the  Chicago  Convention  in  1896. 
422 


Fitzhugh  Lee 

Virginia's  Favorite  Son 

Major-General  Fitzhugh  Lee  is  not,  as  has  been  sometimes 
supposed,  the  son  of  the  famous  Commander-in-Chief,  General 
Robert  E.  Lee. 

He  was  born  on  November  19,  1835,  at  Clermont,  Fairfax 
County,  Virginia.  He  is  a  nephew  of  General  Robert  E.  Lee,  and 
a  grandson  of  the  famous  "  Light-Horse  Harry  Lee"  (Robert  E.'s 
father)  of  Revolutionary  fame.  His  well-deserved  popularity  is 
not  merely  incidental  to  his  late  office  as  Consul-General  to  Cuba, 
and  as  one  of  the  commanding  generals  in  the  Spanish-American 
War,  but  is  built  upon  a  splendid  career  as  a  man,  a  soldier,  and  a 
patriot. 

Fitzhugh  Lee  entered  West  Point  Military  Academy  in  1852 
and  graduated  in  1856,  as  he  humorously  says,  "third  in  my  class 
if  you  commence  to  count  from  the  bottom."  During  the  Civil  War 
he  participated  in  all  of  the  campaigns  of  the  Army  of  Northern 
Virginia. 

After  the  war  Fitzhugh  Lee,  like  other  Southern  men  of  note, 
returned  to  his  ordinary  vocation,  and  lived  in  a  quiet,  retired  way 
during  the  days  of  reconstruction. 

In  1885  General  Lee  was  elected  Governor  of  Virginia,  in 
which  capacity  he  served  his  state  for  four  years,  with  marked 
credit  to  himself  and  satisfaction  to  his  constituents. 

After  the  expiration  of  his  term  as  Governor,  General  Lee 
returned  to  private  life  until  he  was  appointed  Consul-General  to 
Cuba  by  President  Cleveland  in  1897.  ^^  this  capacity  his  services 
were  so  satisfactory  and  valuable  that,  though  he  tendered  his 
resignation  to  the  new  administration  in  1897,  President  McKinley 
requested  him  to  retain  his  position,  which  he  did  until  the 
breaking  out  of  hostilities  between  this  country  and  Spain  in  1898. 

When  hostilities  were  declared  he  returned  to  the  United 
States  and  was  appointed  Major-General  in  the  army  of  invasion, 
and  placed  in   command  of  the  Seventh   Army  Corps,  comprising 

423 


424  POLITICAL  LEADERS  AND  STATESMEN 

five  regiments  of  troops  at  Tampa  and  the  troops  at  Jacksonville, 
numbering  at  the  beginning  of  June,  1898,  about  10,000  men. 

He  served  with  distinction  throueh  the  war  and  continued  in 
service  of  the  army  in  Cuba. 

General  Lee  is  a  typical  American,  chivalrous,  patriotic, 
magnanimous,  and  as  great  in  forbearance  as  he  is  valorous  in 
defense  of  the  principles  of  justice  and  humanity. 

Nelson    Appleton    Miles 

Commander  of    the    United  States  Army 

"  If  young  Miles  lives  he  will  be  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
officers  in  the  service,"  said  Major-General  Hancock  when  the 
subject  of  this  sketch  was  little  more  than  a  boy.  That  General 
Hancock  was  a  true  prophet,  or  a  good  guesser,  the  after-life  of  his 
young  friend  fully  proved. 

Major-General  Nelson  A.  Miles,  Commander  of  the  United 
States  Army,  was  born  in  Westminster,  Mass.,  August  8,  1839. 
Hence  he  was  nearly  61  years  of  age,  when  in  June,  1900,  he  was 
raised  to  the  rank  of  Lieutenant-General  of  the  armies  of  the 
United  States. 

Curiously  enough,  General  Miles  is  the  only  soldier  in  the  last 
half-century  who  has  reached  the  position  of  chief  in  command  of 
the  A^merican  Army  without  having  graduated  at  West  Point. 
His  success  must  be  attributed  to  the  fact  that  he  is  a  born  soldier — 
brave  and  wise — and  that  he  is  a  man  of  the  most  extraordinary 
strength  of  character,  combined  with  irresistibly  winning  personal 
characteristics. 

During  his  career  in  the  Civil  War,  General  Miles  was  engaged 
in  all  the  battles  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  except  one — and  this 
his  wounds  at  the  time  rendered  him  incapable  of  participating  in. 
He  commanded  successively  regiments,  brigades,  and  divisions,  and 
in  1865  was  put  in  command  of  the  Second  Army  Corps,  numbering 
over  25,000  men,  said  to  be  the  largest  command  ever  held  in 
America  by  an  officer  only  25  years  of, age. 


POLITICAL  LEADERS  AND  STATESMEN  425 

General  Miles  was  particularly  prominent  in  the  closing  scenes 
of  the  war.  His  immediate  command  was  the  First  Division  of 
the  Second  Army  Corps,  which  was  in  such  close  proximity  to  the 
Confederate  forces  that  all  the  correspondence  between  Generals 
Grant  and  Lee  regarding  the  terms  of  surrender  passed  directly 
through  General  Miles'  command,  and  it  was  to  his  line  that 
General  Lee  first  came  when  he  surrendered  the  Army  of  North- 
ern Virginia,  April  9,  1865,  at  Appomattox  Court  House. 

Since  the  war  General  Miles  has  been  perhaps  the  most 
prominent  active  soldier  in  the  service  of  the  government.  When 
the  army  was  first  reorganized  he  was  appointed  Colonel  of 
Infantry.  In  1880  he  was  made  Brigadier-General,  and  in  1890 
Major-General  of  the  United  States  Army,  and  has  since  succeeded 
General  O.  Howard  as  chief-in-command  of  the  land  forces. 
During  the  past  twenty-five  years  he  has  figured  prominently  in 
our  frontier  troubles,  and  successfully  conducted  an  Indian  campaicrn 
against  the  Kiowas,  Comanches,  and  Cheyennes  in  the  Indian 
Territory  and  the  Southwest ;  the  Sioux,  Cheyennes,  Perces,  and 
others  in  the  Northwest ;  and  the  Apaches  in  Arizona  and  New 
Mexico.  For  his  efficient  services  he  received  the  public  thanks  of 
the  States  of  Montana,  Kansas,  Arizona,  and  New  Mexico,  where 
he  not  only  quelled  outbreaks  of  the  savages,  but  on  several 
occasions  prevented  Indian  wars  by  the  judicious  and  humane 
settlement  of  difficulties  without  the  use  of  military  power. 

After  General  Miles'  active  life  in  the  West,  and  prior  to  the 
opening  of  the  Spanish-American  War,  he  devoted  a  considerable 
portion  of  his  time  to  literary  work.  His  articles  on  various  phases 
of  military  science,  tactics,  history,  and  achievements  have  con- 
tributed very  materially  to  that  branch  of  American  literature,  and 
added  to  his  high  distinction  as  a  commander  the  honors  of 
authoritative  authorship  along  the  lines  of  his  professional  calling. 

This  brilliant  record  General  Miles  maintained  durino-  the  war 
with  Spain,  and  that  he  should  be  honored  with  the  rank  of 
Lieutenant-General  is  approved  by  all. 


Joseph  Wheeler 

The  Hero  of  Two  Wars 

The  first  ex-Confederate  officer  to  receive  a  commission  in  the 
United  States  Army  was  General  Joseph  Wheeler  of  Alabama. 
On  May  6,  1898,  he  and  General  Fitzhugh  Lee  tendered  their  ser- 
vices to  President  McKinley  in  the  war  against  Spain,  and  he 
recommended  them  as  Major-Generals. 

The  true  story  of  the  life  of  General  Wheeler  reads  like  a 
romance.  For  undaunted  courage,  military  genius,  thrilling  experi- 
ences, and  hair-breadth  escapes,  the  record  of  no  officer,  North  or 
South,  perhaps,  can  surpass  that  of  Joseph  Wheeler  of  Alabama. 

"  Fighting  Joe,"  as  he  is  popularly  called,  descends  from  a  mili- 
tary family.  When  the  Civil  War  broke  out  Joseph  Wheeler  was 
a  young  man  of  twenty-four,  a  graduate  of  West  Point,  and  a  sec- 
ond lieutenant  in  the  regular  army.  Like  the  majority  of  South- 
erners, he  resigned  his  commission  to  serve  the  Confederacy,  and 
he  was  promptly  appointed  colonel  of  an  Alabama  regiment,  and 
served  throughout  the  war  with  distinction  and  honor  to  himself 
and  the  South. 

Wheeler  was  always  more  or  less  delicate  in  health,  and,  when 
this  is  considered,  the  courage  and  endurance  which  he  manifested 
become  the  more  remarkable.  When  he  was  carried  to  the  front 
while  racked  with  fever  at  San  Juan,  July,  1898,  he  was  but  repeat- 
ing the  fortitude  manifested  in  his  younger  days. 

Throughout  the  Civil  War  General  Wheeler  enjoyed  the  con- 
fidence and  esteem  not  only  of  his  commanders,  but  of  the  soldiers 
who  fought  under  him,  and  of  the  whole  South.  Everyone  relied 
upon  his  excellent  judgment,  not  only  in  directing  a  cavalry  fight, 
but  in  everything  relating  to  campaign  and  army  movements. 

At  the  close  of  the  war  with  Spain,  among  the  returning 
heroes  perhaps  no  one,  with  the  exception  of  Dewey,  Schley,  and 
Hobson,  received  a  more  enthusiastic  welcome  than  the  old  Con- 
federate, Wheeler.  The  ovations  he  received  at  the  Peace  Jubi- 
lees of  Chicago  and  Philadelphia,  and  on  his  subsequent  tour  of  the 

426 


POLITICAL  LEADERS  AND  STATESMEN  427 

South  with  President  McKinley,  attested  the  popular  esteem  in 
which  he  was  held  by  the  whole  country. 

General  Wheeler  left  his  position  as  Congressman  from  Ala- 
bama, during  his  seventh  term,  to  take  part  in  the  Spanish-Ameri- 
can War.  He  was  reinstated  in  the  old  place  on  his  return,  and 
in  the  fall  of  1898  was  triumphantly  re-elected  for  another  term. 

In  1899  he  was  sent,  at  his  request,  for  service  in  the  Philip- 
pine Islands,  where  he  served  with  signal  ability  for  several  months. 
Upon  his  return  the  President  made  him  a  Brigadier  in  the  regular 
army. 

William  Bourke  Cockran 

Orator,  Statesman  and  Democratic  Leader. 

William  Bourke  Cockran  is  one  of  the  large  number  of 
American  statesmen  of  foreign  birth  who  have  come  to  this  coun- 
try, and  by  energy  and  perseverance  have  risen  to  be  among  the 
foremost  men  of  their  time.  He  was  born  in  Ireland  February 
28,  1854,  coming  to  the  United  States  when  17  years  of  age. 
He  completed  his  education  and  taught  school  for  five  years  in 
New  York  State,  and  at  the  same  time  studied  law.  He  was 
admitted  to  the  practice  of  his  profession  in  1876.  His  ability  as  a 
lawyer  and  speaker  gained  for  him  great  prominence,  and  he  was 
selected  as  a  member  of  the  New  York  Commission  for  revisinof 
the  State  Constitution.  He  became  connected  with  Tammany 
Hall,  and  soon  his  prominence  made  him  leader,  and  secured  for 
him  election  as  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives  from 
New  York  in  the  50th,  52nd  and  53rd  Congresses.  In  the  cam- 
paign of  1896  he  sided  with  the  gold  wing  of  his  party,  and  made 
many  eloquent  and  forcible  speeches  in  favor  of  sound  money  and 
against  free  silver.  He  has  recently  made  several  public  addresses 
on  the  questions  of  the  day,  among  them  an  address  on  the  sub- 
ject of  trusts,  their  control  and  regulation,  which  is  given  in  an 
abridged  form  in  another  chapter,  as  the  leading  question  in  the 
campaign  of   1900. 


Thomas  Collier  Piatt 

Republican  Leader  and  United  States  Senator  From  New  York. 

Thomas  C.  Platt,  a  native  of  New  York  State,  was  born  July 
15,  1853,  and  although  he  had  been  a  student  for  a  short  time 
and  not  a  graduate  of  Yale  University,  he  has  received  his 
honorary  degree  of  M.  A.  He  early  became  one  of  the  leaders 
in  financial  circles  of  New  York.  In  1872  he  served  in  the 
33rd  and  34th  Congresses,  and  was  elected  United  States 
Senator  in  January  188 1,  but  resigned  with  his  colleague  Senator 
Conkling  in  May  of  the  same  year,  in  consequence  of  troubles 
with  President  Garfield,  regarding  the  Federal  appointments  in  the 
state.  Having  retired  to  private  life,  he  devoted  his  time  to  his 
duties  as  President  of  the  United  States  Express  Company,  and  to 
his  large  business  interests.  In  1896  he  was  again  elected  United 
States  Senator,  and  has  taken  a  leading  part  in  the  politics  of  his 
party. 

Arthur  P.  Gorman 

The  Popular  Democratic  Leader  of  Maryland. 

Arthur  P.  Gorman  was  born  in  Howard  County,  Md., 
March  11,  1839.  ^^  ^^^  educated  in  the  public  schools  of  his 
native  county,  but  never  had  the  advantage  of  a  college  training. 
In  1852  he  was  appointed  page  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
being  one  of  those  active,  manly  little  fellows  who  carry  the  com- 
mands of  the  worthy  senators.  He  was  popular  with  everyone, 
and  continued  in  the  service  of  the  Senate  until  1866,  in  various 
positions,  when  he  was  appointed  postmaster.  He  afterwards 
became  collector  of  internal  revenue  for  the  District  of  Maryland. 
In  January,  1880,  he  was  elected  by  the  Democrats  to  represent 
the  state  in  the  United  States  Senate,  taking  his  seat  March 
4,  1 88 1,  being  re-elected  until  March  3,  1899,  when  he  was 
succeeded  by  L.  E.  McComas,  the  state  having  gone  Republican. 
He  has  been  active  in  politics,  and  is  easily  one  of  the  foremost 
men  in  the  Democratic  party. 
428 


Joseph  B.  Foraker 

Republican  United  States  Senator  From  Ohio. 

Joseph  Benson  Foraker,  the  distinguished  Senator  from 
Ohio,  was  born  in  Rainsboro,  Ohio,  1846.  At  the  early  age  of 
sixteen  he  entered  the  army  and  served  to  the  end  of  the  Civil 
War.  Afterwards  he  studied  at  the  Ohio  Wesleyan  University, 
and  also  at  Cornell,  getting  his  B.  A.  degree  in  1869.  He  took  up 
the  study  of  law  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  of  Ohio  at  Cincin- 
nati. He  rapidly  rose  in  the  practice  of  his  profession,  and  was 
elected  Judge  of  the  Superior  Court  of  Cincinnati  in  1879.  He 
has  always  taken  an  active  part  in  politics,  being  a  staunch  Repub- 
lican, and  in  1886  was  elected  Governor  of  his  native  state. 
January  15,  1896,  he  was  elected  United  States  Senator  to  succeed 
Calvin  S.  Brice.  He  has  been  a  staunch  supporter  of  President 
McKinley  and  his  administration,  and  stands  high  in  the  Repub- 
lican councils,  being  one  of  the  leaders  in  the  United  States 
Senate. 

John  Warwick  Daniel 

Democratic  Senator  From  Virginia. 

Honorable  John  W.  Daniel  was  born  September  5,  1842,  at 
Litchburg,  Va.  He  was  educated  in  his  native  state,  completing 
a  classical  education  and  course  in  law  at  the  University  of  Vir- 
ginia. He  served  with  distinction  in  the  Confederate  services, 
being  in  the  famous  Stonewall  Brigade.  He  arose  to  the  ranks  of 
Major  and  Adjutant-General.  He  served  several  terms  in  the 
Legislature  of  Virginia,  and  was  at  one  time  candidate  for  Gov- 
ernor of  State,  but  was  defeated.  After  serving  a  short  time  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  in  the  49th  Congress,  he  was  elected  to 
succeed  William  Mahone  in  the  United  States  Senate  in  1887, 
where  he  has  served  with  distinction  and  made  himself  respected  as 
one  of  the  great  leaders  of  his  party,  having  the  confidence  and 
respect  of  his  fellow  senators. 

429 


Matthew  Stanley  Quay 

Ex-Senator  and  Republican  Leader  from  Pennsylvania. 

Matthew  Stanley  Quay  is  a  native  of  Pennsylvania,  being 
born  in  York  County  in  1833.  He  was  educated  at  Jefferson  Col- 
lege, getting  his  degree  in  1850.  He  chose  law  for  his  profession, 
and  was  admitted  to  practice  in  1854,  at  Beaver.  He  has  held 
various  offices  of  trust  and  honor  in  his  native  state,  and  combines 
in  his  character  all  the  elements  of  political  leadership  with  those 
of  broad  and  liberal  statesmanship.  His  term  of  office  expired 
March  3,  1900.  He  still  holds  an  influential  position  in  the  councils  of 
the  Republican  Party.  His  ability  as  a  man  and  leader  grows 
upon  men  as  they  know  him  better.  He  is  what  is  known  among 
men  as  big-hearted,  devoted  to  his  friends,  indulgent  to  his 
enemies.  There  is  always  a  hidden  reserve,  knowledge  and  power 
that  is  apparent  but  undisclosed.  He  has  more  friends  among 
Democrats  than  any  Republican  in  the  state.  He  lives  a  quiet 
domestic  life,  respected  and  honored  by  devoted  wife  and  children, 

Cushman  K.  Davis 

Republican  Senator  from  Minnesota. 

Cushman  K.  Davis  is  a  native  of  New  York  State,  being  born 
in  1839,  b^^  while  a  mere  infant,  his  family  removed  to  the  Terri- 
tory of  Wisconsin,  where  he  was  reared  on  a  farm.  He  received  a 
liberal  education  in  the  public  schools  of  his  state,  and  at  Michigan 
University.  Choosing  law  for  his  profession,  he  was  admitted  to 
the  bar  in  Wisconsin  at  the  breaking  up  of  the  Civil  War.  After 
an  honorable  service  in  the  war  he  removed  to  Minnesota,  and 
served  in  the  State  Legislature.  Afterwards  he  became  Governor  of 
the  state,  then  honored  with  an  election  to  represent  Minnesota  in 
the  United  States  Senate,  where  he  has  served  with  distinction. 
The  courage  of  Senator  Davis,  built  upon  the  habitual  frankness 
and  rectitude,  may  be  termed  his  leading  characteristic.  His  voice 
430 


POLITICAL  LEADERS  AND  STATESMEN  43 1 

is  heard  in  the  United  States  Senate  only  on  the  most  important 
questions,  when  he  has  a  large  audience.  He  is  a  scholar  without 
pedantry,  a  lawyer  uncramped  with  technicalities,  a  statesman  but 
not  a  politician.  He  is  a  man  fit  to  fill  any  high  position  to  which 
he  may  aspire,  and  with  which  he  may  be  honored  by  his  fellow 
countrymen. 

George  Frisbie  Hoar 

Senior  Senator  from  Massachusetts 

Jurist  and  Statesman 

Hon.  George  F.  Hoar  comes  of  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
American  families,  whose  names  have  been  linked  with  American 
history  from  the  days  of  the  Revolution.  His  father  was  the  emi- 
nent statesman,  Samuel  Hoar,  a  member  of  Congress  and  state 
councilor. 

George  F.  Hoar  was  born  in  Concord,  Mass.,  August  29,  1826. 
He  studied  at  Harvard,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  of  his  native 
state  in  1849.      ^^  served  in  the  State  Legislature  from  1869  until 
1877,  when  he  was  elected  to  represent  Massachusetts  in  the  United 
States  Senate.      He  served  as  delegate  to  the  Republican  National 
Conventions  which   met  at  Cincinnati   in   1876,  and  in  Chicago  in 
1880,  1884,  and    1888,   being  chairman   of    the   convention   held  in 
1880.      He  was  a  member  also  of  the  famous  Electoral  Commission 
which  declared  Rutherford  Hayes  President  in  1876.      He  has  been 
president  and  vice-president  of  a  great  number  of  societies,  and  is 
recognized  as  the  most  cultured  and  polished  of  American  states- 
men.     He  has  recieved  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Law  from  several 
colleges,  including  Williams  and   Marys,  Amherst,  Yale   and  Har- 
vard.   He  has  been  a  staunch  Republican  from  the  first,  thoroughly 
independent  in  politics,  fearless  in   expressing   his  views   and  criti- 
cizing the  policy  of  his  party.      On  the  subject  of  the  expansion 
and  the  government  of  our  new  possessions  he  has  felt  it  his  duty 
to   not  stand  with  his   party  in  the   policy  that  they  have  so  far 
pursued.      His    defense    of   his    position   he    ably   presented    in    a 
recent  address,  which  is  quoted  in  in  this  volume. 


Charles  Arnette  Towne 

Nominated  by  People's  Party,  Sioux  Falls,  South  Dakota,  for  Vice 

President. 

Few  men  have  risen  into  prominence  as  rapidly  as  has  the 
subject  of  this  sketch,  who  was  born  in  Oakland  County,  Michigan, 
November  21,  1858.  After  completing  his  academic  education  he 
took  up  the  study  of  law,  and  began  practice  in  Duluth,  Minnesota. 
His  early  party  affiliation  was  with  the  Republican  party,  and  as 
such  he  served  one  term  in  Congress,  1895- 1897.  He  early  took 
up  the  advocacy  of  the  coinage  of  free  silver,  and  in  the  campaign 
of  1 896  he  sided  with  that  branch  of  his  party,  which  withdrew  from 
the  convention  at  St.  Louis  and  organized  a  new  party.  He  has 
been  the  national  chairman  of  the  Silver  Republican  party  since 
1897.  His  sympathies  were  so  decidedly  favorable  to  the  views 
held  by  the  Populist  and  Democratic  parties,  on  silver  and  trusts, 
that  he  received  the  nomination  of  the  former  for  the  Vice  Presi- 
dency on  the  ticket  with  Wm,  Jennings  Bryan,  at  Sioux  Falls, 
S.  D.,  and  at  one  time  it  was  thought  that  the  Democratic  party  at 
Kansas  City  would  place  him  on  their  ticket.  It  was  only  upon 
his  earnest  plea  to  the  Silver  Republican  party,  at  Kansas  City, 
that  his  name  was  not  put  as  a  second  on  their  ticket.  It  was  his 
duty  to  call  to  order  the  convention  of  the  Silver  party  at  Kansas 
City  on  July  4,  and  in  doing  so,  he  delivered  a  speech  which  was 
impressive  and  very  suggestive,  in  which  he  said  in  speaking  of  his 
oid  party  that 

"  The  men  whom  we  to-day  immediately  represent  left  the 
Republican  party  in  1896  chiefly  because  of  its  action  at  St.  Louis 
in  betraying  the  cause  of  bimetallism  and  surrendering  to  the  bank- 
ing combination.  All  men  who  see  the  danger  must  unite  to  avert 
it.  If  we  had  not  left  the  Republican  party  in  1896  we  should  be 
compelled,  as  patriots  to  leave  in  1900,  and  forever." 
432 


CHAPTER  XXIV 
The  Prohibition  Convention 

The   National  Convention  of  the  Prohibition  Party   Met  in  Chi- 
cago,  June   28,  1900 — 730  Delegates  were  Present — Issues  of 
the  Campaign  Discussed  and   Platform  Adopted 

THE  convention  of  the  Prohibition  party,  which  assembled  in 
Chicago,  showed  enthusiasm  which  excelled  that  of  any 
other  convention  held  previously  by  the  advocates  of  total 
abstinence  and  prohibition  of  the  liquor  traffic.  Forty  states  of 
the  Union  were  represented  by  delegates,  thirty-seven  of  them 
being  represented  at  the  opening  session.  Oliver  Stewart,  Chair- 
man of  the  National  Committee,  called  the  convention  to  order  in 
the  large  auditorium  of  the  First  Regiment  Armory.  The  conven- 
tion was  opened  with  prayer  by  Dr,  J.  Wesley  Maxwell,  of  Greens- 
burg,  111.  The  galleries  surrounding  the  large  drill  room  in  which 
the  assembly  met  were  filled  with  spectators  who  were,  of  course, 
intensely  interested  in  the  proceedings  of  the  convention.  The 
delegates  from  the  New  England  states  marched  into  the  hall  in  a 
body,  each  delegate  carrying  a  banner  on  which  was  represented  a 
canteen  with  the  letters  "  U.  S."  inverted,  and  bearing  the  legend 
"Anti-canteen."  This  brought  forth  great  applause.  Chairman 
Stewart  first  delivered  a  brief  address,  after  which  he  introduced 
the  Rev.  John  H.  Hill,  of  Chicago,  who,  at  considerable  length, 
welcomed  the  delegates  to  Chicago.  There  were  present  in  the 
convention  many  who  had  been  delegates  to  the  convention 
held  in  Chicago  in  1869.  They  were  invited  to  the  platform 
and  given  seats  of  honor.  Chairman  Stewart  then  announced 
the  temporary  officers,  as  follows  :  For  chairman,  Samuel  Dickie, 
of  Michigan;  secretary,  A.  E.Wilson,  of  Chicago.  Mr.  Dickie, 
in    accepting    the    chair,    made    a   brief    and    forcible    speech,    in 

433 


434  THE  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION 

which  he  outlined  the  work  to  be  done  by  the  convention,  and 
declared  that  he  believed  the  "Prohibition  party  is  on  the  eve  of 
important  events,  as  it  represents  reforms  before  which  all  other 
national  reforms  pale  into  insignificance  or  disappear  altogether," 
and  that  the  old  parties  stood  for  the  continuance  and  perpetuation 
of  the  liquor  traffic.  He  severely  arraigned  the  national  administra- 
tion for  its  attitude  on  the  Canteen  Law,  and  charged  it  with 
debauching  the  peoples  of  the  new  possessions  in  the  Philippines, 
charging  also  that  the  government  had  used  its  consular  service  for 
the  gathering  of  information  for  the  use  of  distillers  and  brewers. 
In  the  afternoon  session  the  Committee  on  Credentials  reported 
seating  693  members  at  the  first  session,  to  which  others  were 
expected  to  be  added  in  the  succeeding  days.  The  Committee  on 
Permanent  Oro-anization  recommended  Samuel  Dickie,  of  Michi- 
gan,  for  permanent  chairman,  and  Colonel  R.  S.  Cheves,  of  Ten- 
nessee, for  permanent  secretary.  The  list  of  national  committee- 
men, as  selected  by  the  delegates  of  various  states  and  reported  by 
the  committee,  was  read  and  unanimously  adopted. 

Evening  Session 

The  evening  session  of  the  convention  expected  to  hear  the 
reading  of  the  platform,  but  upon  assembling  it  found  that  the 
committee  was  not  yet  prepared.  An  hour  was  spent  very  pleas- 
antly and  profitably  in  speeches  and  campaign  songs,  all  of  which 
were  given  great  applause,  which  gave  the  convention  the  appear- 
ance of  the  campaign  rally  of  a  great  party.  Soon  after  nine  o'clock 
Chairman  Chafin  appeared  with  the  report  of  his  committee,  and 
the  reading  of  the  platform  was  listened  to  with  great  interest.  At 
its  conclusion  it  was  received  with  the  wildest  enthusiasm.  The 
parts  which  condemned  President  McKinley  for  his  attitude  in 
regard  to  the  Canteen  Law  and  the  conduct  of  the  war  in  the  Phil- 
ippines were  greeted  with  shouts  of  approval,  the  delegates  standing 
on  their  chairs  to  make  themselves  seen  and  heard.  The  woman's 
suffrage  plank  had  been  left  out  of  the  platform,  and  was  distasteful 


THE  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION  435 

to  many  delegates.     The  secretary  read  a  resolution  recommended 
by  the  Committee  on  Resolutions,  as  follows : 

"  Resolved,  that  it  is  the  sense  of  this  convention  that  the  right 
of  the  ballot  be  not  denied  any  citizen  on  account  of  sex."  After 
considerable  discussion  a  rising  vote  was  called  for,  and  the  platform 
and  the  additional  resolution  favoring  woman's  suffrage  was  adopted 
by  a  practically  unanimous  vote,  amid  a  tempest  of  cheers.  It  was 
a  magnificent  sight  when  some  of  the  delegates  started  the  old 
hymn,  "  Blest  be  the  Tie  that  Binds,"  and  the  whole  assembly 
joined  in  the  thunderous  song  of  praise,  after  which  the  convention 
adjourned  until  the  succeeding  day,  with  the  expectation  that  the 
nominations  would  be  made  for  the  two  places  on  the  ticket. 

Second  Day's  Session 

Chairman  Dickie  called  the  convention  to  order  at  lo  o'clock 
sharp,  and  the  galleries  of  the  great  First  Regiment  Armory  were 
thronged  with  interested  spectators,  and  the  number  of  delegates 
had  increased  over  those  reported  the  previous  day.  Rev.  C.  H. 
Mead,  of  New  Jersey,  offered  a  brief  prayer,  and  the  chairman  of 
the  Committee  on  Credentials  made  a  second  report,  showing  that 
the  total  number  of  delegates  present  was  730,  representing  forty 
States.  Chairman  Dickie's  voice  failing  him,  A.  G.  Wolfenbarger, 
of  Nebraska,  took  the  chair.  The  chairman  of  the  National 
Committee,  Mr.  Oliver  W.  Stewart,  was  recognized  by  the  chair, 
and  at  considerable  length  outlined  the  work  of  the  National 
Committee  during  the  last  four  years,  speaking  especially  of  the 
difficulties  which  stood  in  their  way  and  the  evidence  of  success 
they  had  met  with  in  the  different  States.  He  also  outlined  the 
proposed  plans  for  the  coming  campaign,  which  they  expected  to 
make  more  far-reaching  and  enthusiastic  than  any  campaign  in  the 
history  of  the  Prohibition  party.  He  made  an  earnest  appeal  for 
funds  with  which  to  conduct  the  campaign,  and  as  a  result  several 
thousand  dollars  were  soon  subscribed  by  the  delegates  and  visitors 
present.  Colonel  Brewer,  of  the  Salvation  Army,  and  widely 
known  for  his  interest  in  the  temperance  work,  was  introduced,  and 


436  THE  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION 

made  an  eloquent  appeal  for  the  cause  of  prohibition.  He  received 
an  ovation  of  cheers  when  he  took  his  seat.  The  convention  then 
proceeded  to  nominations,  and  the  chair  announced  that  the  roll  of 
states  would  be  called  for  their  nominations  for  President.  National 
Chairman  Stewart  was  the  first  to  be  recognized,  and  in  a  burst  of 
eloquence  placed  the  name  of  John  G.  Woolley,  of  Illinois,  in 
nomination.  He  bitterly  arraigned  both  President  McKinley  and 
Wm.  J.  Bryan  for  their  attitude  on  the  temperance  question,  and 
then  spoke  of  the  wonderful  vitality  and  permanency  of  the  Pro- 
hibition party,  saying  : 

*  *  Our  continued  safety  depends  upon  our  remaining  true  to  our  first  high 
principles  and  in  our  being  brave  enough  to  stand  by  those  principles  until  we 
win  humanity  to  them,  even  if  we  do  not  elect  a  candidate  in  the  next  century. 
It  is  for  us  at  this  hour  to  bear  in  mind  the  high  and  solemn  duty  towards  the 
hundreds  of  thousands  at  home  and  to  the  cause  for  which  we  stand. 

This  is  not  a  time  for  experiments.  We  must  not  strive  for  an  increased 
vote  by  any  other  means  than  by  straight  party  work.  Votes  will  hurt  rather 
than  help  unless  they  come  to  stay  to  the  finish." 

Mr.  George  W.  Gere,  of  Illinois,  then  took  the  floor,  and  put 
in  nomination  Hale  Johnson,  the  favorite  son  of  his  state, 
describing  him  as  a  soldier,  whose  father  and  grandfather  were 
soldiers  and  all  men  who  had  made  a  distinguished  record.  He 
was  also  an  honest  lawyer,  and .  in  every  way  fully  competent  to 
assume  the  duties  of  the  high  office  for  which  he  put  him  in 
nomination.  Pennsylvania  was  then  given  precedence  by  the  chair  in 
recognizing  Mr.  Homer  L.  Castle,  of  Pittsburg,  who  came  forward, 
and,  amid  great  applause,  spoke  of  the  qualifications  of  Dr. 
Swallow  as  a  candidate  for  the  presidency,  in  a  speech  so  remark- 
able for  its  eloquence  and  for  its  description  of  the  qualities  of  an 
ideal  candidate  that  we  give  it  at  length. 

Mr.  Castile's  Spekch 
There  lives  in  the  city  of  Harrisburg,  upon  the  banks  of  the  Susquehanna, 
a  man  six  feet  tall,  and  every  inch  backbone.  To  what  may  I.  liken  him  ?  For 
steadfastness  I  might  liken  him  to  the  giant  oak  which  holds  even  'midst  the 
storms  which  sweep  through  its  great  branches.  But  the  figure  is  tame,  for  the 
oak  stands  because  it  is  held,  whereas  he  holds  in  and  of  himself  amidst  storms 


THE  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION  437 

that  few  men  would  dare  to  face.  For  grandness  and  magnificence  of  charac- 
ter I  might  liken  him  to  a  great  mountain,  lifting  its  shaggy  head  above  cloud 
and  rain,  whose  base  rests  upon  the  foundations  laid  by  the  Creator,  and  whose 
summit  is  glory-covered  with  perpetual  snows. 

Hated  and  Feared  by  Politicians 

He  has  polled  more  votes  for  a  state  office  upon  a  clean,  clear-cut  Pro- 
hibition platform  than  any  other  man  who  ever  ran  for  office  in  any  state  at  any 
time  ;  a  number  greater  than  that  polled  for  our  last  Presidential  candidate.  He 
is  more  cordially  hated  and  feared  by  the  politicians  of  Pennsylvania  than  any 
living  man. 

He  it  is  who  made  it  possible  to  hold  a  Prohibition  meeting  at  almost  any 
time  of  the  day  or  night,  in  any  spot,  in  city  or  country,  regardless  of  other 
meetings  of  any  kind  and  character,  and  be  absolutely  assured  of  a  crowd  only 
limited  by  the  capacity  of  the  house  where  he  spoke. 

He  it  was  who  I  saw  stand  before  5,000  conservative  Philadelphians, 
while  for  ten  minutes  they  cheered,  flung  their  hats,  women  doffed  their  bonnets, 
umbrellas  waved  and  why  ?  Because  this  remarkable  man  represented  in  him- 
self the  high-water  mark  of  Christian  ethics  as  applied  to  the  politics  of  a  state 
or  nation. 

Shall  I  speak  his  name  ?  You  know  it  now.  It  is  known  from  the 
farthest  end  of  the  Pine  Tree  State  to  the  most  southern  limit  of  the  land  of 
perpetual  summer. 

Not  as  Other  Presidents 

As  things  at  the  national  capital  go  now,  Dr.  Swallow  would  be  at  some 
disadvantage  as  a  President,  and  I  might  as  well  tell  it  now,  so  you  may  judge 
wisely  in  your  choice  of  a  candidate. 

It'is  utterly  impossible  for  him  to  get  his  ear  to  the  ground.  He  is  not 
built  that  way.  His  ears,  like  his  head  and  heart,  are  up  towards  God  and  the 
skies.  I  appreciate  the  fact  that  there  are  many  voices  a  man  may  hear  with 
his  ear  to  the  ground,  but  if  Dr.  Swallow  is  to  be  your  leader,  you  must  consent 
to  substitute  the  voice  of  heaven  for  the  voices  coming  from  the  ground. 

Dr.  Swallow  is  not  good  on  nullification.  When  in  his  tramps  back  and 
forth  on  Capitol  Hill,  Harrisburg,  he  saw  the  common  every  day  law  of  honesty 
b^ingset  aside  and  nullified  by  state  officials  high  and  low,  he  was  just  old  fogy 
enough  to  raise  his  voice  in  protest.  We  know  that  in  payment  132,000  men 
in  Pennsylvania  petitioned  him  to  be  Governor,  and  how  many  petitions  were 
suppressed  by  the  Republican  machine,  God  only  knows. 

When  the  laws  of  the  M.  K.  Church  enjoined  total  abstinence  he  does 
«ot  understand  that  at  banquet  time  or  state  dinners  that  law  can  be  nullified. 

25 


438  THE  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION 

When  the  Church  forbids  alliance  with  the  whisky  parties  he  has  not 
yet  learned  that  the  law  may  be  annulled  on  election  day. 

When  Congress  says  that  '  no  soldier  shall  be  required  or  any  other 
person  be  permitted  to  sell  intoxicating  liquors  in  any  army  canteen,'  Dr.  Swal- 
low is  just  so  constituted  that  even  the  aid  of  an  Attorney  General  would  not 
induce  him  to  nullify  that  law. 

He  tramped  with  the  soldiers  in  blue  to  establish  the  doctrine  that  law 
was  greater  than  any  state  or  any  of&cial  in  any  state.  He  stands  to-day  upon 
ground  which  the  Republican  party  has  distinctly  abandoned,  viz  :  '  Law  may 
be  set  aside  if  its  enforcement  is  obnoxious  to  the  powers  that  be. '  He  has  the 
advantage  of  having  lived  and  preached  and  edited  such  pure  Methodist  doctrine 
as  to  lead  a  Methodist  conference  to  practically  read  his  paper,  The  Pennsylvania 
Methodist,  out  of  the  Church,  and  still  it  continues  week  after  week  pounding 
away  at  the  citadel  of  error  and  cowardice  which  has  enthroned  itself  even  in 
that  grand  old  Church. 

"  You  want  a  man  to  be  your  leader  who  shall  be  as  straight  and  tall  as 
the  young  Saul.  He  must  be  as  fearless  and  unsparing  in  the  denunciation  of 
sin  in  high  places  as  was  John  the  Baptist.  He  must  be  as  untiring  and  per- 
sistent as  a  Paul.  He  must  be  as  ready  for  sacrifice  as  a  Stephen.  He  must 
be  as  stern  and  unrelenting  as  John  Knox.  He. must  be  as  sweet  tempered  as 
a  Melanchthon.  He  must  be  as  pure,  clean  and  noble  minded  as  John  Wesley. 
In  a  word,  he  must  be  such  a  one  as  shows  by  his  life  that  he  is  an  act  of  God, 
his  life  a  breath  of  divinity. 

"  Such  a  man,  ladies  and  gentlemen  of  the  convention,  I  have  the  honor 
to  present  to  you  in  the  person  of,  Silas  C.  Swallow,  of  Pennsylvania,  whom  I 
nominate  as  candidate  for  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States." 

At  the  conclusion  of  Mr.  Castle's  speech,  the  Pennsylvania 
deleo-ates  arose  as  one  man,  with  their  hands  full  of  gayly  colored 
pampas  plumes  and  large  pictures  of  Dr.  Swallow,  and  waving 
them  back  and  forth,  they  shouted  wildly,  while  other  dele- 
gates blew  horns  and  waved  their  state  banners.  It  was  many  min- 
utes before  the  vast  audience  could  be  gotten  under  control,  and  it 
appeared  that  there  might  be  a  stampede  to  Dr.  Swallow.  There 
were  no  further  nominations,  but  several  eloquent  speeches  were 
made  seconding  the  nominations,  among  which  Ralph  T.  Coursey, 
of  Delaware,  in  his  own  inimitable  way,  seconded  Dr.  Woolley's 
nomination.    There  was  quite  a  stir  when  Rev.  E.  E.  Carr,  of  Illinois, 


THE  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION  439 

attempted  to  make  a  speech  seconding  the  nomination  of  Dr. 
Swallow,  as  his  own  delegation  was  almost  unanimously  in  favor  of 
Dr.  Woolley. 

Afternoon  Session 

In  the  afternoon  session  other  seconding  speeches  were  made, 
Volney  B.  Gushing,  of  Maine,  seconding  the  nomination  of  Dr. 
Swallow,  and  F.  E.  Britton,  of  Michigan,  that  of  Dr.  WooIIca'. 
At  the  conclusion  of  these  speeches,  which  the  vast  audience  seemed 
to  enjoy  greatly,  the  roll  of  states  was  called  for,  and  votes  taken, 
which  resulted  in  Dr.  Woolley's  receiving  380  votes  and  Dr.  Swallow 
320  votes.  Chairman  Dickie,  in  vain  attempted  to  quell  the 
tempest  of  applause  which  followed  the  announcement,  almost 
splintered  the  table  with  his  gavel  in  his  efforts  to  restore 
order.  The  nomination  of  Dr.  Woolley  for  President  was  finally 
made  unanimous,  and  the  convention  proceeded  to  hear  names 
for  the  second  place.  It  was  apparent  that  the  convention 
was  ready  to  give  the  second  place  to  Dr.  Swallow,  of  Penn- 
sylvania, but  after  consulting  with  his  friends  he  declined  to 
have  his  name  presented.  Mr.  A.  H.  Morrow,  delegate  from 
Massachusetts,  placed  in  nomination  for  Vice  President  Henry 
E.  Metcalf,  of  Rhode  Island.  The  other  nominations  were  Dr.  E. 
L.  Eaton,  of  Des  Moines,  Iowa,  Thomas  R.  Caskardon,  of  West 
Virginia,  and  James  A.  Tate,  of  Tennessee.  The  latter  with- 
drew his  name,  and  the  roll  of  delegates  was  ordered  to  be  called, 
and  showed  an  overwhelming  vote  In  favor  of  Metcalf,  as  follows : 

Metcalf  received 349 

Caskardon    "  142 

Katon  "  113 

Total  votes 604 

Dr.  Eaton  moved  that  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Metcalf  be  made 
unanimous,  the  motion  was  seconded  gracefully  by  Mr.  Caskardon, 
and  carried. 

The  convention  then  adopted  the  customary  resolutions  of 
thanks,  and  appointed  committees  to  formally  notify  the  candidates 


440  THE  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION 

of  their  nomination.  Thereupon  the  convention  closed,  amid  great 
enthusiasm  and  sanguine  expectation  that  the  campaign  would  be 
an  interestinor  one. 

Prohibition  Party  Platform 
Adopted  at  Chicago,  111.,  June  27,  1900. 

PrEAMBLK  :  The  National  Prohibition  Party  in  Convention,  represented 
at  Chicago,  June  27  and  28,  1900,  acknowledge  Almighty  God  as  the  supreme 
source  of  all  just  government,  realizing  that  this  republic  was  founded  upon 
Christian  principles,  and  can  endure  only  as  it  embodies  justice  and  and  righte- 
ousness, and  asserting  that  all  authority  should  seek  the  best  good  of  all  the 
governed,  to  this  end  wisely  prohibiting  what  is  wrong  and  permitting  only 
what  is  right,  hereby  records  and  proclaims  : 

First.  We  accept  and  assert  the  definition  given  by  Edmund  Burke  that 
' '  a  party  is  a  body  of  men  joined  together  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  by  their 
joint  endeavor  the  national  interest  upon  some  particular  principle  on  which 
they  are  all  agreed."  We  declare  that  there  is  no  principle  now  advocated  by 
any  other  party  which  could  be  made  a  fact  in  government  with  such  beneficent 
moral  and  material  results  as  the  principle  of  prohibition  applied  to  the 
beverage  liquor  traffic  ;  that  the  national  interests  could  be  promoted  in  no 
other  way  so  surely  and  so  widely  as  by  its  assertion,  through  a  national  policy 
and  the  co-operation  therein  of  every  state  forbidding  the  manufacture,  sale, 
exportation,  importation  and  transportation  of  intoxicating  liquors  for  beverage 
purposes  ;  that  we  stand  for  this  as  the  only  principle  proposed  by  any  party 
anywhere  for  the  settlement  of  a  question  greater  and  graver  than  any  other  before 
the  American  people,  and  involving  more  profoundly  than  any  other  their  moral 
future  and  financial  welfare  ;  and  that  all  the  patriotic  citizensship  of  this  coun- 
try, agreed  upon  this  principle,  however  much  disagreement  their  may  be  upon 
minor  considerations  and  issues,  should  stand  together  at  the  ballot  box,  from  this 
time  forward,  until  prohibition  is  the  established  law  of  the  United  States,  with 
a  party  in  power  to  enforce  it  and  to  ensure  its  moral  and  material  benefits. 

We  insist  that  such  a  party,  agreed  upon  this  principle  and  policy,  having 
sober  leadership,  without  any  obligation  for  success  to  the  saloon  vote  and  those 
demoralizing  political  combinations  of  men  and  money  now  allied  therewith 
and  suppliant  thereto,  could  successfully  cope  with  all  other  and  lesser  prob- 
lems of  government  in  legislative  halls  and  in  the  legislative  chair,  and  that 
it  is  useless  for  any  party  to  make  declarations  in  its  platform  as  to  any 
questions  concerning  which  there  may  be  serious  differences  of  opinion  in  its 
own  membership  and  as  to  which,  because  of  such  difference,  the  party  could 
legislate  onl}'-  on  a  basis  of  mutual  concessions  when  coming  into  power. 


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THE  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION  443 

We  submit  that  the  Democratic  and  Republican  parties  are  alike  insincere 
in  their  assumed  policy  to  trusts  and  monopolies.  They  dare  not  and  do  not 
attack  the  most  dangerous  of  them  all,  the  liquor  power.  So  long  as  the  saloon 
debauches  the  citizen  and  breeds  the  purchasable  voter  money  will  continue  to 
buy  its  way  to  power.  Break  down  this  traffic,  elevate  manhood  and  a  sober 
citizenship  will  find  a  way  to  control  dangerous  combinations  of  capital. 

We  propose  as  a  first  step  in  the  financial  problems  of  the  nation  to  save 
more  than  a  billion  of  dollars  every  year  now  annually  expended  to  support  the 
liquor  traffic  and  to  demoralize  our  people.  When  that  is  accomplished,. condi- 
tions will  have  so  improved  that  with  a  clearer  atmosphere  the  country  can 
address  itself  to  the  questions  as  to  kind  and  quantity  of  currency  needed. 

The  Issue  Presented 

Second.  We  reaffirm  as  true,  indisputably,  the  declaration  of  William 
Windom,  when  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  the  Cabinet  of  President  Arthur, 
that  "  considered  socially,  financially,  politically  or  morally,  the  licensed  liquor 
traffic  is  or  ought  to  be  the  overwhelming  issue  in  American  politics,"  and  that 
"  the  destruction  of  this  iniquity  stands  next  on  the  calendar  of  the  world's 
progress. ' '  We  hold  that  the  existence  of  our  party  presents  this  issue  squarely 
to  the  American  people,  and  lays  upon  them  the  responsibility  of  choice  between 
liquor  parties,  dominated  by  distillers  and  brewers,  with  their  policy  of  saloon 
perpetuation,  breeding  waste,  wickedness,  woe,  pauperism,  taxation,  corruption 
and  crime  and  our  one  party  of  patriotic  and  moral  principle,  Avith  a  policy 
which  defends  it  from  domination  by  corrupt  bosses  and  which  insures  it  for- 
ever against  the  blighting  control  of  saloon  politics. 

We  face  with  sorrow,  shame  and  fear  the  awful  fact  that  this  liquor  traffic 
has  a  grip  on  our  government,  municipal,  state  and  national,  through  the 
revenue  system  and  saloon  sovereignty,  which  no  other  party  dares  to  dispute  ; 
a  grip  which  dominates  the  party  now  in  power,  from  caucus  to  Congress,  from 
policeman  to  President,  from  the  rumshop  to  the  White  House,  a  grip  which 
compels  the  Chief  Executive  to  consent  that  law  shall  be  nullified  in  behalf  of 
the  brewer,  that  the  canteen  shall  curse  our  army  and  spread  intemperance 
across  the  seas,  and  that  our  flag  shall  wave  as  the  symbol  of  partnership,  at 
home  and  abroad,  between  this  government  and  the  men  who  defy  and  define 
it  for  their  own  profit  and  gain. 

The  President  Arraigned 

Third.  We  charge  upon  President  McKinley,  who  was  selected  to  his 
high  office  by  appeals  to  Christian  sentiment  and  patriotism  almost  unpre- 
cedented and  by  a  combination  of  moral  influences  never  before  seen  in  this 
country,  that,  by  his  conspicuous  example  as  a  wine  drinker  at  public  banquets, 


444  THE  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION 

and  as  a  wine  serving  host  in  the  White  House,  he  has  done  more  to  encourage 
the  liquor  business,  to  demoralize  the  temperance  habits  of  the  young  men  and 
to  bring  Christian  practices  and  requirements  into  disrepute,  than  any  other 
President  this  Republic  has  had.  We  further  charge  upon  President  McKinley 
responsibility  for  the  army  canteen,  with  all  its  dire  brood  of  disease,  immorality, 
sin  and  death,  in  this  country,  in  Cuba,  in  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines,  and 
we  insist  that  by  his  attitude  concerning  the  canteen  and  his  apparent  contempt 
for  the  vast  number  of  petitions  and  petitioners  protesting  against  it,  he  has 
outraged  and  insulted  the  moral  sentiment  of  this  country,  in  such  a  manner, 
and  to  such  a  degree,  as  calls  for  its  righteous  uprising  and  his  indignant  and 
effective  rebuke. 

We  challenge  denial  of  the  fact  that  our  Executive,  as  Commander-in- 
Chief  of  the  military  forces  of  the  United  States,  at  any  time  prior  to  or  since 
March  2,  1899,  could  have  closed  every  army  saloon,  called  a  canteen,  by 
executive  order,  as  President  Hayes  did  before  him,  and  should  have  closed 
them  for  the  same  reasons  which  actuated  President  Hayes  ;  we  assert  that  the 
act  of  Congress  passed  March  2,  1899,  forbidding  the  sale  of  liquors  "  in  any 
post,  exchange  or  canteen,"  by  any  "  ofl&cer  or  private  soldier"  or  by  "  any 
other  person,"  "on  any  premises  used  for  military  purposes  in  the  United 
States,"  was  and  is  as  explicit  an  act  of  prohibition  as  the  English  language 
can  frame  ;  we  declare  our  solemn  belief  that  the  Attornej^  General  of  the  United 
States  in  his  interpretation  of  that  law,  and  the  Secretary  of  War  in  his  accept- 
ance of  that  interpretation  and  his  refusal  to  enforce  the  law,  were  and  are 
guilty  of  treasonable  nullification  thereof,  and  that  President  McKinley,  through 
his  assent  to  and  endorsement  of  such  interpretation  and  refusal  on  the  part  of 
the  officials  appointed  by  and  responsible  to  him,  shares  responsibility  in  their 
guilt,  and  we  record  our  conviction  that  a  new  and  serious  peril  confronts  our 
country,  in  the  fact  that  its  President,  at  the  behest  of  the  beer  power,  dare 
and  does  abrogate  a  law  of  Congress,  through  subordinates  removable  at  will 
by  him,  and  whose  acts  become  his,  and  thus  virtually  confesses  that  laws  are 
to  be  administered,  or  to  be  nullified,  in  the  interest  of  a  law  defying  business, 
by  an  Administration  under  mortgage  to  such  business  for  support. 

Foreign  Liquor  Poi^icy  Condemned 

Fourth.  We  deplore  the  fact  that  an  Administration  of  this  Republic, 
claiming  the  right  and  power  to  carry  our  flag  across  the  seas  and  to  conquer 
and  annex  new  territory,  should  admit  its  lack  of  power  to  prohibit  the  Ameri- 
can saloon  on  subjugated  soil,  or  should  openly  confess  itself  subject  to  liquor 
sovereignty  under  that  flag.  We  are  humiliated,  exasperated  and  grieved  by 
the  evidence  painfully  abundant  that  this  Administration's  policy  of  expansion 


THE  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION  445 

is  bearing  so  rapidly  its  fruits  of  drunkenness,  insanity  and  crime,  under 
the  hot-house  sun  of  the  tropics,  and  when  the  President  of  the  first  Philippine 
Commission  says  "  it  was  unfortunate  that  we  intioduced  and  established  the 
saloon  there  to  corrupt  the  natives  and  to  exhibit  the  vices  of  our  own  race." 
We  charge  the  inhumanity  and  un-Christianity  of  this  act  upon  the  Adminis- 
tration of  President  McKinley,  and  upon  the  party  which  elected  and  would 
perpetuate  the  same. 

Fifth.  We  declare  that  the  only  policy  which  the  government  of  the 
United  States  can  of  right  adopt  as  to  the  liquor  traffic,  under  the  national 
Constitution,  upon  any  territory  under  the  military  or  civil  control  of  that 
Government,  is  the  policy  of  prohibition;  that  "to  establish  justice,  secure 
domestic  tranquillity,  provide  for  the  common  defence,  promote  the  general 
welfare  and  insure  the  blessings  of  liberty,  to  ourselves  and  our  posterity,"  as 
the  Constitution  provides,  the  liquor  traffic  must  neither  be  sanctioned  nor 
tolerated,  and  that  the  revenue  policy  which  makes  our  government  a  partner 
with  distillers  and  brewers  and  bar-keepers,  is  a  disgrace  to  our  civilization, 
an  outrage  upon  humanity,  and  a  crime  against  God. 

We  condemn  the  present  Administration  at  Washington  because  it  has 
repealed  the  prohibitory  laws  in  Alaska,  and  has  given  over  the  partly  civilized 
tribes  there  to  be  the  prey  of  the  American  grog-shop  ;  and  because  it  has  entered 
upon  a  license  policy  in  our  new  possessions  by  incorporating  the  same  in  the 
recent  act  of  Congress  in  the  code  of  laws  for  the  government  of  the  Hawaiian 
Islands. 

We  call  general  attention  to  the  fearful  fact  that  exportation  of  liquors 
from  the  United  States  to  the  Philippine  Islands  increased  from  f  337  in  rSgS  to 
1467,198  in  the  first  ten  months  of  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1900  ;  and 
that  while  our  exportation  of  liquors  to  Cuba  never  reached  $30,000  a  year, 
previous  to  American  occupation  of  that  island,  our  exports  of  such  liquors  to 
Cuba,  during  the  fiscal  year  of  1S99,  reached  the  sum  of  $629,855. 

Cai,!,  to  Morai,  and  Christian  Citizenship 

Sixth.  One  great  religious  body  (the  Baptist)  having  truly  declared  of 
the  liquor  traffic  "  that  it  has  no  defensible  right  to  exist,  that  it  can  never  be 
reformed,  and  that  it  stands  condemned  by  its  unrighteous  fruits  as  a  thing  un- 
christian, un-American,  and  perilous  utterly  to  every  interest  in  life  ;"  another 
great  religious  body  (the  Methodist)  having  as  truly  asserted  and  reiterated  that 
"  no  political  party  has  a  right  to  expect,  nor  should  receive,  the  votes  of  Chris- 
tian men  so  long  as  it  stands  committed  to  the  license  system,  or  refuses  to  put 
itself  on  record  in  an  attitude  of  open  hostility  to  the  saloon";  other  great 
religious  bodies  having  made  similar  deliverances,  in  language  plain  &nd 


446  j^^^  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION 

unequivocal,  as  to  the  liquor  traffic  and  the  duty  of  Christian  citizenship  in  oppo- 
sition thereto  ;  and  the  fact  being  plain  and  undeniable  that  the  Democratic 
party  stands  for  license,  the  saloon,  and  the  canteen,  while  the  Republican 
party,  in  policy  and  administration,  stands  for  the  canteen,  the  saloon  and 
revenue  therefrom,  we  declare  ourselves  justified  in  expecting  that  Christian 
voters  everywhere  shall  cease  their  complicity  with  the  liquor  curse  by  refusing 
to  uphold  a  liquor  party,  and  shall  unite  themselves  with  the  only  party  which 
upholds  the  Prohibition  policy,  and  which  for  nearly  thirty  years  has  been  the 
faithful  defender  of  the  church,  the  state,  the  home  and  the  school,  its  expanders 
and  perpetuators,  their  actual  and  persistent  foes. 

We  insist  that  no  diiferences  of  belief,  as  to  any  other  question  or  concern 
of  government,  should  stand  in  the  way  of  such  a  union  of  moral  and  Christian 
citizenship  as  we  hereby  invite,  for  the  speedy  settlement  of  this  paramount 
moral,  industrial,  financial,  and  political  issue,  which  our  party  presents  ;  and 
we  refrain  from  declaring  ourselves  upon  all  minor  matters,  as  to  which  differ- 
ences of  opinion  may  exist,  that  hereby  we  may  offer  to  the  American  people  a 
platform  so  broad  that  all  can  stand  upon  it  who  desire  to  see  sober  citizenship 
actually  sovereign  over  ihe  allied  hosts  of  evil,  sin  and  crime,  in  a  government 
of  the  people,  by  the  people  and  for  the  people. 

We  declare  that  there  are  but  two  real  parties,  to-day,  concerning  the 
liquor  traffic — Perpetuationists  and  Prohibitionists  ;  and  that  patriotism,  Chris- 
tianity, and  every  interest  of  genuine  and  of  pure  Democracy,  besides  the  loyal 
demands  of  our  common  humanity,  require  the  speedy  union,  in  one  solid 
phalanx  at  the  ballot  box,  of  all  who  oppose  the  liquor  traffic's  perpetuation, 
and  who  covet  endurance  for  this  republic. 

Additional  Resolutions 

The  committee  also  reported  three  resolutions  which  were 
adopted  though  not  as  a  part  of  the  platform 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  sense  of  this  convention  that  the  ballot  should  not 
be  denied  to  any  citizen  of  the  United  States  on  account  of  sex. 

Resolved,  That  in  the  organization  of  the  Young  People's  Prohibition 
L,eagues,  as  presented  by  the  representatives  of  the  League  from  the  current 
platform,  we  recognize  an  efficient  agency  for  bringing  about  the  suppression 
of  the  liquor  traffic,  legalized  or  otherwise,  and  aiding  in  the  upbuilding  of  the 
Prohibition  party. 

Resolved,  That  we  recommend  to  the  National  Executive  Committee  and 
its  chairman  the  advisability  of  giving  such  substantial  aid  to  the  organization 
of  Young  People's  Prohibition  Leagues  as  may  be  reasonably  practicable, 


THE  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION  447 

The  convention  listened  with  great  attention  to  the  speeches 
made  in  placing  in  nomination  the  distinguished  leaders.  As  a 
public  address  the  speech  made  by  Mr.  Stewart  created  great  in- 
terest and  as  a  tribute  to  the  successful  nominee  it  is  sfiven  in  full. 

Speech  by   Oliver  W.  Stewart 
Placing    in     Nomination    John    G.    WooUey,    Candidate    for    the 

Presidency 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  of  this  Convention  :  The  Republi- 
can party  has  nominated  the  one  man  in  the  United  States  who  is  responsible 
for  the  army  canteen,  the  one  man  in  the  United  States  who  is  responsible  for 
the  imperial  expansion  of  the  liquor  traffic,  the  one  man  in  the  United  States 
who,  during  the  last  year,  probably  has  made  more  votes  for  the  Prohibition 
party  than  any  other  man  in  America.     (Applause.) 

The  Democratic  party  will  meet  next  week  at  Kansas  City  to  name  as  its 
standard  bearer  one,  who,  while  he  pretends  to  be  the  foe  of  trusts  and  combi- 
nations of  wealth,  aggregated  for  unholy  purposes,  dares  not  speak  a  word 
against  the  liquor  trust,  a  monopoly  that  furnishes  the  corrupt  and  purchasable 
votes  by  which  these  unholy  combinations  entrench  themselves  in  power. 

During  this  campaign  the  issue  will  be  joined  between  these  two  political 
parties,  and  with  hands  red  with  the  blood  of  the  victims  of  the  saloon  and  the 
army  canteen,  these  two  political  parties  will  stretch  out  those  hands  entreat- 
ing for  the  support  of  decent  citizens  of  America.  In  such  a  campaign  as 
that,  we,  the  Prohibitionists,  will  hold  true  to  our  course  and  will  poll  the 
largest  vote  in  the  party's  history.     (Cheers.) 

One  of  the  marvels  of  American  politics  is  the  tremendous  hold  the  Pro- 
hibition party  has  upon  life.  We  have  seen  minority  parties  rise  and  fall.  We 
have  seen  our  vote  increase  and  decrease,  with  seemingly  no  chance  of  immedi- 
ate victory,  with  no  possibility  of  the  election  of  a  governor,  with  now  and 
then  but  a  member  of  the  legislature  elected  on  our  ticket ;  yet  the  Prohibition 
party  continues  to  exist  and  it  meets  here  to-day  with  determination  unequaled 
with  spirit  undaunted,  with  hope  un quenched,  and  in  the  knowledge  that  with 
the  practice  of  perseverance  and  faithfulness  we  have  made  ours  not  only  the 
most  remarkable  minority  party  in  the  history  of  this  countr}^,  but  we  have 
also  made  it  politically  respectable.     (Applause.) 

The  reason  for  this  is  not  difficult  to  find.  The  party  has  had  ever  within 
it,  as  a  vitalizing  force,  a  mighty  moral  principle,  believing  that  it  is  possible 
whenever  this  nation  so  desires,  to  prohibit  the  liquor  traffic.  Yet  our  funda- 
mental proposition  has  been  that,  whether  we  can  ever  prohibit  it,  at  least  we 


44'^  THE  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION 

owe  it  to  ourselves  to  go  out  of  partnership  with  that  awful  iniquity.  To  this 
proposition  we  have  clung  through  discouragements  and  misfortunes  that 
would  have  overwhelmed  a  party  with  a  purpose  less  high  and  noble.  But  that 
alone,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  would  not  have  been  sufficient  to  keep  us  in  the  field 
as  an  6rganization.  Our  safety  has  depended  also  upon  the  spirit  in  the  party 
that  has  ever  turned  away  from  the  rock  of  fusion  upon  which  minority 
parties  bave  so  frequently  been  wrecked.  Had  we  been  willing  in  the  past  to 
trade  our  votes  for  paltry  offices,  or  put  up  our  principles  for  sale,  for  the  sake 
of  increasing  the  chances  of  success  for  our  candidates,  we  would  long  ago 
have  disappeared  from  the  arena  of  national  politics,  and  would  have  deserved 
to  disappear.  Our  continued  safety  depends  upon  remaining  true  to  our  high 
principles  and  in  our  being  brave  enough  to  stand  by  those  principles  until  we 
win  humanity  to  them,  even  if  we  do  not  elect  a  candidate  for  the  next  century. 
It  is  for  us  this  hour  to  bear  in  mind  our  duty  to  the  thousands  at  home 
and  the  cause  for  which  we  stand.  We  have  reached  the  most  important 
moment  in  this  convention.  A  mistake  now  would  be  little  short  of  fatal.  Our 
platform  adopted  by  this  convention  is  one  upon  which  all  can  stand  unitedly 
in  the  battle  against  the  liquor  traffic.  (Applause.)  The  West  accepted  a 
platform  four  years  ago  in  good  faith,  though  it  seemed  to  bring  discourage- 
ment and  demoralization,  but  the  heart  of  the  West  was  true  and  she  will 
accept  the  platform  adopted  in  this  convention  with  equal  good  faith  and  go 
out  to  battle  upon  it.  But  they  feel  in  many  quarters  that  we  need  a  candidate 
with  whom  we  are  personally  acquainted,  they  feel  that  we  need  a  candidate 
with  whom  we  are  personally  in  touch.  But  that  does  not  mean  that  the 
West  will  not  rally  to  any  candidate  Bast  or  West  or  North  or  South. 
(Applause.) 

Illinois,  my  native  state,  has  an  embarrassment  of  riches.  Two  men  from 
within  the  borders  of  our  state  have  been  repeatedly  named  for  this,  the  highest 
honor  that  this  convention  can  confer.  The  demand  for  those  men,  ladies  and 
gentlemen,  did  not  originate  in  Illinois,  though  we  would  be  proud  to  originate 
such  a  demand.  It  started  outside  of  this  state.  I  think  we  have  done  a 
graceful  thing  in  recognizing  that  demand,  and  Illinois  stands  here  to-day  to 
say  that  she  will  be  equally  satisfied  if  the  choice  should  fall  to  either  of  her 
sons  who  will  be  named  hereto  day.  And  it  is  her  purpose  to  divide  her  votes 
between  them,  to  leave  the  other  states  to  sa}^  whether  either  of  them  is  satis- 
factory as  a  candidate  for  the  Prohibition  party .  There  is  no  rivalry  within  the 
borders  of  our  state.     We  are  a  unit  with  reference  to  this. 

Humanity's  Friend 
But  I  would  name  one  of  her  sons,  one  who  has  left  his  sword  marks 
wherever  the  head  of  the  liquor  traffic  has  shown  itself.     I  come  briefly  to  tell 


THE  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION  449 

why  this  convention  should  honor  itself,  why  it  should  thrill  thousands  of 
homes  with  the  blessed  news  that  we  have  nominated  humanity's  friend,  the 
saloon's  most  determined  enemy,  our  matchless  lawyer  and  leader  John  G. 
Woolley .  (Applause  and  prolonged  cheers.)  And  let  me  add,  ladies  and  gentle- 
men, at  this  very  moment,  that  I  have  no  disposition  and  desire,  and  I  shall  plead 
that  by  no  possibility  any  influence  that  I  may  have  at  this  moment  as  chair- 
man of  the  National  Committee  that  I  could  not  have  in  any  other  way  should 
be  thrown  for  any  man  for  whom  I  stand.  L,et  me  plead  that  if  there  is  a  man 
in  this  house,  who,  because  I  happen  to  be  the  chairman  of  the  National  Com- 
mittee, might  be  influenced  to  vote  for  one  whom  I  should  name,  who  would 
not  vote  for  that  one  if  I  were  not  chairman  of  that  Committee  and  named  that 
man,  I  plead  with  him,  do  not  be  false  to  j^ourself  by  5delding  to  that.  (Ap- 
plause.) I  only  ask  that  I  be  heard  as  a  delegate  from  my  own  state  of  Illinois, 
one  who  pleads  for  one  he  loves,  who  comes  to  present  the  name  of  a  man  who 
lives  within  my  state,  who  lives  within  my  city,  who  lives  within  my  congres- 
sional district,  who  is  almost  a  next  door  neighbor  of  mine. 

I  have  no  word  to  say  touching  the  other  candidates  in  this  convention, 
other  than  this,  that  I  can  loyally  fall  in  behind  either  Hale  Johnson  of  Illi- 
nois, or  Dr.  Swallow  of  Pennsylvania.  (Applause.)  And  if  the  choice  of 
this  convention  falls  to  either  of  those  men,  he  cannot  have  a  more  loyal  sup- 
porter than  I  will  be.  But  if  the  question  should  be  raised  for  a  moment  as 
touching  the  propriety  of  my  speaking,  who  am  chairman  of  your  National 
Committee — and  I  cannot  believe  there  is  a  man  in  this  house  who  would  forbid 
that  I  as  a  delegate  from  Illinois,  should  speak  for  a  brother  and  a  friend  whom 
I  love  and  who,  I  believe,  is  a  little  dearer  to  me  than  almost  any  other  man  in 
this  world — but  if  that  should  be  the  case,  is  there  in  this,  house  one  man  who 
would  deny  to  John  G.  Woolley,  after  his  years  of  toil  and  loyal  service, 
the  right  to  have  his  name  mentioned  by  any  man  in  the  Prohibition  party  ? 
(Applause)  I  speak  for  him  at  the  request  of  himself  and  his  friends,  and 
plead  again  that  my  words  carry  no  more  weight  than  the  fact  that  I  am  a 
delegate  from  the  state  of  Illinois  who  presents  his  name  to  you  now. 

A  Statesman  and  Wei.Iv-known 
The  party  should  select  a  well-known  man,  one  whose  name  is  familiar  in 
every  newspaper  ofiice  in  the  United  States.  Our  nominee  should  also  be  one, 
of  course,  who  would  be  able  to  discharge  the  duties  of  this  office  if  he  were 
called  to  it.  He  should  be  a  statesman  acquainted  with  all  public  questions, 
one  with  the  firm  grasp  of  popular  questions,  a  man  fully  as  familiar  with  every 
section  of  the  country  as  with  the  Prohibition  issue.  This  favored  son  of  Illi- 
nois is  such  a  man.  While  he  has  made  his  fight  constantly  on  the  saloon, 
scores  of  members. in  this  convention  who  have  come  close  to  him  and  sounded 


-^5°  THE  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION 

him  on  other  questions  have  found  in  him  a  source  of  inexhaustible  informa- 
tion, showing  a  man  well  trained  and  disciplined  to  all  public  questions.  I 
have  talked  with  people  from  one  ocean  to  the  other,  and  I  believe  that  all  will 
agree  that  I  sound  the  voice  of  the  party  unitedly  when  I  say,  this  year  we  need 
the  greatest  campaigner  of  any  party  upon  the  platform  adopted.     (Cheers.) 

A  gentleman  from  New  York  said  only  last  night :  ' '  This  is  to  be  a  cam- 
paign of  mighty  speakers."  The  Republican  party  will  have  their  candidate 
for  Vice  President  tipon  the  stump.  The  Democratic  party  will  put  perhaps 
the  greatest  campaigner  of  the  United  States  before  the  people.  We  must  have 
a  man,  if  we  know  who  he  is,  abler  than  any  other  to  stand  upon  the  platform 
and  meet  these  men,  advocating  the  principles  for  which  we  stand.  We  want 
no  tame  campaign  this  year,  if  we  are  to  poll  the  increased  vote  that  the  party 
should  have.  We  must  have  a  leader,  able  to  control  their  thought  and  their 
attention.  This  is  no  time  for  us  to  try  experiments.  We  must  not  strive  for 
an  increased  vote  save  as  we  bring  men  to  .the  proposition  for  which  we  stand 
unitedly.  The  chief  concern  of  him  whom  I  name  has  ever  been  to  build  up 
the  Prohibition  party  upon  the  proposition  that  the  saloon  ought  to  die  and 
that  it  ought  to  die  quickly.  I  say  what  came  from  the  lips  of  hundreds 
of  you  last  night  as  you  listened  to  the  thunders  of  that  mighty  platform  that 
we  adopted  last  night,  when  we  heard  men  say  one  after  another,  that  plat- 
form calls  for  a  man  who  will  match  it,  to  the  last  word  of  it,  before  the  people. 
(Applause.) 

I  ask  3^our  judgment  upon  this  point  as  we  pass  upon  the  question  of 
availability.  Why,  friends,  it  is  simply  a  mighty  conference  of  a  party  that 
could  have  two  hundred  able  men  to  choose  from,  as  well  as  three.  It  is  but 
a  question  now  of  our  making  a  selection  that  will  best  suit  our  purpose  in  this 
immediate  campaign. 

A  Mighty  Prohibition  Leader 

I  ask  you  to  remember,  too,  that  this  one  whom  I  name  has  been  a 
mighty  leader  upon  our  platform .  I  ask  if  you  remember  that  there  are  thou- 
sands who  will  listen  to-day  to  know  whether  the  Prohibition  party  is  willing 
to  trust  its  standard  in  his  hands.  He  is  not  responsible  for  this  singular  con- 
dition of  affairs,  but  I  do  think  that  we  ought  to  ourselves  consider  that  and 
to  weigh  it  well  as  we  offer  our  votes  for  the  candidate  w^ho  may  be  presented 

to  us. 

While  I  present  his  name  on  behalf  of  his  friends  from  Illinois,  we  recog- 
nize the  fact  that  he  does  not  belong  to  our  state  alone.  He  ibelongs  to  the 
mighty  Union.  It  is  true  that  in  Illinois  he  lives,  it  is  true  that  here 
is  the  home  over  which  his  wife,  sweet  Mary  Woolley,  presides.  It  is 
in    this    home    that    his    three    stalwart,    manly    boys    live,    every    one    of 


THE  PROHIBITION  CONVENTION  453 

them  as  clean  and  pure  as  the  boys  of  any  of  you  who  sit  before  me 
to-day.  It  is  in  this  citj^  that  the  two  who  are  of  voting  age  will  walk  to  the 
ballot  box  by  the  side  of  their  father  and  cast  their  ballot  for  any  man  you 
name  in  this  convention.  It  is  true  that  in  the  soil  of  Illinois  his  parents 
sleep.  I  wish  I  knew  that  that  mother  of  his  who  went  to  heaven  not  know- 
ing that,  by  the  grace  of  God,  he  was  yet  to  be  saved  and  redeemed  and 
started  to  work  to  obliterate  the  liquor  traffic  in  America^ — I  wish  I  knew  she 
were  looking  down  from  heaven  upon  us.  I  wish  I  knew  that  she  were  cogni- 
zant of  the  fact  that  in  the  hearts  of  hundreds  of  you  now  there  was  the 
determination  that  her  boy,  so  saved,  should  carry  the  standard  in  this  fight 
against  the  liquor  traffic  that  nearly  ruined  his  life.  Perhaps  she  knows  and 
that  her  spirit  is  with  us. 

The  Truest,  Bravest  Voice 

I  have  heard  it  said  that  John  G.  Woolley  is  the  John  the  Baptist,  that  he 
must  not  expect  a  nomination,  that  he  must  take  the  reward  of  John  the  Baptist. 
I  tell  you,  if  he  must  take  that  reward,  that  Oliver  W.  Stewart  will  stand  on 
any  platform  where  he  can  get  his  feet  to  advocate  to  the  last  that  we  shall 
not  turn  our  backs  upon  him  while  the  world  beheads  him.  (Applause.)  I 
am  for  standing  for  a  man  who  stands  by  our  cause,  and  fifty  years  from  now 
when  the  history  is  written  of  how  the  liquor  traffic  died  in  America,  the  his- 
torian will  have  to  put  in  his  history  a  paragraph  somewhere,  reading  like  this  : 
'  The  truest,  bravest  voice  that  was  heard  in  all  the  world  in  the  latter  part  of 
the  nineteenth  century  was  the  voice  of  John  G.  Woollej^.' 

Put  his  name  at  the  head  of  our  ticket,  and  assure  us  of  the  tremendously 
energetic  campaign  that  we  will  have. 

I  do  not  stop  to  consider  the  effect  on  him  personally.  I  have  never  done 
so.  I  suppose  it  will  cost  any  man  much  to  accept  your  nomination,  and  if 
there  is  any  man  whom  it  will  not  cost  much,  that  man  is  unfit  to  receive  it.  It 
will  cost  him  as  much,  I  suppose^  as  it  will  any  other  man  who  may  be  named 
here.  I  am  thinking  notalone  of  men;  men  are  nothing,  principles  are  everything. 
(Applause.)  All  that  I  desire  is  that  we  have  the  campaigner  upon  our  platform 
that  will  carry  the  truth  before  the  American  people.  John  G.  Woolley  can  and 
will  draw  the  fire  of  the  enemy  and  I  want  him  to  do  it.  If  he  cannot  stand  the 
fire  of  the  enemy,  if  we  cannot  stand  it,  then  I  say  we  ought  to  disband  and 
retire  from  the  field  until  we  are  ready.  Give  us  him  as  our  leader.  Place 
upon  your  ticket  that  leader  tried  and  true,  John  G.  Woolley  of  every  state. 
(Applause  and  three  cheers  for  Woolley.) 


CHAPTER    XXV 

Lives  of  Prohibition  Candidates 

John  G.  Woollily,  of  Illinois 

AT  the  conclusion  of  the  meeting  of  the  convention  in  Chicago, 
its   candidate   for  the   Presidency,    John    G.  Woolley,    very 
modestly  says,  in  the  official   organ  of  the   party.  The  New 
Voice,  in  regard  to  his  nomination  for  the  presidency  : 

"  The  National  Convention  of  the  Prohibition  party  has  voted 
to  tender  me  its  nomination  for  the  Presidency.  I  did  not  seek  it, 
nor  desire  it.  I  asked  not  for  one  vote  from  any  state  or  any  man. 
I  believed  in  the  convention  ;  I  believed  in  the  platform  ;  I  believed 
in  myself.  I  believed  that,  without  a  banner,  or  a  plume,  or  a 
claque,  as  I  was,  I  had  to  be  nominated.  To  my  friends  who  worked 
to  that  end,  I  offer  here  my  sincere  thanks.  Toward  my  other 
friends,  who  tried  with  such  spirit  and  sincerity  for  my  defeat,  I 
have  not  the  slightest  feeling  of  complaint. 

These  words,  spoken  in  the  greatest  frankness,  are  typical  of 
the  man,  and  the  party  may  well  be  proud  to  have  as  its  leader  one 
who  is  so  frank,  so  clear,  and  so  honest.  He  is  widely  known  over 
the  United  States  as  a  public  speaker  of  hne  presence  and  magnetic 
power.  In  fact,  he  is  an  orator  of  very  high  type.  He  is  in  the 
prime  of  life,  vigorous,  and  in  every  way  prepared  to  accept  the 
onerous  duties  of  his  position  as  a  candidate  for  a  party  which  is  no 
longer  an  element  of  minor  importance  in  the  campaign. 

John  G.  Woolley  was  born  in  the  small  town  of  Collihsville, 
near  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  on  the  15th  of  February,  1850.  Edwin  C. 
and  Elizabeth  K.  H.  Woolley,  were  among  the  first  settlers  of  the 
state.  He  is  an  honored  alumnus  of  the  Ohio  Wesleyan  College 
of  the  class  of  1871.  Probably  no  institution  in  the  Central  West 
has  turned  out  more  men  who  have  taken  prominence  in  public 
454 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  G.    WOOLLEY  455 

affairs,  both  state  and  national,  or  have  been  leaders  in  great  move- 
ments pertaining  to  the  moral  and  religious  welfare  of  the  people, 
than  has  this  university,  situated  in  the  beautiful  City  of  Delaware. 
As  many  young  men  are  wont  to  do  upon  completing  a  course  in 
one  of  the  smaller  colleges  or  universities,  he  continued  his  studies 
at  the  University  of  Michigan  (Ann  Harbor),  entering  the  law 
school  of  that  institution  and  graduating  in  two  years.  He  was 
admitted  to  the  bar  to  practice  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  Illinois  in 
1873,  ^'"^d  five  years  later  he  was  practicing  before  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Minnesota.  In  1886  he  appeared  before  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  and  was  admitted  to  practice. 
His  career  at  law  was  honorable  and  successful.  He  says  of 
himself  that  he  "  became  a  Christian  and  a  party  prohibitionist 
at  the  same  instant,"  January  31,  1888,  in  the  city  of  New 
York,  where  he  joined  the  Church  of  the  Strangers,  which 
was  then  presided  over  by  the  late  Dr.  Deems.  He  immedi- 
ately entered  into  active  Christian  work,  and  became  intensely 
interested  in  the  Prohibition  movement.  He  displayed  wonderful 
oratorical  powers,  and  was  sought  for  far  and  wide  to  deliver  prohi- 
bition and  temperance  addresses.  He  has  given  himself  almost 
entirely  to  the  work  since  January,  1888,  and  has  made  many 
speeches,  it  being  said  that  he  averaged  at  least  one  speech  a  day. 
In  1892  he  was  invited  by  Lady  Somerset  to  be  her  guest  in 
England,  and  while  there  he  spoke  nearly  every  day  during  seven 
months  of  a  tour  in  the  cities  of  England,  Scotland  and  Wales.  In 
the  following  year  the  Young  People's  Society  of  Christian  Endeavor, 
of  Illinois,  engraeed  him  to  deliver  three  hundred  lectures  in  as 
many  nights  in  sequence  throughout  the  state,  on  the  subject  "  Inal- 
ienable Rig-hts."  All  the  grreat  conventions  and  meetings  of  the 
Prohibition  party  in  recent  years  have  had  the  benefit  of  Mr.  Wool- 
ley's  oratory,  and  he  has  been  the  means  of  adding  largely  to  the 
influence  of  the  party  in  all  the  states.  Probably  the  most  celebra- 
ted speech  of  his  was  that  delivered  in  Madison  Square  Garden  at 
the  International  Y.  P.  S.  C.  E.  Convention  in  1892,  of  which  a  dis- 
tinguished man  has  said  :   "  Now,  Burke  Cochran  (the  famous  New 


45^  LIFE  OF  JOHN  G.    WOOLLFY 

York  Tammany  speaker)  is  an  orator,  but  he  never  got  in  anything 
that  spun  the  sunshine  into  streaks  of  golden  fire  Hke  that."  Mr, 
Woolley  is  the  editor  of  "  The  New  Voice  and  the  Chicago  Lever," 
pubhshed  in  Chicago,  which  city  is  his  home.  He  married,  soon 
after  leaving  the  Wesleyan  University,  Miss  Mary  B.  Gerhard,  of 
Delaware,  Ohio.  He  has  three  promising  sons,  all  of  whom,  like 
their  father,  are  intensely  interested  in  the  prohibition  cause. 

Mr.  Woolley  is  the  author  of  three  books,  namely,  "  A  Sower," 
"  Civilization  by  Faith,"  and  "A  Christian  Citizen,"  two  volumes. 
At  the  ratification  meeting  held  in  the  armory,  in  Chicago,  Mr. 
Woolley  spoke  in  his  usual  vigorous  style  of  the  work  of  the  party, 
closincr  with  these  words  : 

"  Conscience  is  an  imperfect  thing,  as  yet,  and  easy  to  be 
deflected  from  the  main  line ;  the  issue  must  be  kept  simple 
and  certain  and  single.  It  must  be  plainly  grounded  on  reli- 
gion, for  greater  certainty  and  greater  simplicity  and  for  the 
additional  reason  that  no  non-suit  is  possible  in  such  a  case.  A 
religious  question  is  never  disposed  of  until  final  judgment  is 
entered  at  the  court  of  last  resort." 

Henry  B.  Metcalf,  of  Rhode  Island 

Henry  B.  Metcalf,  the  Prohibition  nominee  for  Vice  President 
is  in  his  seventy-second  year  of  age.  He  was  born  in  Massachu- 
setts and  educated  in  the  public  school  of  his  native  state.  He  is 
now  a  resident  of  Pawtucket,  Rhode  Island,  where  he  is  president  of 
one  of  the  large  savings  banks  of  that  city.  He  is  actively  connected 
with  church  work.  As  president  of  the  Board  of  Trustees  of  Tufts 
College,  he  exercises  great  influence  in  the  management  of  that 
institution.  Mr.  Metcalf  was  for  many  years  an  earnest  worker  in  \ 
the  Republican  party,  but  seeing  that  there  was  no  hope  of  obtain- 
ing temperance  legislation  under  their  rule,  he  identified  himself 
with  the  Prohibition  party  many  years  ago.  He  was  several  times 
the  nominee  of  the  Prohibition  party  for  Governor  of  Rhode  Island. 
His  name  will  carry  great  influence  among  all  Prohibitionists  in  the 
coming  campaign. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

The    Life   and   Public   Services   of 
William  Jennings  Bryan 

The   Democratic   Candidate  for  President — A    Leader  in   all 
the  Questions   of  the   Day — A  Typical   American. 

WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN,   of   Lincoln,  Neb.,  is   a 
native    of    Illinois.       He   was    born    in    Salem,    Marion 
County,  in  that  State,  March  19,  i860.     His  father,  Silas 
L.  Bryan,  a  native  of  Culpepper  County,  Virginia,  was  a  prominent 
and  respected  lawyer,  who  represented  his  district  for  eight  years 
in  the  State  Senate,  and  later  was  a  Circuit  Court  Judge  for  twelve 

years. 

Early  Life. 

The  son  entered  the  Illinois  College  at  Jacksonville  in  1877, 
and  completed  the  classical  course,  graduating  with  honors  in  1881. 
He  later  attended  a  law  school  in  Chicago,  working  in  the  late 
Lyman  Trumbull's  law  office  in  order  to  pay  his  way  through 
college.  He  began  the  practice  of  his  profession  at  Jacksonville, 
111.,  but  in  1887  he  removed  to  Lincoln,  Neb.,  establishing  a  law 
partnership  with  one  of  his  college  classmates.  From  his  earliest 
years  he  had  a  fancy  for  public  speaking,  which  developed  his 
oratorical  powers.  In  1880  he  won  second  prize  as  the  representa- 
tive of  Illinois  College  in  the  state  collegiate  oratorical  contest. 
He  was  valedictorian  of  his  college  class,  and  came  within  one  vote 
of  being  elected  to  the  same  position  in  the  Law  School.  From 
1880  on  he  spoke  in  political  campaigns. 

His  First  Political  Effort 
Bryan  supported  J.  Sterling  Morton  for  Congress  in  1888,  but 
the  man  who  was  later  to  be  Mr.  Cleveland's  Secretary  of  Agricul- 
ture was  defeated  at  the  polls  by  3,500  votes.      Next  time,  in  1890, 

26  457 


458  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN 

Bryan  took  the  nomination  and  ran  against  the  same  Republican 
who  had  so  badly  defeated  Mr.  Morton.  Bryan  had  much  better 
luck.  He  challenged  his  adversary  to  a  series  of  joint  debates,  and 
made  so  brilliant  a  showing  that  he  carried  the  district,  which  had 
given  the  Republicans  3,500  majority  two  years  before,  by  a 
majority  of  6,700  votes.  The  fame  he  gained  in  the  joint  debates, 
of  which  the  tariff  was  the  theme,  induced  Speaker  Crisp  to  appoint 
Bryan  on  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  an  honor  which  few 
Congressmen  have  ever  won  during  their  first  term  in  the  House. 
On  March  12,  1892,  he  scored  his  first  great  oratorical  success 
with  a  speech  on  free  wool.  This  deliverance  led  Mr.  Kilgore  to 
declare  it  the  best  speech  made  on  the  floor  of  the  House  for  ten 
years,  and  Mr.  Culberson  to  remark  that  it  was  one  of  the  ablest 
addresses  he  had  ever  listened  to,  and  Mr.  Lane  to  say  that  it 
stamped  its  author  as  one  of  the  brightest  and  ablest  men  in 
Congress. 

Against  the  Repeal  of  the  Silver  Purchase  Act. 

The  reapportionment  of  1891  divided  Bryan's  Congressional 
District  in  such  a  way  that  it  made  his  canvass  in  1892  very  diffi- 
cult. The  district  was  admittedly  Republican  by  a  majority  of 
more  than  3,000.  Bryan  went  into  the  work  heart  and  soul,  how- 
ever, and  turned  the  Republican  majority  into  a  Democratic 
plurality  of  146.  J.  Sterling  Morton  ran  for  Governor  of  Nebraska 
in  that  election,  and  received  fewer  votes  than  any  man  on  the 
ticket  in  that  district,  just  half  as  many  as  Bryan.  In  August,  1893, 
when  the  bill  to  repeal  the  Silver  Purchase  Act  was  before  Con- 
gress, Bryan  again  distinguished  himself  as  a  speech-maker.  It  was 
said  at  the  time  that  he  made  the  best  showing  in  the  debate  of 
any  of  the  free-silver  leaders.  Bryan  had  long  consorted  with  the 
Populists,  and  that  explained  his  great  power  over  the  farmers.  In 
the  fall  of  1893  he  got  the  Senatorial  bee  in  his  bonnet,  and  aimed 
to  "  wallop"  Secretary  Morton  and  the  Administration  Democrats 
in  the  State  Convention.  The  convention,  however,  endorsed  the 
Administration  four  to  one,  and  refused  to  give  any  recognition 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN  459 

either  to  Bryan  or  his  silver  vagaries.  The  platform  contained  a 
cordial  expression  of  confidence  in  Mr.  Cleveland,  despite  Bryan's 
agile  efforts  to  have  the  convention  pursue  another  course.  The 
convention  declared  : 

"  We,  the  representatives  of  the  Democratic  party  in  Nebraska, 
in  State  Convention  assembled,  send  hearty  greetings  to  our  Presi- 
dent, Grover  Cleveland,  and  renew  the  expression  of  our  confidence 
and  pride  in  his  patriotism,  courage  and  wisdom.  We  heartily 
endorse  the  Administration  of  President  Cleveland.  We  reaffirm 
the  truths  so  forcibly  s_et  forth  by  the  President  in  his  message  to 
the  special  session  of  Congress.  We  favor  his  recommendation  to 
Congress  therein  made  for  the  repeal  of  the  Silver  Purchase  clause 
of  the  Sherman  Act,  and  we  call  upon  the  United  States  Senators 
to  speedil}'-  pass  the  pending  bill  for  the  prompt  and  unconditional 
repeal  of  that  vicious  law." 

Before  the  election  of  1894  Mr.  Bryan  refused  a  renomination 
for  Congress,  continuing  his  campaign  for  the  Senatorship  as 
the  successor  of  Mr.  Manderson.  He  still  openly  declared  for  free 
silver  coinage,  and  this  caused  the  Morton  Democrats  to  fight  him 
bitterly.  He  was,  however,  nominated  by  the  State  Democratic 
Convention.  Two  joint  debates,  at  Lincoln  and  at  Omaha,  respec- 
tively, with  John  M.  Thurston,  the  Republican  candidate  for  the 
Senatorship  attracted  much  attention.  The  Legislature,  however, 
was  Republican,  and  Mr.  Thurston  was  elected.  During  the  past 
two  years,  since  his  defeat  for  the  Senate,  Bryan  has  been  lecturing 
on  financial  topics  in  all  parts  of  the  country. 

His  Personality 

He  is  a  man  of  considerable  personal  magnetism  and  fine 
presence.  The  resemblance  between  him  and  the  late  Samuel  J. 
Randall  has  been  remarked  by  many.  He  is  about  5  feet  10  inches 
in  height,  weighs  180  pounds,  and  has  dark  hair  and  dark  eyes. 
His  jaw  is  heavy  and  square,  and  he  is  smooth  shaven.  His  cheek- 
bones are  prominent  and  his  forehead  square. 


46o  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN 

He  is  an  exceedingly  pleasant  talker,  and  is  fond  of  dealing  in 
well-rounded  phrases.  His  speeches  abound  with  poetry.  He  is  of 
Irish  extraction,  but  his  people  have  lived  in  this  country  for  more 
than  a  hundred  years.  In  religion  he  is  a  Presbyterian,  but  believes 
in  the  entire  separation  of  Church  and  State.  He  steadfastly 
opposes  bringing  religion  into  politics  or  politics  into  religion.  He 
is  a  teetotaler. 

Mr,  Bryan  is  the  outspoken  enemy  of  class  legislation,  and 
believes  that  the  government  has  fully  answered  its  purpose  when 
it  protects  every  citizen  in  the  enjoyment  of  life,  liberty  and  the 
pursuit  of  happiness,  and  leaves  him  just  as  free  as  possible  to 
exercise  his  ability,  industry  and  economy.  He  is  also  a  believer 
in  local  self-government,  and  was  emphatically  opposed  to  the 
Federal  election  law  because  it  sought  to  take  away  from  the 
locality  the  control  of  Congressional  elections. 

He  favors  free  coinage  and  believes  in  a  tariff  for  revenue 
only,  and  denies  the  right  of  government  to  take  from  any  man  by 
means  of  taxation  any  money  not  needed  for  government  expenses, 
or  to  tax  one  man  to  enrich  another.  He  is  opposed  to  bounties 
and  subsidies.  He  made  his  main  fight  against  the  McKinley  Bill, 
denouncing  it  as  the  most  infamous  conspiracy  ever  attempted 
against  the  consumers  of  this  country, 

Mr.  and  Mrs.   Bryan  at  Home 

Mr.  Bryan's  wife,  who  has  been  a  close  figure  in  all*  his  public 
life,  cannot  go  unmentioned.  She  was  Miss  Mary  E.  Baird,  and 
was  the  only  daughter  of  a  prosperous  merchant  in  Perry,  111,  She 
has  a  pure,  handsome,  thoroughbred  face,  and  is  withal  a  woman  of 
rare  mental  endowments. 

After  the  birth  of  her  first  child  Mrs.  Bryan  began  the  study 
of  law,  with  her  husband  as  instructor,  taking  one  course  prescribed 
by  the  college  from  which  he  graduated.  She  was  admitted  to  the 
bar  in  1888.  She  never  thought  to  practice.  Her  only  motive 
was  to  aid  her  husband  in  his  life  work,  and  she  might  be  safely 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN  463 

credited  with  at  least  half  of  all  there  is  good  and  honest  and  suc- 
cessful in  the  Nebraska  man. 

Mr.  Bryan  lives  well  in  a  commodious  dwelling  in  the  fashion- 
able part  of  Lincoln.  The  study  in  which  both  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Bryan 
have  desks  is  a  very  attractive  room.  It  is  filled  with  books,  stat- 
uary and  mementoes  of  campaigns.  There  are  busts  or  portraits 
of  noted  men,  and  there  are  two  butcher  knives  which  Mr.  Bryan 
used  in  the  campaign  with  Judge  Field,  to  refute  the  latter's  boasts 
of  the  effects  of  high  protection. 

Mrs.  Bryan  has  a  great  liking  for  politics,  and  accompanies  her 
husband  on  many  of  his  Nebraska  jaunts.  Her  tastes  are  essen- 
tially literary  and  she  has  written  much  for  various  causes.  She  is 
a  charming  woman,  and  is  as  great  a  favorite  in  Lincoln  as  her 
husband.  She  was  one  of  the  organizers  of  Sorosis,  the  leading 
woman's  club  of  Lincoln,  and  is  also  a  member  of  the  W.  C.  T.  U. 
and  other  societies.  Mr.  Bryan  says  she  is  invaluable  to  him  in 
suggestions  and  the  preparation  of  material  and  in  advice  as  to 
points  and  methods.  His  family  consists,  besides  Mrs.  Bryan,  of 
Ruth,  aged  eleven;  William,  J.,  Jr.,  aged  six,  and  Grace,  aged  five. 
The  children  are  very  bright,  pretty  and  well-bred. 

Bryan  in  personal  appearance  is  the  picture  of  health,  mental, 
moral,  and  physical.  He  is  a  pronounced  brunette,  has  a  massive 
head,  a  clean-shaven  face,  an  aquiline  nose,  square  chin,  a  broad 
chest,  large  lustrous  dark  eyes,  a  mouth  extending  almost  from  ear 
to  ear,  teeth  as  white  as  chalk,  and  hair — what  there  is  left  of  it — 
black  as  midnight.  Beneath  his  eyes  is  the  protuberant  flesh  which 
physiognomists  say  is  indicative  of  fluency  of  language  and  which 
I  was  one  of  the  most  striking  features  in  the  face  of  James  G,  Blaine. 

Bryan  as  an  Orator 

An  enthusiastic  admirer  of  Bryan  as  an  orator  has  written  of 
him  as  follows  : 

"  Bryan  neglects  none  of  the  accessories  of  oratory.  Nature 
richly  endowed  him  with  rare  grace.  He  is  happy  in  attitude  and 
pose.      His  gestures  are  on  Hogarth's  line  of  beauty.      Mellifluous 


464  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN 

is  the  one  word  that  most  aptly  describes  his  voice.  It  is  strong 
enough  to  be  heard  by  thousands.  It  is  sweet  enough  to  charm 
those  the  least  inclined  to  music.  It  is  so  modulated  as  not  to  vex 
the  ear  with  monotony  and  can  be  stern  and  pathetic,  fierce  or 
gentle,  serious  or  humorous,  with  the  varying  emotions  of  its 
master.  In  his  youth  Bryan  must  have  had  a  skillful  teacher  in 
elocution  and  must  have  been  a  docile  pupil.  He  adorns  his 
speeches  with  illustrations  from  the  classics  or  from  the  common 
occurrences  of  everyday  life  with  equal  felicity  and  facility.  Some 
passages  from  his  orations  are  gems  and  are  being  used  as  declama- 
tions by  boys  at  school — the  ultimate  tribute  to  American  eloquence." 

Extracts  from   His  Speeches 

The  following  extracts  from  some  of  Mr.  Bryan's  speeches  in 
Congress  have  been  much  quoted  by  campaign  orators,  and  did 
much  to  establish  his  fame  as  one  of  the  leading  exponents  of  the 
income  tax  and  free  silver  theory. 

"  The  poor  man  who  takes  property  by  force  (Bryan  said,  in 
one  of  his  silver-tongued  deliverances)  is  called  a  thief,  but  the 
creditor  who  can  by  legislation  make  a  debtor  pay  a  dollar  twice  as 
large  as  he  borrowed  is  lauded  as  the  friend  of  a  sound  currency. 
The  man  who  wants  people  to  destroy  the  government  is  an 
Anarchist,  but  the  man  who  wants  the  government  to  destroy  the 
people  is  a  patriot." 

Again  he  said  : 

"  The  gentlemen  who  are  so  fearful  of  socialism  when  the  poor 
are  exempted  from  an  income  tax,  view  with  indifference  those 
methods  of  taxation  which  give  the  rich  a  substantial  exemption. 
They  weep  more  because  $15,000,000  is  to  be  collected  from  the 
incomes  of  the  rich,  than  they  do  at  the  collection  of  $300,000,000 
upon  the  goods  which  the  poor  consume.  And  when  an  attempt 
is  made  to  equalize  these  burdens,  not  fully,  but  partially  only,  the 
people  of  the  South  and  West  are  called  Anarchists.  I  deny  the 
accusation,  sir.      It  is  among  the  people  of  the  South  and  West,  on 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN  465 

the  prairies  and  in  the  mountains,  that  you  find  the  staunchest  sup- 
porters of  government,  and  the  best  friends  of  law  and  order, 

"  You  may  not  find  among  these  people  the  great  fortunes 
which  are  accumulated  in  cities,  nor  will  you  find  the  dark  shadows 
which  these  fortunes  throw  over  the  community,  but  you  will  find 
those  willing  to  protect  the  rights  of  property,  even  while  they 
demand  that  property  shall  bear  its  share  of  taxation.  You  may 
not  find  among  them  as  much  of  wealth,  but  you  will  find  men  who 
are  not  only  willing  to  pay  their  taxes  to  support  the  government, 
but  are  willing  whenever  necessary  to  offer  up  their  lives  in  its 
defence.  These  people,  sir,  whom  you  call  Anarchists  because  they 
ask  that  the  burdens  of  government  shall  be  equally  borne,  these 
people  have  ever  borne  the  cross  on  Calvary  and  saved  their 
country  with  their  blood." 

A  Striking  Thought 

"I  may  be  in  error"  (said  Bryan  on  another  occasion),  "but  in  my 
humble  judgement  he  who  would  rob  man  of  his  necessary  food  or 
pollute  the  springs  at  which  he  quenches  his  thirst,  or  steal  away 
from  him  his  accustomed  rest,  or  condemn  his  mind  to  the  gloomy 
night  of  ignorance,  is  no  more  an  enemy  of  his  race  than  the  man 
who,  deaf  to  the  entreaties  of  the  poor  and  blind,  to  the  suffering 
he  would  cause,  seeks  to  destroy  one  of  the  money  metals  given 
by  the  Almighty  to  supply  the  needs  of  commerce." 

In  the  convention  at  Chicago,  in  1896,  Mr.  Bryan  led  the 
Nebraska  silver  delegation.  There  were  two  contesting  delegations 
from  the  state.  The  National  Committee  reported  in  favor  of  the 
gold  men,  but  when  the  matter  was  referred  to  the  Credentials 
Committee  the  latter  at  once  reported  in  favor  of  the  delegates 
led  by  Mr.  Bryan.  The  motion  to  adopt  the  report  in  the  conven- 
tion was  declared  carried  by  a  viva  voce  vote. 

Mr.  Bryan  made  a  speech  in  the  convention  in  reply  to  ex-Sena- 
tor Hill,  of  New  York,  which  completely  won  for  him  the  nomina- 
tion. As  an  oration  it  compares  well  with  the  most  eloquent  efforts 
of  Henry  Clay  and  James  G.  Blaine.    We  give  an  extract  from  this 


466  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN 

speech,  which  will  be  long  remembered  as  the  "  Crown  of  Thorns, 
the  Cross  of  Gold  "  speech. 

It  certainly  has  become  an  historic  achievement  in  American 
speech  making  as  well  as  a  literary  curiosity : 

"  Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  :  I  would 
be  presumptuous,  indeed,  to  present  myself  against  the  distinguished 
gentleman  to  whom  you  have  listened  if  this  were  but  a  measuring 
of  ability,  but  this  is  not  a  contest  among  persons.  The  humblest 
citizen  in  all  the  land,  when  clad  in  the  armor  of  a  righteous  cause, 
is  stronger  than  all  the  whole  hosts  of  error  that  they  can  bring.  I 
come  to  speak  to  you  in  defence  of  a  cause  as  holy  as  the  cause  of 
liberty — the  cause  of  humanity.     ****** 

The   Paramount  Issue 

Never  before  in  the  history  of  this  country  has  there  been 
witnessed  such  a  contest  as  that  through  which  we  have  passed. 
Never  before  in  the  history  of  American  politics  has  a  great  issue 
been  fought  out,  as  this  issue  has  been,  by  the  voters  themselves. 
On  the  4th  of  March,  1895,  a  few  Democrats,  most  of  them  members 
of  Congress,  issued  an  address  to  the  Democrats  of  the  nation, 
asserting  that  the  money  question  was  the  paramount  issue  of  the 
hour ;  asserting  also  the  right  ot  a  majority  of  the  Democratic 
party  to  control  the  position  of  the  party  on  this  paramount  issue  ; 
concluding  with  the  request  that  all  believers  in  free  coinage  of 
silver  in  the  Democratic  party  should  organize  and  take  charge  of 
and  control  the  policy  of  the  Democratic  party.  Three  months 
later,  at  Memphis,  an  organization  was  perfected,  and  the  silver 
Democrats  went  forth  openly  and  boldly  and  courageously  proclaim- 
ing their  belief,  and  declaring  that  if  successful  they  would  crystalize 
in  a  platform  the  declaration  which  they  had  made  ;  and  then  began 
the  conflict  with  a  zeal  approaching  the  zeal'  which  inspired  the 
crusaders  who  followed  Peter  the  Hermit.  Our  silver  Democrats 
went  forth  from  victory  unto  victory  until  they  are  assembled  now, 
not  to  discuss,  not  to  debate,  but  to  enter  up  the  judgment  rendered 
by  the  plain  people  of  this  country. 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN  467 

In  this  contest  brother  has  been  arrayed  against  brother  and 
father  against  father.  The  warmest  ties  of  love  and  acquaintance 
and  association  have  been  disregarded.  Old  leaders  have  been  cast 
aside  when  they  refused  to  give  expression  to  the  sentiments  of 
those  whom  they  would  lead,  and  new  leaders  have  sprung  up  to 
give  direction  to  this  cause  of  truth.  Thus  has  the  contest  been 
waged,  and  we  have  assembled  here  under  as  binding  and  solemn 
instructions  as  were  ever  fastened  upon  the  representatives  of  a 
people. 

Speak  for  the  People 

We  do  not  come  as  individuals.  Why,  as  individuals  we 
might  have  been  glad  to  compliment  the  gentleman  from  New  York 
(Senator  Hill),  but  we  knew  that  the  people  for  whom  we  speak 
would  never  be  willing  to  put  him  in  a  position  where  he  could 
thwart  the  will  of  the  Democratic  party.  I  say  it  was  not  a  ques- 
tion of  persons ;  it  was  a  questior^  of  principle,  and  it  is  not  with 
gladness,  my  friends,  that  we  find  ourselves  brought  into  conflict 
with  those  who  are  now  arrayed  on  the  other  side.  The  gentleman 
who  just  preceded  (Governor  Russell)  spoke  of  the  old  state  of 
Massachusetts.  Let  me  assure  him  that  not  one  person  in  all  this 
convention  entertains  the  least  hostility  to  the  people  of  the  state 
of  Massachusetts. 

But  we  stand  here  representing  people  who  are  the  equals 
before  the  law  of  the  largest  citizens  in  the  state  of  Massachusetts. 
When  you  come  before  us  to  tell  us  that  we  shall  disturb  your  busi- 
ness interests,  we  reply  that  you  have  disturbed  our  business  inter- 
ests by  your  course.  We  say  to  you.  that  you  have  made  too 
limited  in  its  application  the  definition  of  a  business  man.  The  man 
who  is  employed  for  wages  is  as  much  a  business  man  as  his 
employer.  The  attorney  in  a  country  town  is  as  much  a  business 
man  as  the  corporation  counsel  in  a  great  metropolis.  The  merchant 
at  the  cross-roads  store  is  as  much  a  business  man  as  the  merchant 
of  New  York.  The  farmer  who  goes  forth  in  the  morning  and 
toils  all  day,  begins  in  the  spring  and  toils  all  summer,  and  by  the 


468  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN 

application  of  brain  and  muscle  to  the  natural  resources  of  this 
country  creates  wealth,  is  as  much  a  business  man  as  the  man  who 
goes  upon  the  board  of  trade  and  bets  upon  the  price  of  grain. 

The  miners  who  go  a  thousand  feet  into  the  earth  or  climb 
2,000  feet  upon  the  cliffs  and  bring  forth  from  their  hiding-places 
the  precious  metals  to  be  poured  into  the  channels  of  trade  are  as 
much  business  men  as  the  few  financial  magnates  who,  in  a  back- 
room, corner  the  money  of  the  world. 

We  come  to  speak  for  this  broader  class  of  business  men.  Ah, , 
my  friends,  we  say  not  one  word  against  those  who  live  upon  the 
Atlantic  coast ;  but  those  hardy  pioneers  who  have  braved  all  the 
dangers  of  the  wilderness,  who  have  made  the  desert  to  blossom  as 
.  the  rose — those  pioneers  away  out  there,  rearing  their  children  near 
nature's  heart,  where  they  can  mingle  their  vioces  with  the  voices 
of  the  birds — out  there  where  they  have  erected  school-houses  for 
the  education  of  their  young,  and  churches  where  they  praise  their 
Creator,  and  cemeteries  where  sleep  the  ashes  of  their  dead^— are 
as  deserving  of  the  consideration  of  this  party  as  any  people  in  this 
country. 

******** 

Income  Tax 

They  say  we  passed  an  unconstitutional  law.  I  deny  it.  The 
income  tax  was  not  unconstitutional  when  it  was  passed.  It  was 
not  unconstitutional  when  it  went  before  the  Supreme  Court  for 
the  first  time.  It  did  not  become  unconstitutional  until  one  judge 
changed  his  mind,  and  we  cannot  be  expected  to  know  when  a  judge 
will  change  his  mind.  The  income  tax  is  a  just  law.  It  simply 
intends  to  put  the  burdens  of  government  justly  upon  the  backs  of 
the  people.  I  am  in  favor  of  an  income  tax.  When  I  find  a  man 
who  is  not  willing  to  pay  his  share  of  the  burden  of  the  govern- 
ment which  protects  him,  I  find  a  man  who  is  unworthy  to  enjoy 
the  blessings  of  a  government  like  ours. 

He  says  that  we  are  opposing  the  national  bank  currency.  It 
is  true.      If  you   will  read  what  Thomas  Benton  said  you  will  find 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN  469 

that  he  said  that  in  searching  history  he  could  find  but  one  parallel 
to  Andrew  Jackson.  That  was  Cicero,  who  destroyed  the  conspir- 
acies of  Catiline  and  saved  Rome.  He  did  for  Rome  what  Jack- 
son did  when  he  destroyed  the  bank  conspiracy  and  saved  America. 
We  say  in  our  platform  that  we  believe  that  the  right  to 
coin  money  and  issue  money  is  a  function  of  government.  We 
believe  it.  We  believe  it  is  a  part  of  sovereignty,  and  can  no  more 
with  safety  be  delegated  to  private  individuals  than  we  could  afford 
to  delegate  to  private  individuals  the  power  to  make  penal  statutes 
or  levy  laws  for  taxation. 

Now,  my  friends,  let  me  come  to  the  great  paramount  issue. 
If  they  ask  us  here  why  it  is  that  we  say  more  on  the  money  ques- 
tion than  we  say  upon  the  tariff  question,  I  reply  that  if  protection 
has  slain  its  thousands,  the  gold  standard  has  slain  its  tens  of 
thousands.  If  they  ask  us  why  we  did  not  embody  all  these  things 
in  our  platform  which  we  believe,  we  reply  to  them  that  when  we 
have  restored  the  money  of  the  Constitution  all  other  necessary 
reforms  will  be  possible,  and  that  until  that  is  done  there  is  no 
reform  that  can  be  accomplished. 

A  Sudden  Change 

Why  is  it  that  within  three  months  such  a  change  has  come 
over  the  sentiments  of  this  country  ?  Three  months  ago,  when  it 
was  confidently  asserted  that  those  who  believed  in  the  gold  standard 
would  frame  our  platform  and  nominate  our  candidates,  even  the 
advocates  of  the  gold  standard  did  not  think  we  could  elect  a  Presi- 
dent ;  but  we  had  good  reason  for  the  suspicion,  because  there  is 
scarcely  a  state  here  to-day  asking  for  the  gold  standard  that  is  not 
within  the  absolute  control  of  the  Republican  party. 

I  want  to  suggest  this  truth,  that  if  the  gold  standard  is  a  good 
thing,  we  ought  to  declare  in  favor  of  its  retention  and  not  in  favor 
of    abandoning   it ;    and   if   the  gold  standard  is  a  bad   thing,  why 


470  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN 

should  we  wait  until  some  other  nations  are  willing  to  help  us  to 
let  go  ?  Here  is  the  line  of  battle.  We  care  not  upon  which  issue 
they  force  the  fight.  We  are  prepared  to  meet  them  on  either 
issue  or  on  both.  If  they  tell  us  that  the  gold  standard  is  the 
standard  of  civilization,  we  reply  to  them  that  this,  the  most 
enlightened  of  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  has  never  declared  for  a 
gold  standard,  and  both  the  parties  this  year  are  declaring  against 
it.  If  the  gold  standard  is  the  standard  of  civilization,  why,  my 
friends,  should  we  not  have  it?  So  if  they  come  to  meet  us  on 
that,  we  can  present  the  history  of  our  nation.  More  than  that. 
We  can  tell  them  this,  that  they  will  search  the  pages  of  history  in 
vain  to  find  a  single  instance  in  which  the  common  people  of  any 
land  have  ever  declared  themselves  in  favor  of  a  gold  standard. 

Two  Ideas  of  Government 

There  are  two  ideas  of  government.  There  are  those  who 
believe  that  if  you  just  legislate  to  make  the  well-to-do  prosperous 
that  their  prosperity  will  leak  through  on  those  below.  The 
Democratic  idea  has  been  that  if  you  legislate  to  make  the  masses 
prosperous,  their  prosperity  will  find  its  way  up  and  through  every 
class  and  rest  upon  it.  You  come  to  us  and  tell  us  that  the  great 
cities  are  in  favor  of  the  gold  standard.  I  tell  you  that  the  great 
cities  rest  upon  these  broad  and  fertile  praries.  Burn  down  your 
cities  and  leave  our  farms  and  your  cities  will  spring  up  again  as  if 
by  magic.  But  destroy  our  farms  and  the  grass  will  grow  in  the 
streets  of  every  city  in  this  country. 

If  they  dare  to  come  out  and  in  the  open  defend  the  gold 
standard  as  a  good  thing,  we  shall  fight  them  to  the  uttermost,  hav- 
ing behind  us  the  producing  masses  of  this  nation  and  the  world. 
Having  behind  us  the  commercial  interests  and  the  laboring  inter- 
ests and  all  the  toilingf  masses,  we  shall  answer  their  demands  for  a 
gold  standard  by  saying  to  them,  You  shall  not  press  down  upon 
the  brow  of  labor  this  crown  of  thorns.  You  shall  not  crucify 
mankind  upon  a  cross  of  gold." 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN  473 

The  campaign  which  followed  was  remarkable  beyond  prece- 
dent. It  is  doubtful  if  during  the  days  of  slavery  agitation  there 
was  ever  so  general  and  so  intense  interest  taken  in  a  presidential 
election. 

Bryan  in  the  Campaign 

Mr.  Bryan,  departing -from  the  usual  custom  of  presidential 
candidates,  made  a  personal  canvass.  The  influential  press  of  the 
country  was  against  him  on  account  of  his  views  on  the  money  ques- 
tion. He  knew  his  hope  of  success  lay  in  getting  at  the  people 
and  speaking  to  them  personally.  Within  about  ninety  days  he 
traveled  over  almost  the  entire  country  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
covering  18,831  miles,  visiting  477  cities,  in  which  he  delivered  by 
actual  count  600  speeches.  For  the  entire  time — excepting  Sun- 
days, when  he  always  rested — his  daily  average  was  about  275 
miles  traveled,  five  towns  visited,  and  six  speeches  delivered.  No 
public  speaker  ever  approached  such  a  feat  of  endurance,  or  spoke 
so  often  or  to  so  many  people  in  the  same  length  of  time. 

When  it  was  determined  that  McKinley  was  elected — he 
receiving  7,104,779  and  Bryan  6,502,925  of  the  popular  vote — Mr. 
Bryan  accepted  his  defeat  without  apparent  discouragement,  and 
with  that  admirable  characteristic  Americanism  which  does  what  it 
can  when  it  can't  do  what  it  prefers  to,  the  would-be  president  went 
back  to  his  law  practice  in  his  same  old  quarters  at  Lincoln, 
Nebraska.  Mr.  Bryan  also  lectured  in  answer  to  many  calls 
throughout  the  country  on  social,  financial  and  political  topics  ;  and 
in  1897  he  made  an  extensive  tour  in  Mexico  to  study  the  condi- 
tions of  the  people,  and  especially  to  investigate  the  financial 
progress  of  the  government  under  free  coinage  of  both  gold  and 
silver. 

Early  in  1898  Mr.  Bryan  was  several  times  interviewed  regard- 
ing the  war  with  Spain.  He  approved  President  McKinley's  policy 
of  prudence  in  entering  upon  hostilities,  but  when  war  had  been 
declared  he  favored  its  prompt  and  rigorous  -prosecution  as  the 
most  speedy  and  least  expensive  means  of  bringing  it  to  a  success- 
ful close.      He  was  the  first  man  to  enlist  as  a  private  in  the  Third 


474  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN 

Regiment  of  Nebraska  Volunteers  on  May  19,  1898.  So  contagious 
was  his  example  that  "  Company  A"  was  filled  within  five  hours, 
and  Bryan  was  made  its  captain.  When  the  regiment  was  com- 
pleted, Mr.  Bryan  was  appointed  colonel  by  the  Governor  of  the 
State,  and  promptly  accepted  the  honor. 

The  following  estimate  of  "William  Jennings  Bryan — the 
/Man,"  by  James  Creelman,  is  a  picture  true  to  life  and  worthy  of 
a  place  in  every  biography  of  the  hero  of  two  campaigns  : 

"The  moral  passion  which  dominates  and  enfolds  Mr.  Bryan's 
public  life  is  also  the  key  to  his  private  character.  When  Cicero 
spoke  the  people  said,  '  How  eloquent  is  Cicero  !'  but  when 
Demosthenes  spoke  the  people  said,  '  Let  us  go  against  Philip.' 
There  is  something  about  Mr.  Bryan  that  makes  all  who  associate 
with  him  more  earnest,  more  ready  to  make  sacrifices,  more  indif- 
ferent to  mere  abuse  and  more  intensely  and  peculiarly  American. 
There  are  no  secrets  in  his  life.  To  be  with  him  is  like  walking  on 
the  seashore  in  the  sunlight.  At  forty  he  has  still  the  unsullied 
ideals,  the  unbroken  faith  of  a  boy.  And  any  man  may  be  his 
comrade  if  he  will  ;  nay,  his  very  brother. 

Honest  in  Politics  as  in  Private  Life 

"The  other  night  in  Chicago  a  committee  of  strangers  called  to 
escort  Mr  Bryan  to  a  public  banquet.  Mr.  Bryan  went  on  shaving 
himself  before  a  mirror  while  he  talked  to  the  committee,  and 
presently  his  visitors  were  busy  putting  the  studs  in  his  shirt 
bosom.  An  hour  or  two  later  he  soared  out  of  himself  in  a  really 
great  oration,  lifting  his  hearers  to  the  supremest  heights  of  patriotic 
thought — an  appeal  for  a  republic  so  just  in  all  its  ways,  so  majestic 
in  its  virtue,  that  all  the  nations  in  the  world  would  turn  to  it  as  the 
arbitrator  of  their  differences. 

Mr.  Bryan  is  temperance  incarnate.  He  loves  literature  rather 
than  art,  the  trout  stream  rather  than  the  theatre,  the  farm  rather 
than  the  city,  the  small  church  rather  than  the  cathedral.  He  loves 
men  more  than  books  and  books  more  than  money. 


LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN  475 

There  was  a  time  when  Mr.  Bryan  felt  that  some  day  the 
crimes  of  lawless  wealth  and  rapacious  corporate  power  against  the 
toilers  of  the  country  would  bring  on  a  physical  struggle,  and  in 
those  days  Mr.  Bryan  was  a  gladiator,  with  the  fierce  unforgiving 
spirit  of  a  gladiator.  But  a  new  tenderness  of  spirit  has  come  into 
his  life.  He  seems  to  be  filled  with  the  idea  that  love  is  the  only 
uplifting  force  in  the  world,  and  that  love  is  as  necessary  and  as 
natural  in  politics  and  statesmanship  as  in  private  affairs.  I  have 
heard  him  talk  of  his  enemies  without  a  word  of  bitterness.  I  have 
heard  him  defend  Mr.  McKinley  from  unjust  attacks.  He  loathes 
and  avoids  personalities  or  abuse  in  conversation.  This  is  one  of 
the  noblest  and  most  attractive  traits  in  his  personal  life.  He  is 
decent  and  tolerant  in  his  speech  ;  fair,  just,  even  tempered. 

Character  AND  Manners 

Two  days  ago  a  distinguished  woman  said  to  me  :  '  You  have 
associated  with  Mr.  Bryan  a  great  deal.  Isn't  it  a  fact  that  he  is 
provincial,  that  he  has  not  polish  enough  for  the  White  House  ?'  It 
is  true  that  Mr.  Bryan  is  provincial,  but  only  in  the  sense  that 
Abraham  Lincoln  was  provincial.  He  is  careless  of  his  clothes  but 
careful  of  his  morals.  He  cannot  speak  French  or  lead  a  cotillon, 
but  he  can  give  you  in  the  purest  and  sweetest  English  the  story  of 
the  struggle  of  man  for  liberty  in  every  age,  and  is  familiar  with  the 
solid  literature  of  the  world.  He  has  the  outwardness  of  a  man 
who  is  big  of  mind  as  well  as  of  body.  There  is  the  ruggedness  of 
truth  in  all  his  ways.  He  lives  simply  and  sometimes  frugally,  not 
because  he  cares  for  money  t)r  because  he  does  not  know  that  there 
are  other  and  more  extravagant  ways  of  living,  but  because  his 
tastes  are  simple.  The  very  simplicity  of  his  life  and  speech  is  a 
corollary  of  his  native  dignity.  His  quaint  points  are  the 
quaintnesses  of  his  country.  Like  Lincoln,  his  peculiarities  are 
the  signs  of  his  pure  and  undiluted  Americanism.  Noth- 
ing can  be  more  graceful  than  his  unaffected,  sincere  home 
life.  It  may  be  true  that  many  of  the  present  elements  of 
social  life  in  the   White   House  would  be  niodified   if   Mr,  Bryan 


476  LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN 

should  be  elected  President,  but  he  would  bring  to  that  place  the 
glory  of  a  manhood  that  it  has  not  known  for  many  years.  He  will 
attract  to  the  White  House  scholars,  statesman  and  philosophers, 
rather  than  money  changers  or  political  harlots.  And  the  humblest 
man  in  the  nation  would  have  access  to  the  President. 

I  have  met  almost  every  great  man  of  my  own  time  in  the 
principal  countries  of  the  world,  but  I  have  never  met  a  greater 
man  than  Mr.  Bryan.  As  a  rule,  one  finds  the  idealist  a  man  of 
frail  body,  physically  incapable  of  making  a  continuous  struggle. 
But  here  is  an  incorruptible  idealist  with  the  physical  strength  of  an 
ox.-  Nowhere  in  the  world  is  there  to  be  found  a  more  perfect 
combination  of  mind,  spirit  and  body.  The  three  are  evenly 
balanced  in  the  Democratic  leader — mental  energy  controlled  by 
intelligence,  imagination  inspired  by  philanthropy,  virility  dis- 
ciplined by  virtue.  He  seems  to  grow  broader  and  deeper  every 
year.  His  religious  convictions  are  vital  to  him,  but  he  avoids 
religious  discussions.  He  seems  to  feel  that  religion  is  a  private 
thing  between  a  man  and  his  God.  '  We  are  all  trying  to  cast  out 
devils,'  he  says,  '  and  each  man  works  in  his  own  way.' 

Four  years  ago  Mr.  Bryan  was  a  Western  man.  To-day  he  is 
national — almost  international.  Then  he  was  an  agitator ;  now  he 
is  a  statesman.  His  life  and  conduct  are  based  on  what  he  believes 
to  be  the  truth,  and  nothing  can  induce  him  to  abandon  a  cause  if 
he  believes  it  to  be  righteous. 

'And  yet,'  he  said  only  a  week  ago,  '  I  would  be  a  fool  if  I 
did  not  rejoice  in  the  triumph  of  right  rather  than  in  the  triumph  of 
what  I  believe  to  be  right.' 


CHAPTER  XXVII 

The  Life  and  Public  Services  of 
Adlai  Ewing  Stevenson 

Democratic  Candidate  for  Vice  President  Nominated 

July  6,  1900 

WITH  great  enthusiasm  the  Democratic  Convention,  assem- 
bled at  Kansas  City,  Mo.,  and  nominated  for  its  candi- 
date for  Vice  President,  Adlai  Ewing  Stevenson,  the 
distinguished  statesman  from  the  State  of  Illinois.  In  the  early 
days  of  the  convention  his  name  was  prominently  mentioned  as  a 
possible  candidate,  although  it  was  not  until  a  few  hours  before  the 
convention  met  that  it  crystalized  into  shape.  He  represents  the 
more  conservative  branch  of  the  Democratic  Party,  and  has  already 
served  one  term  as  Vice  President,  which  was  during  Cleveland's 
second  administration.  It  is  the  first  instance  in  American  history 
where  a  Vice  President  has  served  a  term  and  been  out  of  office 
four  years,  and  been  renominated  to  the  place,  as  Grover  Cleve- 
land's second  term  was  the  first  instance  under  similar  circumstances 
for  the  Presidency. 

Mr.  Stevenson  is  a  native  American,  his  birthplace  being 
Christian  County,  Kentucky,  where  he  was  born  October  2t„  1835. 
He  received  his  early  education  in  the  common  school  of  that  state, 
and  in  1852,  when  he  was  17  years  of  age,  his  father  removed  to 
Bloomington,  111.,  which  became  his  permanent  residence.  He  de- 
cided to  take  up  the  study  of  law,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in 
1858,  to  practice.  He  was  successful  from  the  very  first  and  gained 
great  popularity  in  his  own  county,  where  he  was  appointed 
Master  in  Chancery.  He  served  as  State  Prosecuting  Attorney 
from  1864  to  1868.  At  the  close  of  his  term  of  ofTfice  he  formed  a 
successful  law  partnership  with  James  S.  Ewing  of  Bloomington, 

27  477 


478  ADLAI  EWING  STEVENSON 

Illinois.  He  and  the  new  firm  soon  acquired  a  large  and  lucrative 
law  practice.  He  had  served  with  such  conspicuous  ability  as 
prosecuting  attorney  that  he  attracted  the  favorable  attention  of 
the  public,  and  in  1864  was  nominated  as  a  presidential  elector  for 
the  Democratic  party,  of  which  General  McClellan  was  the  candi- 
date for  the  presidency.  He  entered  actively  upon  the  canvass, 
and  spoke  in  almost  every  county  in  his  state.  With  only  a  few 
years'  residence  in  Bloomington,  his  party  placed  him  in  nomination 
for  Congress  in  1874.  Although  the  district  has  been  Republican 
by  about  2,000  majority,  he  carried  the  nomination,  receiving  1285 
more  votes  than  his  Republican  opponent.  He  was  in  Congress 
during  the  Tilden-Hayes  contest,  and  took  an  active  part  in  the 
proceedings.  He  was  renominated  in  1876,  but  after  a  hot  contest, 
in  which  the  party  lines  were  closely  drawn,  he  was  defeated  by 
about  250  plurality.  That  his  popularity  had  not  waned  nor  his 
interest  lessened  in  political  questions  was  indicated  by  the  fact 
that  in  1878  he  was  again  elected  to  Congress,  being  able  to  carry 
every  county  in  his  district  by  a  handsome  majority.  In  1880  there 
was  a  presidential  contest,  and  being  again  a  candidate  for  Con- 
gress, he  was  beaten  by  a  small  majority.  The  legislature  of  the 
state  re-districted  it  in  such  a  way  that  Mr.  Stevenson's  home  came 
in  a  district  which  was  strongly  Republican.  However,  his  party 
placed  him  in  nomination  again  in  1882,  and  as  a  result  of  the  race 
for  Congress  he  came  within  350  votes  of  carrying  his  district,  which 
had  given  Garfield  a  majority  of  2,700.  He  was  not  again  a  candi- 
date for  Congress,  but  continued  to  be  interested  in  the  politics  of 
his  state  and  nation.  In  1884  Mr.  Stevenson  served  as  a  delegate 
to  the  Democratic  National  Convention  which  nominated  Mr. 
Cleveland  to  the  presidency.  Mr.  Vilas,  who  was  Cleveland's  post- 
master-general, had  been  a  close  personal  friend  of  Mr.  Stevenson, 
and  when  he  assumed  the  portfolio  of  the  post-office  he  asked  Mr. 
Stevenson  to  become  his  first  assistant,  which  he  accepted.  In  this 
capacity  he  had  co-ntrol  of  the  appointment  of  more  than  44,000 
third-class  postmasters.  He  believed  that  under  Democratic 
administration,  if  the   applicants   for  office  were  in  every  respect 


ADLAI  EWING  STEVENSON  479 

equal  to  those  Republicans  already  in  office  it  was  right  and  proper 
for  him  to  remove  the  Republican  postmasters  and  appoint  reput- 
able and  efficient  Democrats  in  their  places.  In  consequence  there 
were  many  removals  of  Republicans  and  appointments  of  Demo- 
crats soon  after  Mr.  Stevenson  accepted  the  office  of  first  assistant 
postmaster-general,  and  "  Adlai's  ax"  became  a  by-word  in  the  early 
part  of  Cleveland's  administration.  President  Cleveland  named 
him  to  be  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  District  of  Columbia, 
but  he  was  not  confirmed  by  the  Republican  Senate. 

A  Man  of  Expejiience  in  Affairs  of  State 

Mr.  Stevenson's  career  extends  over  a  period  which  covers 
much  of  the  interesting  history  of  the  country.  It  was  in  1858  that 
Douglas  and  Lincoln,  the  giants  of  those  days,  were  conducting 
their  memorable  contest  in  every  part  and  corner  of  Illinois  for  the 
United  States  senatorship,  for  which  the  Democratic  and  Republi- 
can conventions  had  nominated  them,  that  Stevenson,  a  young  man 
of  twenty-three,  took  his  first  lessons  in  politics.  Mr.  Stevenson 
met  Mr.  Douglas  during  that  campaign  one  night  in  Bloomington, 
where  Lincoln  and  Douglas  had  held  a  joint  debate.  This  meeting 
resulted  in  a  lasting  friendship  between  the  young  lawyer  ^nd  the 
great  senator.  Although  a  very  young  man,  Mr.  Stevenson  spoke 
several  times  during  that  campaign,  and  it  is  said  that  he  has 
appeared  ever  since  in  every  contest  waged  between  the  Democratic 
and  Republican  parties.  He  has  been  a  loyal  Democrat  and  can- 
vassed his  state  for  every  Democratic  candidate  on  the  state  ticket 
since  he  began  in  1858,  and  at  the  same  time  he  has  appeared  for 
every  Democratic  candidate  upon  the  national  ticket.  These  names 
include  Douglas,  McClellan,  Seymour,  Greeley,  Tilden,  Hancock 
and  Cleveland.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  it  was  on  June  30, 
1884,  that  Adlai  E.  Stevenson  first  saw  Grover  Cleveland,  the  man 
with  whom  he  was  to  be  associated  on  the  national  ticket.  When 
the  Committee  on  Notification  waited  upon  Mr.  Cleveland  at 
Albany,  on  Capitol  Hill,  Stevenson  was  there,  and  for  the  first 
time    met   the   distinguished    Democratic   leader.     Mr.    Cleveland 


48o  ADLAI  EWING  STEVENSON 

became  as  thoroughly  interested  in  the  distinguished  Illinois  lawyer, 

now  mature  and  ripe  from  experience,  as  did  Senator  Douglas  in 

the  young  man  of  1858. 

His  Personality 

Mr.  Stevenson  is  a  man  who  will  attract  sattention  in  any  com- 
pany of  gentlemen.  He  is  six  feet  two  inches  in  height,  broad 
shouldered  and  straiorht  as  an  arrow.  He  looks  like  a  statesman  of 
the  old  school.  He  is  as  vigorous  as  a  man  of  fifty,  although  sixty- 
five  summers  have  passed  over  his  head.  He  is  an  example  to  all 
young  men  in  his  personal  habits.  He  is  clean  of  speech,  does  not 
gamble  in  any  way.  He  is  not  much  on  style.  He  dresses  neatly 
but  not  gaudily.  He  is  a  genuine  American,  unspoiled  by  modern 
ways  of  commercialism.  He  is  accessible  to  all  callers,  and  during 
his  term  of  service  as  Vice  President  his  life  was  marked  with 
unostentation  and  simplicity.  He  speaks  with  frankness  upon  all 
questions,  and  his  firm-set  face  denotes  resolution,  which  one  will 
also  see  in  the  vigorous  shake  of  the  hand  which  he  gives.  The 
blue  blood,  which  is  in  his  veins,  he  gets  from  his  lineage  through 
a  distinofuished  line  of  ancestors,  for  his  father  was  a  staunch 
Presbyterian  of  Covenanter  stock,  giving  him  his  name  Adlai  from 
the  Bible,  which  means  "  just."  Like  the  distinguished  man,  Mr. 
Bryan,  with  whom  he  is  associated,  Mr.  Stevenson  is  also  a  Presby- 
terian. Mr.  Stevenson  was  married  in  1866  to  a  daughter  of  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Lewis  Green,  President  of  Centre  College,  where  Mr. 
Stevenson  spent  a  short  time  in  completing  his  education.  It  is 
said  that  the  reverence  and  love  which  he,  while  a  young  man, 
showed  in  the  care  of  his  mother  secured  for  him  the  love  of  the 
fair  Kentucky  girl  who  afterwards  became  his  wife.  She  said  that 
any  one  who  made  such  a  good  son  would  certainly  make  a  good 
husband.  This  has  proved  true,  and  his  home  life  is  clean  and  pure 
and  happy.  He  has  four  children,  one  son  and  three  daughters,  all 
of  whom  are  grown  and  living.  While  not  wealthy  in  the  ordinary 
sense  of  the  word,  Mr.  Stevenson  is  in  comfortable  circumstances, 
his  fortune  being  estimated  at  about  $50,000. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 

The  Democratic  Party  Convention 

Held  at  Kansas  City,  Mo.,  July  4,  1900 

Meets  on  the  Great  National   Holiday — A  Fitting  Time   to   Cele- 
brate Jeffersonian  Principles — Kansas  City  Receives  the  Con- 
vention    Royally — William    J.     Bryan's    Name    Arouses 
Intense  Enthusiasm — Candidates  for  Second  Place  in 
Evidence — The  Party  Platform  Enunciates  the  Issues 

THERE  is  no  doubt  that  the  Democratic  National  Convention 
was  called  to  assemble  on  the  nation's  birthday  with  the  idea 
that  the  coming  presidential  contest  must  be  fought  out  on 
the  issue  of  imperialism,  or,  in  other  words,  whether  this  fair  land 
of  ours  is  to  be  a  republic  or  an  empire,  and  to  be  ruled  on  the  basis 
of  equality  or  of  privileged  classes.  Everywhere  the  convention  city 
was  thronged  with  marching  bands,  there  was  heard  the  crack  and 
boom  of  fire-crackers  and  miniature  cannon,  all  of  which  gave  to  the 
proceedings  of  the  convention  the  character  of  a  monster  Fourth  of 
July  celebration,  rather  than  the  usual  quadrennial  gathering  of  the 
delegates  of  a  great  political  party.  Indeed,  the  intention  of  the 
National  Committee  that  this  should  partake  of  the  nature  of  a 
national  celebration  was  in  every  way  a  success.  The  Kansas  City 
convention  will  go  down  in  political  history  as  the  greatest  in  the 
annals  of  the  Democratic  party.  Contrary  to  the  report  generally 
circulated  by  the  inimical  portion  of  the  press,  it  was  not  a  cut  and 
dried  affair,  where  the  delegates  were  only  expected  to  bring  smiling 
faces  and  willing  hurrahs,  but  a  gathering  of  intelligent,  indepen- 
dent men,  welded  into  most  surprising  unity  by  love  and  loyalty  to 
an  honored  and  trusted  leader,  and  unwavering  faith  in  the  princi- 
ples advocated  by  the  party. 

481 


482  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION 

At  high  noon,  July  4,  1900,  United  States  Senator,  James  K. 
Jones,  Chairman  of  the  Democratic  National  Committee,  stood 
before  the  great  convention,  his  tall  and  dignified  figure  command- 
ing immediate  attention,  and  bringing  a  hush  upon  the  vast  multi- 
tude which  thronged  the  building  at  every  point.  He  rapped  for 
order,  and  introduced  Mayor  Re^d,  who,  in  a  well  prepared  speech, 
welcomed  the  delegates  to  the  convention  city. 

The  call  for  the  convention  was  read  by  Secretary  Walsh,  but 
the  delegates  were  so  overcome  with  enthusiasm  for  the  day  and 
hour  that  in  the  buzz  of  conversation  and  tlie  frequent  peals  of 
applause  the  secretary's  voice  was  scarcely  heard.  Some  one  has 
even  said  that  the  effect  would  have  been  the  same  had  the  secre- 
tary stood  on  the  top  of  Pike's  Peak  and  read  his  call.  However, 
an  appearance  of  order  was  obtained  while  the  Rev.  W.  S.  Neel, 
of  Kansas  City,  invoked  the  Divine  blessing  upon  the  meeting. 

Governor  Thomas,  of  Colorado,  was  introduced  as  temporary 
chairman,  and  for  half  an  hour  addressed  the  convention  in  a  well 
prepared  speech  suitable  for  the  aims  and  objects  of  this  convention. 

A  Great  Demonstration 

At  the  close  of  Governor  Thomas'  address,  a  delegate  from 
Colorado,  Mr.  ^Dan  Campau,  made  his  way  to  the  platform  and 
presented  a  motion,  which  he  asked  should  be  put  at  once.  It  was 
that  the  Declaration  of  Independence  should  be  read.  His  motion 
was  as  follows  : 

' '  The  Republican  party  recently  in  Philadelphia,  the  cradle  city  of  lyiberty, 
where  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  written  and  the  Constitution  was 
formed,  did  there  endorse  an  Administration  which  has  repudiated  the  Consti- 
tution, and  renominated  a  President  which  has  betrayed  the  principles  of  the 
Declaration . 

This  convention  is  composed  of  men  who  have  the  same  faith  as  was  in 
their  fathers  in  this  immortal  instrument.  As  a  reaffirmation  of  Democratic 
fealty  to  the  fundamental  principles  of  American  liberty,  I  move,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, that  the  clerk  be  directed  to  read  the  glorious  Declaration  of  Independence, 
drafted  by  that  Democrat  of  all  Democrats,  Thomas  Jefferson,  and  adopted  one 
hundred  and  twenty-four  years  ago  to-day." 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION  483 

The  motion  was  carried  amid  great  applause  and  the  playing 
of  the  band,  which  fairly  shook  the  building  with  the  rush  of 
national  airs.  However,  before  the  Declaration  was  read,  there 
was  carried  upon  the  platform  an  object  enveloped  completely  in 
the  stars  and  stripes.  A  hush  seemed  to  fall  upon  the  vast 
assembly,  and  everyone  leaned  forward  to  see  what  was  about  to 
happen.  There  was  absolute  silence  as  the  covered  object  was  set 
upon  a  pedestal  upon  the  platform.  When  the  flag  was  removed 
which  draped  it,  there  was  disclosed  a  bust  of  William  Jennings 
Bryan  of  heroic  size,  which  had  been  executed  by  Richard  Parks 
George,  a  son  of  the  distinguished  Henry  George.  As  the  bust 
stood  revealed  and  the  audience  saw  the  carved  features  of  the 
man  who  more  than  any  other  living  being  controls  and  leads  the 
party  whose  beginning  was  marked  by  the  opening  of  the  century 
and  whose  founder  was  Thomas  Jefferson,  cheers  burst  forth 
spontaneously  and  uproariously.  Many  were  impressed  by  this 
incident  and  the  significance  which  it  seemed  to  have.  It  was  more 
than  five  minutes  before  the  audience  became  quiet,  and  then  only 
from  physical  exhaustion.  It  was  a  relief  to  have  Charles  S. 
Hampton,  of  Pelosky,  Michigan,  take  the  platform  and  read,  in  a 
magnificent  voice,  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  The  audience 
gave  respectful  hearing  to  the  reading,  and  as  the  full  and  rounded 
sentences  of  the  state  paper  which  is  so  familiar  to  the  English- 
speaking  races  were  read,  the  cheering  and  enthusiasm  seemed  to 
sweep  in  great  swelling  rolls  which  ended  in  a  wild  piercing  huzza 
as  the  reading  was  finished. 

An  Interesting  Event 

It  was  certainly  a  very  unexpected  and  interesting  event  when 
Miss  Fultoni,  a  lady  of  commanding  appearance,  mounted  the  plat- 
form, and,  in  her  rich,  full  soprano  voice,  led  in  the  singing  of  "The 
Star  Spangled  Banner."  The  audience  again  rose  to  its  feet,  and, 
with  the  waving  of  flags,  fans  and  handkerchiefs,  gave  forth  cheers 
which  could  be  heard  for  many  blocks  away.  It  was  indeed  an 
innovation  for  a  national  convention,  and  as  the  singer  finished,  .the 


484  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION 

vast  concourse  of  people  joined  in  the  ringing  words  of  "  My 
Country,  'Tis  of  Thee,"  singing  all  the  stanzas.  It  was  only  after 
after  this  outburst  of  song  that  the  chairman  was  able  to  secure  the 
attention  of  the  convention  to  the  calling  of  the  roll  of  states  for 
names  of  the  members  for  the  various  committees.  As  the  names 
of  popular  favorites  were  called,  the  roll-call  was  interrupted  by 
loud  applause.  It  became  evident  early  in  the  meeting  of  the  con- 
vention that  it  was  going  to  have  its  own  way  and  be  a  most  difh- 
cult  body  to  govern  or  control.  This  was  evident  at  the  end  of 
tne  roll-call,  when  a  motion  was  made  to  invite  Mr.  Bryan  to  attend 
the  convention.  Amidst  the  uproar  which  followed  this  motion,  the 
chairman  recognized  a  delegate  near  him,  who  made  a  motion  that 
the  convention  take  a  recess  until  four  o'clock,  which  motion  was 
declared  carried,  and  although  it  took  some  time  for  the  crowd  to 
recognize  the  fact,  yet  the  hall  in  a  short  time  was  empty,  and  the 
celebration  was  renewed  outside.  At  four  o'clock,  when  the  con- 
vention was  called  to  order,  it  was  evident  that  the  celebration  of 
the  day  would  not  allow  much  serious  business  during  the  after- 
noon, for  the  Committee  on  Credentials  announced  that  it  was 
unable  to  report  at  that  time,  and  a  further  recess  was  taken  until 
evening. 

Evening  Session 

The  expectation  that  the  old  motto,  "Better  the  day,  better 
the  deed,"  would  find  its  realization  in  the  nomination  of  William 
Jennings  Bryan  f.or  President  on  this  the  anniversary  of  American 
independence,  brought,  if  possible,  a  still  larger  crowd  to  the  con- 
vention hall  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening ;  but  the  audience  was 
doomed  to  disappointment,  for  there  was  much  preliminary  business 
which  had  to  be  accomplished  before  the  candidate  could  be  named. 
The  speeches  of  the  temporary  and  permanent  chairmen  were  to  be 
heard  ;  the  reports  of  the  important  committees  on  credentials  and 
platform  were  to  be  read.  It  was  physically  impossible  that  all  this 
should  be  done  on  one  hot  day,  probably  the  hottest  of  the  year, 
even  though  it  were  on  an  anniversary  day.  There  certainly  must 
have  been  25,000  people  in  the  convention  hall,  rising  tier  upon  tier, 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION  485 

like  the  spectators  in  some  vast  coliseum  awaiting  the  appearance 
of  the  actors  in  a  great  drama. 

Convention   Hall 

It  will  not  be  out  of  place  here  to  mention  that  this  great  con- 
vention hall,  although  not  so  complete  nor  so  handsome  as  the  one 
used  by  the  Republicans  in  Philadelphia,  was  in  every  respect  well 
adapted  to  accommodating  the  large  body  of  people  who  assembled 
in  it,  and  certainly  reflected  great  credit  upon  the  people  of  Kansas 
City,  especially  when  it  is  remembered  that  it  was  built  within  a 
period  of  three  months  on  the  ruins  of  the  permanent  building, 
which  it  replaced.  The  hall  is  oval  in  shape,  with  two  tiers  of 
galleries,  the  lower  being  suspended  from  the  upper,  which  extends 
around  the  four  sides  of  the  hall,  and  rests  upon  steel  girders  that 
have  supports  from  the  steel  arches  that  carry  the  roof.  The  upper 
gallery  is  about  one  hundred  feet  deep,  and  only  a  small  portion  is 
used  for  seating  purposes.  By  arranging  the  seats  in  tiers,  the 
benches  for  spectators  furnish  a  full  sight  of  the  stage.  Both  gal- 
leries were  packed  with  spectators,  a  large  proportion  being  ladies, 
whose  beautiful  costumes  added  beauty  and  completeness  to  the 
decorations.  Flags  and  bunting  were  in  evidence  as  the  back- 
ground of  the  decorations,  and  were  tastefully  arranged,  extending 
across  the  hall  from  one  side  to  the  other.  There  was  abundance 
of  light,  and  no  obstruction  to  the  entrance  of  all  the  wind  that 
could  be  obtained.  Large  American  flags  hung  from  the  steel 
girders  nearly  a  hundred  feet  above  the  floor,  and  as  they  waved 
back  and  forth,  the  effect  was  very  striking. 

At  8.30  Chairman  Thomas  rapped  for  order,  and  the  evening 
session  began.  It , was  announced  that  the  committees  were  not 
ready  to  report,  and  that  Ex-Governor  John  P.  Altgeld,  of  Illinois, 
would  address  the  meeting.  He  made  a  strong  appeal  for  con- 
sistency on  the  silver  question,  and  affirmed  that  the  convention 
had  met  for  a  higher  purpose  than  to  name  a  man  for  the  Presi- 
dency, and  that  purpose  was  to  declare  itself  for  a  principle.     At 


486  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION 

this  time,  as  well  as  at  other  periods  in  the  day's  session,  Ex- 
Governor  Hill  seemed  to  be  a  popular  favorite,  and  the  mention 
of  his  name,  or  his  appearance,  called  forth  unbounded  enthusiasm 
and  great  applause.  He  seemed  indeed  to  be  the  popular  favorite. 
Although  his  name  was  called  at  the  close  of  Governor  Altgeld's 
speech,  the  chairman  endeavored  to  keep  the  convention  in  order, 
and  soon  recognized  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials, 
whose  report  was  received  and  adopted.  The  Committee  on  Per- 
manent Organization  reported  the  name  of  Representative  James 
.  D.  Richardson,  of  Tennessee,  for  permanent  chairman,  which  met 
the  favor  of  the  convention,  and  Mr.  Richardson  was  conducted  to 
the  chair.  His  speech  in  accepting  the  honor  was,  as  expected,  a 
strong  one,  and  spoken  in  a  voice  that  seemed  to  fill  the  vast  spaces 
of  the  hall.  It  was  arranged  under  sixteen  separate  heads,  setting 
forth  the  principles  of  the  Democratic  party  as  compared  with 
those  advanced  by  their  opponents,  the  Republicans.  Mr.  Rich- 
ardson, in  concluding  his  speech,  eulogized  the  popular  favorite, 
William  Jennings  Bryan,  the  mention  of  whose  name  started  the 
most  tumultuous  scene  of  the  day.  Delegates  sprang  upon  their 
chairs,  and  waved  their  hats,  handkerchiefs  and  umbrellas  in  the 
wildest  manner.  The  standards  bearing  the  names  of  the  states, 
which  marked  the  seats  of  the  delegates,  were  torn  loose  and  borne 
aloft  in  procession  toward  the  speaker's  stand.  Delegates  and 
spectators  appeared  to  be  surcharged  with  enthusiasm.  The 
crowds  in  the  galleries  enjoyed  the  scene  and  added  to  the  cheers 
and  waving  of  handkerchiefs  and  parasols.  This  demonstration 
lasted  for  nearly  one  half-hour,  and  again  only  subsided  because  of 
complete  exhaustion.  It  was  evident  that  further  business,  on 
account  of  the  lateness  of  the  hour,  could  not  be  presented,  and 
the  convention  adjourned  for  the  first  day  until  10.30  a.m.,  July  5th. 

Second  Day's  Session 
The  interest  in  the  proceedings  of  the  convention  had  in  no 
wise  abated  when  the  time  for  opening  the  doors  arrived  on  Thurs- 
day morning,  July  5.      The  hall  was  soon  packed,  as  on  the  previous 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION  4^7 

day.  Indeed,  although  the  most  careful  arrangements  had  been 
made  previously  to  accommodate  and  control  the  immense  throng 
who  desired  to  attend,  yet  the  execution  of  the  plans  appeared 
inadequate,  and  the  crowd  soon  possessed  seats  which  had  been 
reserved  for  delegates  and  the  press,  but  every  one,  with  few  excep- 
tions, took  in  the  situation  philosophically  and  there  was  much  less 
confusion  than  would  have  been  expected.  It  was  eleven  o'clock 
when  Chairman  Richardson  took  his  place  on  the  platform  and  had 
the  session  opened  with  prayer.  It  was  soon  evident  that  the 
Committee  on  Resolutions  was  not  ready  to  report.  This  gave  the 
opportunity  for  the  convention  to  hear  some  of  the  most  distin- 
guished men  of  the  party.  Ringing  addresses  on  the  great  ques- 
tions of  the  day  and  hour  were  delivered  by  Governor  Hogg, 
Ex-Congressman  Dockery,  of  Missouri,  Governor  Beckham,  of 
Kentucky,  Congressman  Williams,  of  Indiana,  and  Mayor  Rose,  of 
Milwaukee.  Governor  Beckham,  so  prominent  on  account  of  the 
recent  troubles  in  Kentucky,  was  a  notable  figure,  and  received 
enthusiastic  greeting  by  the  delegates.  As  there  was  no  business 
before  the  convention,  adjournment  was  taken  until  three  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon. 

Afternoon  Session 

It  is  almost  impossible  to  describe  the  scene  on  the  afternoon 
which  witnessed  the  adoption  of  the  platform  and  the  nomination 
of  the  Democratic  leader.  In  fact,  the  scene  far  exceeded  that  of 
the  famous  Chicago  convention.  It  was  one  both  impressive  and 
brilliant.  Nearly  20,000  people  in  that  vast  auditorium  seemed 
each  to  be  provided  with  the  stars  and  stripes,  and  with  lung  power 
sufificient  to  make  twice  the  noise  usually  expected  from  one  indi- 
vidual. At  four  o'clock  the  Committee  on  Resolutions,  headed  by 
the  Hon.  J.  K.  Jones,  appeared  on  the  platform  with  the  manuscript 
of  the  document  which  was  to  contain  the  rallying  cry  for  the  great 
campaign  of  1900.  Evidently  great  care  had  been  taken  in  putting 
the  platform  into  shape,  so  that  there  could  possibly  be  no  error 
grafted  into  it  and  that  it  should  be  presented  to  the  convention 
complete  in  every  particular. 


488  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION 

The  Kansas  City  Convention  will  become  historical  in  that  it 
had  to  decide  once  for  all  the  supremacy  of  the  two  strong  elements 
in  the  Democratic  party,  represented  by  the  conservatives  of  the 
East,  who  feared  an  out  and  out  statement  of  free  coinage  of  silver, 
sixteen  to  one,  and  preferred  rather  to  leave  this  issue  entirely  in 
the  background,  and  the  more  radical  element  represented  by  the 
West,  who  favored  an  outspoken  declaration  for  the  free  coinage 
of  silver,  sixteen  to  one.  All  were  agreed  on  other  important 
issues.  The  Committee  on  Resolutions  had  been  in  session  for 
many  hours,  occupying  almost  all  the  night  previous,  and  vain 
efforts  had  been  made  to  find  a  middle  line  on  which  all  could  join. 
Indeed  it  was  feared  for  some  time  that  there  would  be  a  majority 
and  minority  report  on  the  silver  question.  This  was  prevented 
only  by  the  foresight  and  party  loyalty  of  Richard  Croker,  the 
Tammany  chief  of  New  York,  and  others  of  his  followers,  who 
insisted  that  the  majority  should  rule  and  the  report  should  be 
unanimous.  In  the  committee  on  the  adoption  of  the  sixteen  to 
one  clause,  twenty-six  were  in  favor  of  retaining  it  and  twenty-four 
opposed.     The  votes  of  the  states  stood  as  follows  : 

Votes  For  and  Against 

Those  who  voted  for :  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Colorado,  Dela- 
ware, Maine,  Massachusetts,  Missouri,  Nebraska,  Nevada,  New 
Hampshire,  North  Dakota,  South  Carolina,  Idaho,  Iowa,  Kansas, 
Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Utah,  Vermont,  Washington,  Wyoming, 
Arizona,  Indian  Territory,  New  Mexico,  Oklahoma  and  Hawaii — 26. 

Those  who  voted  against  it  represented  the  following :  Cali- 
fornia, Connecticut,  Florida,  Georgia,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Louisiana, 
Maryland,  South  Dakota,  Virginia,  Michigan,  Minnesota,  New 
Jersey,  New  York,  North  Carolina,  Ohio,  Oregon,  Pennsylvania, 
Rhode  Island,  Mississippi,  Texas,  Utah,  Wisconsin  and  Alaska — 24. 

From  this  it  will  be  seen  that  Hawaii's  vote  may  be  taken  to 
have  decided  one  of  the  great  issues  of  the  campaign.  The  plat- 
form makes  prominent  the  subject  of  imperialism,  which  is  intro- 
duced as   the   first  topic.      This  is  followed   by  the    discussion   of 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION  489 

expansion  and  trusts.  The  platform  denounces  the  Republican 
colonial  policy,  a  large  standing  army,  private  monopolies,  the  gold 
standard,  currency  law,  and  any  and  all  alliances  with  foreign 
powers.  On  the  other  hand  it  favors  free  coinage  of  silver  at  six- 
teen to  one,  the  extension  of  the  Inter-State  Commerce  Law,  popular 
election  of  Senators,  direct  legislation  wherever  possible,  and  terri- 
torial government  for  Porto  Rico. 

Reading  of  the  Platform 

Senator  Tillman,  of  South  Carolina,  was  introduced  as  the  one 
who  would  read  the  platform.  This  seemed  to  please  the  audience, 
as  they  were  confident  that  they  would  hear  and  understand  what 
he  had  to  say.  They  were  not  disappointed,  for  he  was  heard  to 
the  uttermost  parts  of  the  hall ;  and,  unlike  most  efforts  of  the  kind, 
the  reader  introduced  into  his  work  a  spirit  of  enthusiasm  and  the 
impression  that  he  himself  believed  what  he  said,  all  of  which  took 
with  the  spectators,  who  broke  forth  in  repeated  applause.  If  it 
had  been  one  of  his  own  speeches  before  the  United  States  Senate, 
he  could  not  have  delivered  it  with  greater  effect  than  he  did  the 
reading  of  this  important  document.  The  reading  of  the  platform 
created  great  enthusiasm,  and  it  was  adopted  unanimously  by  the 
delegates. 

A  New  Convert  to  Democracy 

It  was  a  dramatic  incident  indeed,  when,  without  warning,  the 
chairman  introduced  Webster  Davis,  recently  Assistant  Secretary 
of  the  Interior  to  President  McKinley.  He  made  a  speech  renounc- 
ing his  connection  with  the  Republican  party,  and  declaring  that  he 
was  a  convert  to  the  principles  of  democracy. 

The  Call  for  Nominations 

According  to  custom  the  states  were  called  alphabetically  for 
nomination.  Alabama  being  the  first  on  the  list  yielded  her  place 
to  Nebraska,  whose  representative,  Hon.  W.  D.  Oldham,  took  the 
platform  and  began  to  speak.  It  was  difficult  for  any  one  to  hear 
him  on  account  of  the  enthusiasm  displayed  by  the  delegates  and 


490  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION 

spectators,  and  at  its  conclusion  pandemonium  seemed  to  reign. 
Another  scene  of  a  rush  of  standard  be'arers  began.  Nebraska's 
banner  carried  a  colossal  portrait  of  her  favorite  son,  William  Jen- 
nings Bryan,  and  led  the  procession  toward  the  platform.  Texas 
held  aloft  a  huge  banner  surmounted  by  a  pair  of  steer's  horns  and 
by  an  antelope's  head.  Another  banner  had  on  it  the  words, 
"Lincoln  abolished  slavery;  McKinley  revived  it."  Around  and 
around  the  big  amphitheatre  the  procession  moved  and  the  voices 
thundered,  until  finally,  after  more  than  half  an  hour  of  confusion 
and  noise,  the  presiding  officer  succeeded  in  securing  an  appearance 
of  order,  while  the  seconding  speeches  were  made.  Among  these 
the  most  interesting  were  those  of  Ex-Senator  David  B.  Hill,  of 
New  York ;  E.  B.  Perkins,  of  Texas,  Senator  White,  of  California, 
and  John  H.  Wise,  of  Hawaii.  At  the  final  call  of  the  roll,  it 
appeared  that  William  Jennings  Bryan  was  the  ananimous  choice 
of  the  convention,  and  amidst  another  outburst  of  applause  the 
chairman  declared: 

"William  Jennings  Bryan,  of  Nebraska,  the  candidate  of  the 
Democratic  party  for  President  of  the  United  States  from  March 
4,  1900,"  after  which  the  convention  adjourned  for  the  day. 

Third  Day's  Session 

The  interest  in  the  convention  showed  no  abatement  even  at 
the  third  day's  meeting.  The  platform  had  already  been  adopted 
and  the  candidate  for  the  first  place  on  the  ticket  had  been  nomi- 
nated ;  still  great  interest  centered  upon  the  nomination  of  the  man 
who  was  to  carry  the  honors  of  the  second  place.  There  were 
many  favorites  in  the  field,  each  represented  by  enthusiastic 
admirers.  Ex-Senator  David  B.  Hill,  of  New  York,  was  by  far  in 
the  lead,  and  for  a  while  it  appeared  that  the  experience  at  the 
Republican  convention  in  Philadelphia,  in  the  case  of  Roosevelt, 
would  be  repeated  and  Senator  Hill  would  be  nominated  whether 
he  wished  it  or  not. 

Chairman  Richardson  called  the  convention  to  order  at  10.45  ^-  m- 
and  the  convention  was  opened,  as  usual,  with  prayer.    The  business 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION  491 

of  the   day  was  immediately  entered  upon  by    the   calling  of  the 
roll  of  states  for  nominations  for  the  Vice  Presidency.     Alabama 
and  Arkansas  yielded  their  places  to   Illinois  for  a  speech  from 
Representative  Williams  of  that  state,  who  placed  in  nomination 
Adlai  E.  Stevenson.     In  a  short  but  eloquent  address  he  named 
Illinois' favorite  son  as  her  choice  for  the  Vice  Presidency.      His 
speech  was  received  with  great  and  prolonged  applause.     Connecti- 
cut yielded  her  place-to  Minnesota,  whose  delegate,  L.  A.  Roesing, 
in  fine  voice,  and  in  words  which  could  be  heard  by  the  convention, 
named  Charles  A.  Towne  as  a  man  who  embodied  the  best  char- 
acteristics of  American  manhood.     There  was  also  great  enthusiasm 
at  the  mention  of  Mr.  Towne's  name,  by  which  it  was  quite  evident 
that  he  had  a  vast  host  of  admirers  who  would  be  delighted  to  have 
him  receive  the  nomination.     The  state  of  Delaware  yielded  its 
place  to  New  York,  and  Senator  Grady  of  that  state  ascended  the 
platform  to  address  the   convention.      No   sooner  had  he  uttered 
the  words  "  In  behalf  of  the  Democracy  of  New  York  I  present  to 
this  convention  for  nomination  for  the  Vice  Presidency  the  name  of 
David  Bennet  Hill,"  than  there  was  another  scene,  equal  in  enthu- 
siasm almost  to  any  which  had  preceded  during  the  sessions  of  the 
convention.     The  states'  standards  were  held  aloft,  flags  fluttered, 
and  handkerchiefs  waved.     There  can  possibly  be  no  doubt  that 
Mr.  Hill  was  the  favorite  of  the  convention,  but  it  was  evident  that 
he  was  not  willing  to  accept.      He  finally  obtained  the  ear  of  the 
audience,  and  showed  by  his  manner  and  words  his  high  apprecia- 
tion of  the  honor  which  was  proffered  to  him,  but  at  the  same  time 
said,  in  a  manner  which  could  not  be  mistaken,  that  for  personal 
reasons  he  could  not  accept  the  nomination,  and  asked  that  in  jus- 
tice to  himself,  in  justice  to  the  convention,  in  justice  to  the  party, 
in  justice  to   all  sense  of  fairness,  they  should   not  give  him  the 
nomination.      Other  nominees  for  the  position  were  Governor  John 
Walter  Smith,  of  Maryland,  whose  name  was  presented  to  the  con- 
vention by  Mr.  A.  L.  Knott,  the  delegate  from  Maryland.     James 
Hamilton  Lewis,  of  the  State  of  Washington,  was  put  in  nomina- 
tion by  delegate   W.  H.    Dumphy   of  that  state.     The   name   of 


492  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION 

General  Julian  S,  Carr,  of  North  Carolina,  was  presented  by  dele- 
gate Gates,  of  that  state,  and  A.  W.  Patrick,  of  Ohio,  was  presented 
by  M.  A.  Dougherty. 

After  the  seconding  speeches  had  been  made,  the  roll  of  states 
was  called,  and  the  chairman  of  each  state  announced  the  vote  of 
his  delegation.  Great  interest  centered  in  the  roll  call  as  one 
delegation  after  the  other  began  to  split  their  votes,  until  Iowa, 
Kansas  and  Kentucky  gave  their  votes  solidly  for  Stevenson, 
indicating  that  he  was.  the  coming  man.  At  the  close  of  the  vote 
Tennessee  was  the  first  to  change  from  Hill  to  Stevenson.  Other 
states  followed  in  quick  succession,  until  Senator  Tillman  made  a 
motion  that  the  nomination  of  Stevenson  be  made  unanimous, 
which  was  carried  with  a  great  shout.  The  vote  on  the  first  ballot 
stood  as  follows  : 

Stevenson 559>^ 

Hill 200 

Towne    .- 89^^ 

Patrick 46 

Carr 23 

Smith 16 

The  business  of  the  convention  was  then  at  an  end,  and  after 
passing  the  usual  votes  of  thanks,  and  the  nomination  of  commit- 
tees, the  convention  adjourned. 

The  New  Democratic  National  Committee 

The  following  are  members  of  the  new   National  Committee  : 

Alabama,  H.  D.  Clayton.  Iowa,  Charles  A.  Walsh. 

Arkansas,  James  P.  Clarke.  Indiana,  Thomas  F.  Taggart. 

California,  M.  F.  Tarpey.  Kansas,  J.  G.  Johnson. 

Colorado,  Adair  Wilson.  Kentucky,  Urey  Woodson. 

Connecticut,  Homer  S.  Cumings.  Louisiana,  N.  C.  Blanchard. 

Delaware,  R.  R.  Kenney.  Maine,  Arthur  Sewall. 

Florida,  George  P.  Raney.  Maryland,  A.  P.  Gorman. 

Georgia,  Clark  Howell.  Massachusetts,  Geo.  Fred.  Williams. 

Idaho,  E.  N.  Wolfe.  Michigan,  D.  J.  Campau. 

Illinois,  Thomas  Gahan.  Minnesota,  Thomas  D.  O'Brien. 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION 


493 


Mississippi,  A.  J.  Russell. 
Missouri,  W.  J.  Stone. 
Montana,  John  S.  McNeill. 
Nebraska,  James  C.  Dahlman. 
Nevada,  Joseph  R.  Ryan. 
New  Hampshire,  True  L,.  Norris. 
New  Jersey,  Wm.  B.  Gourley. 
New  York,  Norman  E.  Mack. 
North  Carolina,  Josephus  Daniels. 
North  Dakota,  J.  G.  Baton. 
Ohio,  John  R.  Mcl^ean. 
Oregon,  not  elected. 
Pennsylvania,  J.  M.  Guffey. 
Rhode  Island,  George  W.  Green. 
South  Carolina,  Benjamin  R.  Tillman. 
South  Dakota,  Maris  Taylor. 


Tennessee,  J.  M.  Head. 
Texas,  R.  M.  Johnson. 
Utah,  R.  C.  Dunbar. 
Vermont,  J.  H.  Sutor. 
Virginia,  Peter  J.  Otey. 
Washington,  Wm.  H.  Dunphy. 
West  Virginia,  John  T.  McGraw. 
Wisconsin,  Timothy  K.  Ryan. 
Wyoming,  John  K.  Osborne. 
Alaska,  Louis  L,.  Williams. 
Arizona,  John  B.  Breathitt. 
Indian  Territory,  Thomas  Marcum 
New  Mexico,  H.  B.  Ferguson. 
Oklahoma,  James  L.  Norris. 
District  of  Columbia,  Contest. 
Hawaii,  W.  H.  Corn  well. 


Address  By  Governor  Charles  H.  Thomas,  of  Colorado. 

Temporary  Chairman  of  the  Convention 

Governor  Charles  S.  Thomas,  of  Colorado,  the  temporary 
chairman  of  the  Democratic  convention,  outlined  the  issues  of  the 
campaign  in  a  ringing  speech  as  follows  : 

Delegates  of  the  Pi.ain  Peopi^e 
We  meet  under  most  auspicious  influences.  On  the  nation's  birthday,  in 
a  great  central  city  of  the  republic,  at  the  close  and  opening  of  a  century,  we 
come  together  to  reaffirm  our  allegiance  to  the  principles  of  Thomas  Jefferson 
and  our  loyalty  to  their  greatest  living  exponent.  We  have  been  selected  by 
the  farmer  and  the  artisan,  the  miner  and  the  mechanic,  the  producers  of  wealth 
in  every  state  and  territory  of  this  mighty  nation,  to  register  a  decree  they  have 
already  determined,  to  proclaim  a  candidate  they  have  already  chosen.  We 
come  not  with  the  pomp  and  circumstances  of  consolidated  wealth,  but  as  the 
delegates  of  the  plain  people,  who  believe  that  all  men  were  created  equal,  and 
that  all  governments  derive  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed. 
The  line  of  division  between  political  forces  became  sharply  defined  in 
1896  upon  what  was  called  the  money  question.  That  question  involved,  as 
we  then  asserted  and  as  we  now  know,  every  other  economic  problem.  It 
embraced  within  its  wide  limitations  the  issue  of  labor  and  capital,  of  combina- 
tion and  competition,  of  production,  transportion  and  distribution.  It  was 
predicted  that  the  defeat  of  bimetallism  would  be  followed  by  the  retirement  of 
28 


494  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION 

all  forms  of  government  currency,  by  the  dedication  of  the  power  of  note  issue 
to  the  holders  of  the  national  obligation,  the  practical  consolidation  of  all 
lines  of  transportation  and  the  consequent  domination  of  every  commercial 
pursuit  by  a  score  of  colossal  monopolies.  These  predictions  have  in  general 
been  verified. 

The  Rush  of  Industries  to  Combine. 

The  Democratic  defeat  had  scarcely  been  recorded  when  the  march  of 
consolidation  was  resumed.  Every  pursuit  that  engages  the  attention  of  man 
has  been  exploited,  capitalized  and  appropriated.  The  earth  and  the  waters 
round  about  it  have  been  explored  for  subjects  of  monopoly,  and  those  who 
have  thundered  against  unsound  money  have  used  the  printing  press  and  the 
engraver's  art  to  turn  out  thousands  of  millions  of  fictitious  values,  to  whose 
profit  the  toilers  and  consumers  pay  constant  tribute.  Every  avenue  closed  to  the 
competitive  energies  of  the  citizen  has  been  listed  on  the  Stock  Exchange  and 
rises  and  falls  with  the  turn  of  the  gambler's  card.  Consolidations  succeed 
consolidations,  and  as  they  lessen  in  number,  they  enlarge  in  the  volume  of 
their  real  and  fictitious  accumulations,  and  their  more  despotic  sway  over  all 
material  and  political  interests.  These  evils,  startling  in  their  magnitude  and 
inevitable  in  their  consequences,  must  either  culminate  in  one  immense  aggre- 
gation, all  powerful  and  all-absorbing,  to  be  arrested  and  dissolved  by  the  force 
of  an  aroused  public  opinion  finding  expression  at  the  polls  in  support  of  the 
nominees  of  this  convention. 

The  party  in  power  carried  the  last  election  by  and  through  the  support 
of  the  influences  we  now  criticise.  Having  purchased  the  right  to  pursue  their 
various  objects,  the  government  has  been  at  all  times  their  powerful  ally. 
Hence  the  onward  march  of  organized  wealth  to  absolute  power  and  the 
exaltation  of  the  dollar  above  the  rights  and  the  welfare  of  the  multitude. 
Hence  the  crisis  in  our  commercial  affairs,  whose  issue  presented  in  acute  form 
to  the  voters  of  1900,  is  that  of  industrial  despotism  as  against  the  liberty  of 
the  citizen. 

Combinations   Without  Conscience. 

Democracy  wages  no  war  against  wealth.  Under  her  beneficent  rule  its 
creation  and  amassment  have  ever  being  among  the  most  worthy  objects  of 
human  effort.  The  desire  for  material  comfort  and  well-being  is  the  mainspring 
of  progress.  The  wealth  that  comes  as  the  reward  of  honest  industry  and 
thrift  commands  and  must  receive  the  encouragement  and  protection  to  all. 
Free  institutions  must  languish  without  communism  of  wealth.  Official 
integrity  cannot  survive  its  temptations.  Against  its  continued  prevalence  the 
conscience  of  the  nation  must  be  quickened  and  aroused  if  its  baleful  influences 
are  to  be  destroyed.     Modern  monopoly  is  the  offspring  of  the  Republican 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION  495 

party.  It  is  the  genius  of  organized  commercialism.  It  has  neither  con- 
science, sentiment  nor  patriotism.  It  knows  neither  justice  nor  morality.  Its 
inspiration  is  greed  and  its  purpose  accumulation.  Corruption  is  its  necessary 
instrument.  No  public  service  is  too  high,  none  too  low  to  escape  its  influences. 
Its  hand  is  on  the  throat  and  pocket  of  every  human  being  in  the  nation.  It 
sneers  at  the  rights  of  man,  and  defies  the  sovereignty  of  states.  It  regulates 
wages,  and  the  prices  of  life's  necessitie's.  It  divides  the  territory  of  the  union 
into  commercial  provinces,  punishes  integrity  and  rewards  the  unscrupulous. 
It  gives  or  refuses  employment  at  its  pleasure.  It  blacklists  the  working  man 
and  sets  him  adrift  to  starve  in  the  midst  of  plenty.  It  marches  its  battalions 
of  employes  to  the  polls,  places  its  chosen  ballot  in  their  hands,  and  coerces 
their  support  for  its  favorite  instrument.  It  is  enthroned  in  the  councils  of  the 
nation  and  the  states,  sits  upon  the  bench  and  makes  and  expounds  the  law. 
It  gives  millions  to  its  political  protector  to  debauch  the  consciences  of  freemen 
and  receives  ten-fold  return  through  the  legislation  that  it  dictates.  It  is 
marching  to  despotism  under  the  canopy  of  the  republic.  It  is  the  enemy  of 
democracy,  which  has  accepted  its  gage  of  battle.  Either  the  trust  or  the 
government  must  disappear. 

At  the  demand  of  the  so-called  financial  interest,  the  present  Congress  has 
enacted  a  new  currency  law.  By  its  terms  the  government  has  presented  to  the 
national  banks  $25,000,000,  given  them  control  of  our  circulation,  provided 
for  the  payment  in  cash  of  the  premium  values  of  the  greater  part  of  its  bonds 
and  created  a  perpetual  national  debt.  It  has  declared  for  the  payment  of  all 
obligations  in  gold,  stricken  from  its  contracts  the  reserved  right  of  the  govern- 
ment to  use  its  own  money  for  the  payment  of  debts  and  delegated  to  private 
interests  the  power  to  suplement  all  deficiencies  in  the  circulating  medium  by 
the  paper  money,  whose  volume  they  shall  regulate  and  which  the  people  are 
taxed  to  support.  The  greenback  and  the  treasury  note  are  retired,  an  inert 
mass  of  f  150,000,000  in  gold,  is  to  be  kept  in  the  treasury  by  the  issue  of  bonds 
whenever  necessary,  the  currency  must  shrink  and  swell  as  the  judgment  of 
selfishness  shall  dictate,  and  the  pretended  menace  of  bimetallism  against 
' '  sound  money  and  the  national  honor  ' '  has  been  evaded. 

This  law,  commended  by  the  money  changer  and  the  holder  of  idle  capital, 
seeking  investment  where  taxation  can  be  avoided,  is  the  culmination  of  a 
series  of  enactments  beginning  with  the  measure  of  1869  to  strengthen  the 
public  credit,  by  which  the  financial  affairs  of  the  union  have  been  placed 
wholly  within  the  control  of  a  select  few,  and  the  burden  of  doubt  is  constantly 
increased  by  the  sacrifice  of  property  values.  It  is  the  logical  sequence  of  that 
sinister  influence  which  has  from  time  to  time  introduced  changes  in  the  public 
obligation  whereby  every  covenant  in  the  public  interest  has  disappeared.     It 


496  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION 

contains  within  itself  a  Pandora's  box  of  evils  which  time  will  surely  open. 
Those  who  now  applaud  will  live  to  curse  it ;  its  beneficiaries  will  repudiate  it 
when  the  wrath  of  an  outraged  people  shall  be  aroused  by  the  experiences  of 
its  operation.  The  skies  are  smiling  now  and  the  hills  are  green,  but  the  storm 
cloud  already  gathers  over  those  who  have  bartered  the  dearest  interests  of  the 
people  to  the  organized  greed  of  a  power  whose  avarice  can  not  be  satiated  with 
the  universe. 

Against  this  iniquitous  scheme  of  finance,  Democracy  protests.  We  will 
have  no  money  system  founded  upon  the  public  debt  and  dictated  by  those 
who  hold  it.  We  stand  for  the  gold  and  silver  of  the  Constitution.  For  a 
paper  currency  founded  upon  them  and  issued  by  the  government  as  the 
embodiment  of  our  sovereignty.  We  would  not  tax  the  people  for  the 
maintenance  of  a  private  money  system.  We  would  pay  and  not  perpetuate 
our  public  debt.  We  will  dig  our  metals  from  the  hills  and  open  our  mints  to 
their  coinage.  We  will  pay  no  tribute  to  Caesar  for  that  which  is  our  own. 
We  will  scourge  the  money  changers  from  the  temple  of  our  treasury  and 
reconsecrate  it  to  the  service  and  welfare  of  the  common  people. 

Those  who  assert  that  the  money  question  is  dead  have  given  but  little 
heed  to  the  lessons  of  experience.  It  can  never  die  until  it  shall  receive  the 
righteous  solution.  If  it  be  true  that  our  monetary  circulation  is  the  life  blood 
of  our  commercial  system,  it  must  follow  that  upon  its  wholesome  quantity 
depends  our  continued  welfare.  Nostrums  administered  in  time  of  stress  may 
postpone,  but  can  not  defeat  the  demand  for  complete  and  thorough  renovation 
of  a  vicious  and  destructive  policy.  The  Democratic  party  will  accept  nothing 
short  of  this.  No  substitute  for  the  bimetallic  principle  upon  which  substantial 
and  enduring  prosperity  must  depend.  Through  all  vicissitudes  of  political 
fortune,  the  needle  of  its  compass  points  to  that  as  the  magnetic  star  of  sound 
national  policy. 

The  phenomenal  increase  in  the  annual  output  of  gold  has  materially 
added  to  the  general  stock  of  primary  money,  and  relieves  some  part  of  the 
stress  of  contraction  which  succeeded  the  closure  of  Indian  mints  to  silver  in 
1S94.  The  consequent  improvement  in  business  and  industrial  conditions  may 
be  traced  directly  to  this  fact,  although  the  failure  of  crops  in  various  portions 
of  the  world,  and  the  waging  of  a  great  offensive  war  with  its  accompanying 
expenditure  of  treasure,  have  contributed  to  the  general  result.  The  enlarge- 
ment of  the  sum  of  our  metallic  money  has  cheapened  its  value,  stimulated 
prices  and  set  the  wheels  of  enterprise  in  motion. 

Panics  Could  Havk  Been  Avoided 
No  more  signal  demonstration  of  the   bimetallist  contention  was  ever 
witnessed.     Had  the  concurrent  coinage  and  circulation  of  the  two  metals  been 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION  497 

uninterrupted,  they  would  have  kept  the  quantity  of  our  money  of  redemption 
in  harmony  with  our  national  growth,  and  our  development  apace  with  the 
increase  of  wealth  and  population.  The  terrible  crises  of  the  past  quarter  of  a 
century  with  their  attendant  miseries  and  bankruptcy  would  have  been  avoided, 
and  prosperity  would  have  remained  with  us,  unbroken  and  enduring.  The 
false  plea  of  1896,  that  the  monetary  volume  was  suflQcient,  and  the  world 
supply  of  gold  ample  for  its  needs,  is  now  transparent.  Its  error  is  admitted 
in  the  boast  of  our  opponents  that  they  have  increased  our  per  capita  circulation. 
The  vast  quantities  yielded  by  the  mines  are  readily  absorbed  by  the  ceaseless 
demand  for  its  use,  and  its  multiplied  increase  is  earnestl}^  hoped  for.  No 
voice  is  raised  against  its  continued  production.  No  fear  is  expressed  that  we 
can  be  embarrassed  by  its  abundance,  yet  its  annual  output  exceeds  that  of 
gold  and  silver  in  the  years  when  the  latter  was  repudiated  because  of  its 
threatened  inundation.  Our  opponents  stand  confounded  by  the  irresistible 
operation  of  a  law  they  have  denied.  Industry  breathes  with  more  content 
because  there  is  more  money  for  her  purposes,  and  her  votaries  in  the  presence 
of  its  operation  unite  with  democracy  in  proclaiming  the  great  truth  that 
civilization  gains  and  humanity  advances  with  every  addition  to  the  world's 
stock  of  gold  and  silver,  that  each  is  the  handmaid  of  the  other,  and  not 
essential  to  the  constant  and  harmonious  progress  and  development  of  the  world. 
If  the  enormous  gold  yield  of  the  past  five  years  were  indefinitely 
prolonged  and  the  areas  of  the  gold  standard  were  not  extended,  the  needs  of 
bimetallism  would  be  relatively  inconsequent.  But  the  production  of  gold  and 
silver  oscillates,  one  or  the  other  always  preponderating.  The  pendulum  will 
again  swing  to  the  other  extreme.  Bimetallism  knowing  this,  knows  also  that 
the  crisis  returns  if  man  shall  reject  the  offering  nature  presents  for  our 
continued  prosperity.  Looking  backward  over  the  past  and  forward  to  the 
coming  years,  we  ask  this  great  nation  to  provide  against  recurrence  of  disaster 
by  adhering  to  the  system  of  finance  which  the  fathers  crystallized  in  the  consti- 
tution, and  base  its  future  policy  on  that  secure  foundation. 

The  Status  of  Our  New  Possessions 
The  prevailing  sentiment  of  Democratic  sympathy  for  all  people  struggling 
for  the  blessings  of  liberty  compelled  the  Administration  two  years  ago  to 
interfere  with  the  despotic  tyranny  of  Spain  over  Cuba  and  secured  to  the 
oppressed  people  of  that  island  the  right  of  self-government.  Our  ultimatum 
delivered,  we  solemnly  and  ofl&cially  declared  them  to  be  free  and  independent, 
and  disclaimed  to  the  world  any  disposition  or  intention  to  exercise  so vereignt}'-, 
jurisdiction  or  control  of  the  island,  except  for  the  pacification  thereof  and 
asserted  our  determination  when  that  was  accomplished  to  leave  the  govern- 
ment and  control  of  the  island  to  its  people. 


49S  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION 

The  conditions  of  the  ensuing  war  sent  Admiral  Dewey  to  the  distant 
Philippines,  where  another  people  engaged  in  the  same  struggle  with  the  same 
oppressor  appealed  to  the  same  impulses  of  our  nature.  There  he  broke  the 
power  of  Spain,  which,  suing  for  peace,  submitted  to  the  liberation  of  Cuba  and 
the  cession  of  Porto  Rico.  Our  government  disdained  the  spirit  of  its  maifesto 
of  April,  and  became  the  purchaser  of  the  Philippines  in  January,  Since  then 
we  have  given  Cuba  the  benefit  of  our  civic  institutions  by  governing  her 
through  the  War  Department.  We  have  kept  faith  with  Porto  Rico  by  substi- 
tuting the  sugar  baron  for  the  Castilian  duke  and  confirmed  the  Philippine 
estimate  of  the  white  man  by  prolonging  the  Spaniards'  method  of  colonial 
government  in  those  islands  of  the  far  oflFseas.  The  national  sympathy  for  all 
who  seek  self-goverment  has  been  made  the  instrument  by  which  cupidity  and 
greed  hold  a  feeble  nation  in  thraldom. 

Must  Not  Emui^ate  Monarchy 
We  will  emulate  monarchy  neither  in  conquest  nor  in  government.  We 
would  perpetuate  the  Monroe  doctrine  and  realize,  with  Jefferson,  that  its  first 
and  fundamental  maxim  is  never  to  entangle  ourselves  in  the  broils  of  the  old 
world.  We  need  not  despoil  the  helpless  that  we  may  trade  with  them.  We 
realize  that  a  standing  army  is  the  attendant  of  imperialism.  We  would  avoid 
the  latter,  because  once  avowed  as  a  national  policy,  it  must  undermine  our 
domestic  institutions.  We  would  avoid  it  because  its  adoption  must  lead  to 
other  wars  and  other  conquests,  to  the  shedding  of  innocent  blood,  to  burden- 
some taxation,  to  a  hopeless  national  debt,  to  the  forcible  annexation  of  other 
lands,  to  constant  entanglements  with  the  affairs  of  other  nations,  in  short,  to 
all  the  evils  foreseen  by  the  Father  of  his  Country,  and  depicted  in  that 
immortal  address  whose  earnest  warnings  are  forgotten  or  disregarded  by  our 

rulers. 

Opposition  to  System  of  Colonies 

We  would  have  no  colonial  system.  Its  pestilent  brood  has  already 
hatched  in  the  Havana  post  office  and  has  grown  apace  for  months  in  distant 
Manila.  It  is  the  fruitful  mother  of  oppression  and  maladministration.  It  has 
no  place  in  the  domain  of  a  republic.  It  cannot  live  in  the  atmosphere  of 
freedom . 

We  believe  in  that  expansion  which  under  Democratic  rule  brought  half 
the  continent  as  a  galaxy  of  commonwealths  into  the  Union.  We  denounce 
that  expansion  which  by  contract  overcomes  the  people  of  a  hemisphere  under 
the  pretext  of  giving  them  liberty,  which  governs  them  by  force,  which  denies 
to  them  the  rights  of  citizens,  which  subjects  the  American  workmen  to  the 
competition  of  hordes  of  Orientals  from  the  so-called  American  provinces  to  take 
his  place  at  the  forge,  in  the  field  and  in  the  factory. 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION  499 

The  stretcli  of  thirty-three  peaceful  years  from  the  close  of  the  Rebellion  to 
the  opening  of  the  war  for  Cuban  independence  has  wrought  no  change  in  the 
valor  and  self-denial  of  the  American  soldier.  Inspired  by  the  loftiest  patriot- 
ism, the  highest  devotion  to  country,  he  has  again  testified  his  readiness  and 
ability  to  wage  her  battles  and  win  her  victories.  On  land  and  sea,  under  burn- 
ing tropical  suns,  he  is  the  same  invincible  fighter  whose  fathers  at  Yorktown, 
at  New  Orleans,  at  San  Jacinto,  and  at  Gettysburg  established,  maintained  and 
perpetuated  the  republic.  To  them,  all  of  them,  soldier  and  sailor,  the  nation's 
gratitude  extends.  Its  debts  should  be  requited  to  their  widows  and  their 
orphans,  to  those  stricken  by  bullet  and  pestilence,  to  the  helpless  and  the  deserv- 
ing. To  care  for  the  men  who  stand  and  for  the  loved  ones  of  those  who  fall  in 
conflict  for  the  nation,  is  the  most  sacred  of  our  obligations,  and  it  shall  be  our 
constant  care  to  enforce  its  just  and  full  observance. 

We  would  build  the  Nicaraguan  canal  as  an  American  enterprise  for  the 
American  people.  We  would  operate  it  in  times  of  peace  and  control  it  in  times 
of  war.  We  would  fortify  it  notwithstanding  the  protests  or  the  objections  of 
trans-Atlantic  powers.  We  would  share  the  benefits  and  responsibilities  of  its 
management  with  no  associates.  We  would  concede  its  advantages  in  times  of 
peace  to  other  nations  under  terms  and  conditions  of  our  own  prescription, 
and  deny  to  them,  and  to  all  of  them,  any  other  identification  with  its  affairs. 

Let  Taxes  be  Tightened 

We  would  relieve  the  people  of  the  burden  of  taxation.  If  administrative 
authority  is  to  be  credited,  the  Spanish-American  conflict  ended  eighteen  months 
ago.  The  same  authority  assures  us  with  every  moon  that  the  Philippine  insur- 
rection is  over.  The  treasury  is  bursting  with  plethoric  revenue,  millions  whereof 
are  deposited  with  favorite  banks,  which  lend  it  to  the  people  on  their  own  terms, 
that  the  volume  of  circulation  may  not  suffer  diminution.  Nothwithstanding 
these  conditions,  there  is  no  surcease  of  taxation.  Measures  cunningly  devised 
to  fall  upon  the  backs  of  the  people  and  screen  large  intsrests  from  responsibility 
for  the  public  burdens,  willingly  assumed  and  cheerfully  borne  in  the  heat  of 
conflict,  press  with  full  weight  in  times  of  peace  with  no  signs  of  relief  from  the 
party  in  power.  Unnecessary  taxation  is  unjust  taxation,  and  unjust  taxation  by 
whatever  name  it  may  be  called,  is  the  plunder  of  the  citizen  by  his  government. 

We  would  investigate  the  public  expenditures  and  demand  an  accounting 
for  the  millions  that  have  been  lavished  in  the  purchase  of  naval  stores  and  war 
munitions,  in  supplies,  equipment  and  transportation. 

The  Kind  of  Man  for  Power 
We  would  have  for  our  Chief  Magistrate  a  man  sprung  from  the  loins  of 
the  people,  rock-ribbed  in  his  convictions,  and  controlled  by  the  admonitions 


500  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION 

of  his  conscience.  A  man  of  loft}^  ideas  and  steadfast  courage.  A  man  to 
whom  his  country's  Constitution  appears  as  a  living  and  sacred  reality.  A 
man  who  exalts  the  duties,  the  rights  and  the  welfare  of  his  fellow -citizens 
above  the  sinister  and  corroding  influence  of  centralized  commercialism.  A 
man  whose  ear  is  untuned  to  the  pulsations  of  the  pocketbook,  but  responsive 
to  the  heart  throb  of  the  masses.  A  man  with  no  Warwick  behind  his  chair, 
with  policies  that  are  his  own.  A  man  with  streng  opinions,  and  a  strong  will 
to  enforce  them.  A  man  conscious  to  his  country's  dignity  and  power,  of  its 
capacity  to  cope  with  all  conditions.  A  man  who  measures  the  greatness  of  ' 
the  republic  by  the  protection  it  gives  to  the  humblest  citizen.  A  man  whose 
clear  vision  perceives  the  causes,  and  whose  steady  judgment  determines  the 
remedy  for  the  public  ills.  A  man  who  will  lay  a  strong  hand  of  authority 
upon  the  vast  interests  dominating  the  moral,  industrial  and  political  life  of  the 
nation,  and  maintain  the  integrity  of  our  institutions  against  all  their  designs 
and  encroachments.  A  man  who  recognizes  no  dignity  greater  than  that  of  an 
American  citizen,  no  right  more  sacred  than  that  which  secures  to  him  the  full 
enjoyment  of  every  opportunity  that  a  land  like  ours  affords. 

Has  Outlived  its  Mission 

The  Republican  party  boasts  of  almost  unbroken  rule  for  nearly  forty  years. 
Its  mission  was  to  defeat  the  extension  of  slavery  and  destroy  that  institution. 
It  appeals  to  the  moral  forces  of  the  republic,  and  founded  its  organization  upon 
the  principles  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  It  was  triumphant.  There 
was  a  time  when  its  standards  were  lofty  and  ennobling.  Its  only  standard 
now  is  Standard  oil.  There  was  a  time  when  its  ideals  shone  forth  like  precious 
gems  through  the  dust  and  heat  of  party  strife.  Its  ideals  now  are  the  party 
machine  and  the  party  campaign  fund.  Its  battle-cry  years  ago  was,  "Free- 
dom and  the  Union. "  If  due  credit  be  given  to  one  of  its  modern  leaders,  its 
motto  for  1900  is  "  Gold  and  Glory."  It  is  a  far  cry  from  the  ringing  tocsin 
of  i860  to  the  buckineer  refrain  of  1900,  yet  it  well  typifies  the  shameful  trans- 
formation. If,  to  its  alliterative  attraction  we  add  monopoly  and  militarism 
with  trusts  and  taxation,  and  place  the  dollar  mark  above  them  on  its  waving 
banners,  the  world  will  gaze  upon  the  composite  picture  of  its  last  official  declara- 
tion. 

Against  the  continuance  of  this  party  in  power,  we  enter  protest.  With 
the  man  exalted  above  the  dollar,  the  Constitution  above  the  combination, 
the  equality  of  all  before  the  law,  with  solemn  promises  to  correct  the  abuses  of 
administration,  and  to  enforce  those  fundamentals  of  government  which  secure 
exact  justice  to  all,  we  shall  not  appeal  in  vain  to  the  wisdom,  the  intelligence 
and  the  patriotism  of  the  American  people. 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION  501 

William  Jennings  Bryan  was  placed  in  nomination  by  Hon,  W. 
D.  Oldham,  of  Nebraska.  The  eloquent  Nebraskan  lauded  the  states- 
manship of  the  Democratic  leader  and  denounced  the  policies  of 
the  Republicans  in  a  speech,  loudly  applauded,  and  as  follows  : 

Nominating  Speeches 

' '  Mr.  Chairman  :  More  than  a  hundred  years  ago  the  Continental  Congress 
of  America  adopted  a  declaration  which  had  been  drafted  by  the  founder  of  the 
Democratic  party,  and  the  joyous  tones  of  the  old  I^iberty  Bell  which  greeted 
the  act,  announced  to  a  waiting  world  that  a  nation  had  been  born. 

A  History-Making  Convention 

Much  of  the  history  of  this  Republic  shall  be  either  made  or  marred  by 
the  action  of  this  convention.  You,  as  representatives  of  the  only  party  which 
is  co-existent  with  the  nation  itself ;  the  only  party  which  ever  had  within  its 
own  ranks  sufficient  constructive  statesmanship  to  create  a  nation  in  which 
each  citizen  becomes  a  sovereign,  have,  true  to  the  traditions  you  bear,  in  your 
platform,  set  out  in  simple  language,  with  a  decided  American  accent,  a  plan 
for  the  people's  redemption  from  each  sacrilege  and  schism  taught  by  the 
Republican  party.  The  plan  contains  nothing  but  the  approved  precepts  of 
the  elders  and  doctors  of  your  faith.  If,  on  a  platform,  you  place  a  candidate 
whose  devoted  and  unblemished  life  shall  stand  as  a  pledge  to  the  plain  people 
that  he,  in  good  faith,  will  carry  out  the  solemn  covenants  made  therein,  then 
the  hour  of  our  ultimate  triumph  is  at  hand. 

There  is  no  greater  honor  reserved  for  a  citizen  of  these  United  States, 
than  to  become  the  standard  bearer  of  the  Democratic  party.  It  at  once  enrolls 
his  name  on  the  scroll  of  the  "immortals  who  are  not  born  to  die,"  and 
encircles  him  with  a  halo  of  the  glory  of  all  the  illustrious  achievements  which 
the  unconquered  and  unconquerable  organization  has  emblazoned  on  every 
page  of  our  nation's  history.  It  intrusts  to  his  keeping  the  fame  of  that  long 
line  of  statesmen  and  patriots  who  have  knelt  for  a  blessing  at  Democracy's 

shrine  : 

'  Oh,  bright  are  the  names  of  those  heroes  and  sages, 
That  shine  like  stars  through  the  dimness  of  ages, 
Whose  deeds  are  inscribed  on  the  pages  of  story, 
Forever  to  live  in  the  sunlight  of  glor}'. ' 

This  high  distinction  must  not  be  unworthily  bestowed.  It  must  follow 
as  a  reward  for  noble  actions  bravely  done;  for  unrequited,  tireless  toil,  for 
sacrifices  made  and  strength  displayed  ;  for  trusts  discharged  and  pledges  kept. 

"We  must  seek  a  leader  whose  public  and  private  life  most  nearly  exempli- 
fies his  party's  highest  ideals  ;  who  stands  unqualifiedly  pledged  to  every  issue 


502  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION 

we  declare  ;  who  will  carry  the  standard  we  place  in  his  hands,  even  as  the 
Black  Douglas  carried  the  sacred  casket  that  enclosed  the  heart  of  Bruce. 

He  must  not  declare  for  free  trade  with  Porto  Rico,  and  then,  at  the 
persuasive  suggestion  of  the  Sugar  and  Tobacco  Trusts,  sign  a  bill  for  a  tariff 
on  the  products  of  that  island. 

He  must  not  denounce  a  policy  as  one  of  "criminal  aggression,"  and 
then  at  the  demand  of  a  power  behind  the  throne,  pursue  the  policy  he  has 
so  denounced. 

He  must  not,  while  professing  opposition  to  combines  and  conspiracies 
against  trade,  send  his  emissaries  to  the  trust  baron  castles  to  beg,  like  Lazarus, 
at  Dives'  gates,  for  subscriptions  to  his  campaign.  He  must  not  lend  the  moral 
support  of  his  administration  to  a  monarchy  in  its  efforts  to  destroy  a  republic. 
But  he  must  ever  sympathize  with  a  people  struggling  for  the  right  of  self- 
government. 

Instead  of  the  Republican  policy  of  monometallism,  he  must  offer  the  free 
and  unlimited  coinage  of  the  money  metals  of  the  Constitution,  the  gold  that 
polished  the  winged  sandals  of  Hermes,  and  the  silver  that  glitters  in  the  bow 
of  Diana. 

Instead  of  a  panic-breeding  credit  currency,  controlled  by  the  bank  trust, 
he  must  offer  government  paper  controlled  by  the  people. 

Expansion  Not  Imperiai^ism 
He  must  be  able  to  distinguish  between  Democratic  expansion  and  Repub- 
lican imperialism.  The  first  is  a  natural  growth  by  the  addition  of  contiguous 
American  territory,  into  every  foot  of  which  is  carried  the  Constitution,  the 
flag  and.  the  Decalogue,  and  over  the  shoulders  of  every  inhabitant  of  the  added 
territory  is  tnrown  a  purple  robe  of  sovereign  citizenship.  It  is  a  growth  that 
has  added  eighteen  stars  to  the  field  of  blue  in  the  '  Banner  of  the  Free,'  to 
symbolize^  the  states  that  have  been  carved  from  territory,  annexed  to  the 
domain  of  this  nation,  by  the  wisdom  and  statesmanship  of  the  Democratic 
party.  This  is  an  expansion  that  is  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  ;  on  the  east  by  the  Monroe  Doctrine ;  on  the  south  by 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  on  the  west  by  the  Ten  Commandments. 
How  different  this  from  the  bandit  policy  of  the  Republican  imperialism, 
with  its  standing  army,  and  bayonet  rule  of  conquered  provinces,  its  govern- 
ment of  sullen  subjects  against  their  will,  by  force  and  fraud  ;  its  denial  to  them 
of  the  protection  of  either  the  Constitution  or  command,  which  says  :  '  Thou 
shalt  not  steal ' — a  policy  that  would  send  our  Uncle  Sam  off  his  American 
range  with  a  cowboy  hat,  a  rope  and  a  branding  iron,  to  rustle  and  brand  over 
all  the  loose  islands  of  the  Orient,  while  hypocritically  chanting  the  long-metre 
Doxology. 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION  503 

Democratic  skies  are  tinged  with  a  rosier  hue  to-day  than  when  we  met 
in  convention  four  years  ago.  Then  a  financial  cataclysm  hnd  spread  over  the 
country,  and  although  its  every  inducing  cause  was  easily  traced  to  the  errors 
and  follies  of  the  Republican  party,  yet  we  were  in  power  when  it  came,  and 
were  wrongfully  held  responsible  for  the  wreck  of  shattered  fortunes  which 
followed  in  its  wake. 

Torn  asunder  by  dissensions  within  and  disasters  without,  our  party  faced 
a  gloomy  and  foreboding  future,  which  seemed  to  augur  its  dissolution.  The 
problem  then  was  to  select  a  standard-bearer  bold  enough  to  cover  the  rear  of  a 
retreat,  and  save  the  party  from  destruction,  if  not  from  defeat. 

While  discord,  with  her  flaming  torch,  confused  the  counsels  from  out 
the  sunset  realm,  a  champion  came  and  bade  defiance  to  the  oncoming  host. 
With  the  strength  of  youth,  and  the  wisdom  of  age,  with  knightly  mien  and 
matchless  speech,  he  towered  above  his  peers,  and  all  who  saw  him  then  with 
one  accord  did  hail  him  'Chief  and  gave  our  party's  banner  to  his  hand. 
Slowly  despair  gaye  way  to  hope  ;  confidence  took  the  place  where  timorous 
fear  had  been;  the  broken,  shattered  columns  formed  again,  and  behind 
him,  singing,  came  6,500,000  valiant  men  to  that  unequal  fight. 

STRANGI.ED    THK    MONSTER 

Realizing  that  imperialism,  like  the  fabled  Artaeus,  was  born  of  earth,  and 
contended  with  upon  the  selfish  worldly  plane  of  greed  and  gold,  was  of  giant 
strength ,  and  if  thrown  down  would  rise  again  refreshed  from  contact  with  its 
mother  element,  he,  like  the  mighty  Hercules,  raised  it  above  the  sordid  sphere 
from  which  its  strength  was  drawn  and  on  a  plane  of  lofty  patriotism  he  strangled 
it.  With  the  issues  now  clearly  drawn,  no  doubt  remains  as  to  the  name  of 
our  candidate.     On  that  question  we  are  a  re-united  Democracy. 

Already  worthy  allies,  differing  from  us  rather  in  name  than  faith,  have 
shouted  for  our  gallant  leader  again,  and  every  state  and  territory  has  instructed 
its  delegates  to  this  convention  to  vote  for  him  here.  So  it  only  remains  for 
Nebraska  to  pronounce  the  name  that  has  been  thundered  forth  from  the  foot 
of  Bunker  Hill,  and  echoed  back  from  the  Sierra's  sunset  slope,  and  that 
reverberates  among  the  pine-clad,  snow-capped  hills  of  the  North,  and  rises 
up  from  the  slumbering,  flower-scented  savannahs  of  the  South,  and  that  name 
is  the  name  of  William  Jennings  Bryan,  her  best-loved  son. 

Speech  by  David  B.   Hill,  of  New  York 

David  B.  Hill  seconded  the  nomination  of  Mr,  Bryan  in  the 
foUowinof  words  : 

"Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  In  behalf  of  the 
Democratic  masses  of  the  state  of  New  York,  for  whom  I  assume  to  speak 


504  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION 

on  this  occasion,  I  second  the  nomination  which  has  been  made  from  the 
state  of  Nebraska.  (Applause  and  cheering.)  William  J.  Bryan  does  not 
belong  to  Nebraska  alone ;  he  belongs  to  tbe  North  and  South,  to  the  East  and 
to  the  West — he  belongs  to  the  whole  country  at  large. 

It  is  a  nomination  already  made  in  the  hearts  and  affections  of  the  Ameri- 
can people.  From  the  closing  of  the  polls  four  years  ago  until  this  very  hour 
there  never  was  a  possibility  of  any  other  nomination  being  made.  (Enthusi- 
astic cheers  and  applause.) 

He  is  a  gentleman  who  needs  no  introduction  to  this  audience,  nor  to  the 
American  people.  Nebraska  is  proud  of  him,  but  New  York  is  proud  of  him 
also.  For  four  years  he  has  upheld  the  banner  of  Democracy  in  almost  every 
state  in  the  Union.  His  voice  has  been  heard  not  only  in  behalf  of  our  prin- 
ciples, but  in  behalf  of  the  cause  of  the  common  people,  in  behalf  of  the 
workingmen,  in  behalf  of  humanity. 

He  will  not  only  have  the  support  of  his  party — ^a  united  party — (ap- 
plause, cheers  and  waving  of  flags.)  He  is  strong,  strong  with  the  masses, 
strong  with  the  farmers,  strong  with  the  artisan — srronger  even  than  his  own 
cause.  His  integrity  has  never  been  questioned  during  all  the  time  that  he  has 
been  under  the  gaze  of  the  American  people.  (Cheers.)  His  statesmanship 
has  been  exhibited  in  the  halls  of  Congress. 

No  others  have  served  during  such  a  brief  period  that  made  such  an 
impression  upon  the  minds  and  hearts  and  conscience  of  the  American  people. 
This  convention,  meeting  here  to-day  in  this  most  beautiful  city,  surrounded 
by  this  hospitable  community,  was  indeed  the  proper  place  to  nominate  this 
candidate.  (Applause.)  The  cause  he  represents  is  peculiarly  the  cause  of 
the  people.     His  election  will  mean  honesty  and  integrity  in  public  office. 

It  will  mean  the  amelioration  of  the  people ;  it  will  mean  the  destruction 
of  criminal  trusts  and  monopolies.  (Applause.)  It  will  mean  economy  and 
retrenchment  in  governmental  affairs ;  it  will  mean  the  supremacy  of  the  Con- 
stitution everywhere  throughout  this  land  wherever  the  flag  floats.  (Applause.) 
It  will  mean  a  return  to  the  advocacy  of  the  principles  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence.  It  will  prove  a  blessing  not  only  to  those  who  vote  for  him, 
but  to  the  few  who  vote  against  him. 

I,  as  you  well  know,  was  one  of  those  who,  in  good  faith,  doubted  the 
wisdom  of  some  portions  of  the  platform,  doubted  certain  details  of  our  finan- 
cial policy,  but  the  wisdom  of  this  convention  has  determined  otherwise,  and 
I  acquiesce  cheerfully  in  the  decision.  (I^oud  applause,)  I  am  here  to  say 
further  that  the  platform  that  has  been  read  is  worthy  of  the  vote  and  approval 
of  every  man  who  claims  to  be  a  Democrat  in  this  country. 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION  505 

Those  who  do  not  admire  some  portions  can  speak  for  others.  If  there 
are  some  issues  which  they  do  not  desire  to  present  as  strongly  as  some  others, 
they  can  at  least  talk  about  something  in  this  platform  that  is  worthy  of  their 
approval.  At  least  in  some  portions  of  this  country  the  paramount  issue  is 
going  to  carry,  and  carry  strongly.     (Applause.) 

This  is  the  time  for  unity,  and  not  for  division.  I  plead  to-night  for  party 
harmony  and  for  party  success.  I  plead  because  of  the  dangers  which  confront 
us.  As  sure  as  election  day  comes,  and  if  we  should  happen  to  be  defeated, 
which  I  do  not  believe,  what  will  follow? 

It  means  the  restoration  of  a  federal  election  law.  It  means  a  reduction 
of  the  appointment  of  members  of  Congress  throughout  the  Southern  states 
of  our  Union.  It  means  a  consequent  reduction  in  the  Electoral  College  from 
our  Southern  states,  and  the  plea  of  necessity  will  be  made  because  it  will  be 
apparent  hj  election  day  that  some  of  the  new-born  states  of  the  West,  which 
they  had  relied  upon,  had  gone  over  to  the  Democratic  party.     (Applause.) 

So  I  assume  to  sa}'-  that  this  is  a  most  important  election ;  important  for 
our  party ;  important  for  our  country ;  important  for  the  best  interests  of  all 
our  people.  I  have  no  time  now  to  analyze  the  platform.  We  are  speaking 
of  men  and  not  of  measures  now. 

This  nomination  will  meet  the  approval,  based  upon  this  platform,  of  the 
people  of  the  East.  (Cheers.)  What  we  need  is  an  old-fashioned,  rousing 
Democratic  victorj^  throughout  this  land.  That  will  mean  a  restoration  of  the 
currency  of  our  fathers.  That  will  mean  home  rule  for  states.  That  will 
mean  popular  government  restored.  That  will  mean  the  supremacy  of  equal 
laws  throughout  the  country,  and  in  this  great  result,  which  we  hope  to  achieve, 
I  am  here  to  say  simply  in  conclusion  that  New  York  expects  to  join  with  you 
with  her  thirty-six  electoral  votes."     (Cheers.) 

Nominating  Speeches   for  Adlai  E.   Stevenson  for  the 

Vice  Presidency 

In  placing  in  nomination  for  the  Vice  Presidency  Adlai  E. 
Stevenson,  of  Illinois,  Congressman  Williams  said : 

' '  The  united  Democracy  of  Illinois  desires  to  present  to  this  convention 
for  the  next  Vice  President  of  the  United  States  a  Democrat.  (Cheers.)  One 
who  drew  his  first  breath  from  the  pure  Democratic  atmosphere  of  old  Ken- 
tucky. (Cheers.)  One  baptized  in  the  great  and  growing  Democracy  of  Illi- 
nois; one  who  has  stood  squarely  on  every  Democratic  platform  since  he 
became  a  voter ;  one  who  has  twice  represented  in  Congress  a  district  over- 
whelmingly Republican ;  one  who  is  not  a  Rough  Rider,  but  a  swift  rider. 


5o6  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  CONVENTION 

(Cheers.)     Not  a  warrior,  but  a  statesman.     A  man  who  stands  for  civil  gov- 
ernment against  military  rule. 

Stevenson's  Old  Record  as  a  Headsman 

A  man  who  believes  that  a  President  of  the  United  States  who  ignores  the 
Constitution  as  the  present  Republican  President  has  done,  must  be  one  who 
loves  his  own  glory  far  more  than  he  loves  the  republic.  A  man  who  believes 
American  despotism  is  no  better  than  any  other  despotism.  A  man  who  places 
human  blood  above  human  greed.  A  man  who  will  not  trade  away  the  precious 
life  of  an  American  soldier  for  a  nugget  of"  gold  in  the  Philippine  Islands. 
(Cheers.)  A  man  who  would  not  give  the  3,000  or  3,500  brave  American  sol- 
diers whom  McKinley  has  sacrificed  in  that  hotbed  of  disease  and  destruction 
for  all  the  islands  in  the  seas.  (Applause.)  A  man  who,  during  four  years  of 
faithful  administration  as  First  Assistant  Postmaster  General  of  the  United 
States,  demonstrates  that  he  knows  a  Republican  when  he  sees  him  in  an  office 
that  belongs  to  a  Democrat.  (Applause.)  Nominate  our  man,  and  you  will 
not  have  to  explain  any  speech  made  against  Democracy,  for  he  has  never  made 
any  of  that  kind  (applause)  ;  a  man  in  the  full  strength  of  his  manhood,  able 
to  canvass  any  state  in  this  Union .  Gentlemen  of  the  convention ,  Illinois  makes 
no  exaggeration  when  she  tells  you  that  in  that  great  state  the  conditions  are 
far  better,  the  prospects  are  much  brighter  for  Democracy  than  in  1892,  when 
our  candidate  for  Vice  President  carried  it  by  30,000  majority.     (Applause.) 

We  have  a  state  ticket  stronger  than  we  ever  had  before.  We  have  but 
one  Democracy  in  Illinois.  We  voice  the  sincere  sentiment  of  the  Democracy 
of  Illinois  when  we  ask  you  to  nominate  a  man  whose  name  we  will  present,  a 
man  who  has  been  tried,  gone  through  the  contest,  and  no  weak  spots  found  in 
his  armor ;  a  man  whose  high  character  and  ability  recommend  him  to  the 
people  in  every  part  of  this  republic  ;  a  man  who  possesses  all  the  noble  attri- 
butes of  a  noble  man,  great  enough  and  good  enough  to  be  President  of  the 
United  States,  with  a  platform  that  reads  like  a  Bible,  and  with  these  two 
faithful  Democrats  standing  together,  shoulder  to  shoulder,  we  can  sweep  crimi- 
nal aggression  and  McKinley  hypocrisy  off  the  face  of  the  earth. 

Gentlemen  of  the  convention,  we  now  present  to  you  the  choice  of  the 
united  Democracy  of  our  state,  that  distinguished  statesman,  that  splendid, 
vigorous,  reliable  Democrat,  former  Vice  President  Adlai  K.  Stevenson,  of 
Illinois . ' '     (Great  and  continued  applause . ) 


CHAPTER   XXIX 

Platform  of  the  Democratic  Party 

Adopted  at  Kansas  City,  July  5,  1900 

THE    full    text    of    the   platform  adopted    by  the    Democratic 
National  Committee  is  as  follows  : 

"  We,  the  representatives  of  the  Democratic  party  of  the  United  States, 
assembled  in  Convention  on  the  anniversary  of  the  adoption  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  do  reaf&rm  our  faith  in  that  immortal  proclamation  of  the  inali- 
enable rights  of  man  and  our  allegiance  to  the  Constitution  framed  in  harmony 
therewith  by  the  fathers  of  the  Republic.  We  hold  with  the  United  States 
Supreme  Court  that  the  Declaration  of  Independence  is  the  spirit  of  our  govern- 
ment, of  which  the  Constitution  is  the  form  and  letter.  We  declare  again  that 
all  governments  instituted  among  men  derive  their  just  powers  from  the  consent 
of  the  governed ;  that  any  government  not  based  upon  the  consent  of  the  gov- 
erned is  a  tyranny  ;  and  that  to  impose  on  any  people  a  government  of  force  is 
to  substitute  the  methods  of  imperialism  for  those  of  a  republic.  We  hold  that 
the  Constitution  follows  the  flag,  and  denounce  the  doctrine  that  an  Executive 
or  Congress  deriving  their  existence  and  their  powers  from  the  Constitution, 
can  exercise  lawful  authority  beyond  it  or  in  violation  of  it.  We  assert  that  no 
nation  can  long  endure  half  republic  and  half  empire,  and  we  warn  the  Ameri- 
can people  that  imperialism  abroad  will  lead  quickly  and  inevitably  to  despot- 
ism at  home. 

Porto  Rico  Law  Denounced 

Believing  in  these  fundamental  principles,  we  denounce  the  Porto  Rico 
law  enacted  by  a  Republican  Congress  against  the  protest  and  opposition  of  the 
Democratic  minority  as  a  bold  and  open  violation  of  the  nation's  organic  law 
and  a  flagrant  breach  of  the  national  good  faith.  It  imposes  upon  the  people 
of  Porto  Rico  a  government  without  their  consent  and  taxation  without  repre- 
sentation. It  dishonors  the  American  people  by  repudiating  a  solemn  pledge 
made  in  their  behalf  by  the  commanding  general  of  our  army,  which  the  Porto 
Ricans  welcomed  to  a  peaceful  and  unresisted  occupation  of  their  land.  It 
dooms  to  poverty  and  distress  a  people  whose  helplessness  appeals  with  pecu- 
li?.r  force  to  our  justice  and  magnanimity.  In  this,  the  first  act  of  its  imperial- 
istic programme,  the  Republican  party  seeks  to  commit  the  United  States  to  a 

507 


5o8  PLATFORM  OF  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY 

colonial  policy,  inconsistent  with  Republican  institutions  and  condemned  by 
the  Supreme  Court  in  numerous  decisions. 

Our  PI.KDGE  TO  Cuba 
We  demand  the  prompt  and  honest  fulfilment  of  our  pledge  to  the  Cuban 
people  and  the  world,  that  the  United  States  has  no  disposition  or  intention  to 
exercise  sovereignty,  jurisdiction  or  control  over  the  island  of  Cuba  except  for 
its  pacification.  The  war  ended  nearly  two  years  ago,  profound  peace  reigns 
over  all  the  island,  and  still  the  Administration  keeps  the  government  of  the 
island  from  its  people,  while  Republican  carpet-bag  ofl&cials  plunder  its 
revenues  and  exploit  the  colonial  theory  to  the   disgrace   of  the   American 

people. 

PhiIvIppine   Policy 

We  condemn  and  denounce  the  Philippine  policy  of  the  present  Adminis- 
tration. It  has  involved  the  Republic  in  unnecessary  war,  sacrificed  the  lives 
of  many  of  our  noblest  sons,  and  placed  the  United  States,  previously  known 
and  applauded  throughout  the  world  as  the  champion  of  freedom,  in  the  false 
and  un-American  position  of  crushing,  with  military  force,  the  efforts  of  our 
former  allies  to  achieve  liberty  and  self-government.  The  Filipinos  cannot  be 
citizens  without  endangering  our  civilization,  they  cannot  be  subjects  without 
imperiling  our  form  of  government,  and  as  we  are  not  willing  to  surrender 
our  civilization  or  to  convert  the  Republic  into  an  empire,  we  favor  an  imme- 
diate declaration  of  the  nation's  purpose  to  give  to  the  Filipinos,  first,  a  stable 
form  of  government ;  second,  independence,  and  third,  protection  from  outside 
interference,  such  as  has  been  given  for  nearly  a  century  to  the  Republics  of 
Central  and  South  America. 

The  greedy  commercialism  which  declared  the  Philippine  policy  of  the 
Republican  Administration,  attempts  to  justify  it  with  the  plea  that  it  will  pay, 
but  even  this  sordid  and  unworthy  plea  fails  when  brought  to  the  test  of  facts. 
The  war  of  criminal  aggression  against  the  Filipinos,  entailing  an  annual 
expense  of  many  millions,  has  already  cost  more  than  any  possible  profit  that 
could  accrue  from  the  entire  Philippine  trade  for  years  to  come.  Furthermore, 
when  trade  is  extended  at  the  expense  of  liberty,  the  price  is  always  too  high. 

Territorial  Expansion. 
We  are  not  opposed  to  territorial  expansion  when  it  takes  in  desirable 
territory  which  can  be  erected  into  States  in  the  Union  and  whose  people  arc 
willing  and  fit  to  become  American  citizens.  We  favor  expansion  by  every 
peaceful  and  legitimate  means.  But  we  are  unalterably  opposed  to  the  seizing 
or  purchasing  of  distant  islands  to  be  governed  outside  the  Constitution  and 
whose  people  can  never  become  citizens. 


PLATFORM  OF  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  509 

We  are  in  favor  of  extending  the  Republic's  influence  among  the  nations, 
but  believe  that  influence  should  be  extended,  not  by  force  and  violence,  but 
through  the  persuasive  power  of  a  high  and  honorable  example. 

Thk  Paramount  Issue) 

The  importance  of  other  questions  now  pending  before  the  American 
people  is  in  no  wise  diminished,  and  the  Democratic  party  takes  no  backward 
step  from  its  position  on  them,  but  the  burning  issue  of  imperialism,  growing 
out  of  the  Spanish  War,  involves  the  very  existence  of  the  Republic  and  the 
destruction  of  our  free  institutions.  We  regard  it  as  the  paramount  issue  of 
the  campaign. 

The  declaration  in  the  Republican  platform  adopted  at  the  Philadelphia 
Convention,  held  in  June,  1900,  that  the  Republican  party  '  steadfastly  adheres 
to  the  policy  announced  in  the  Monroe  Doctrine,'  is  manifestly  insincere  and 
deceptive.  This  profession  is  contradicted  by  the  avowed  policy  of  that  party 
in  opposition  to  the  spirit  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  to  acquire  and  hold 
sovereignty  over  large  areas  of  territory  and  large  numbers  of  people  in  the 
eastern  hemisphere.  We  insist  on  the  strict  maintenance  of  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine, in  all  its  integrity,  both  in  letter  and  in  spirit,  as  necessary  to  pre- 
vent the  extension  of  European  authority  on  this  continent,  and  as  essential  to 
our  supremacy  in  American  affairs.  At  the  same  time  we  declare  that  no 
American  people  shall  ever  be  held  by  force  in  unwilling  subjection  to  Euro- 
pean authority. 

Oppose  Militarism. 

We  oppose  militarism.  It  means  conquest  abroad  and  intimidation  and 
oppressoin  at  home.  It  means  the  strong  arm,  which  has  ever  been  fatal  to 
free  institutions.  It  is  what  millions  of  our  citizens  have  fled  from  in  Europe. 
It  will  impose  upon  our  peace  loving  people  a  large  standing  army,  an  unneces- 
sary burden  of  taxation  and  a  constant  menace  to  their  liberties.  A  small 
standing  army  and  a  well-disciplined  state  militia  are  amply  sufiicient  in  time 
of  peace.  This  Republic  has  no  place  for  a  vast  military  service,  and  conscrip- 
tion. When  the  nation  is  in  danger  the  volunteer  soldier  is  his  country's  best 
defender.  The  National  Guard  of  the  United  ►States  should  ever  be  cherished 
in  the  patriotic  hearts  of  a  free  people.  Such  organizations  are  ever  an  element 
of  strength  and  safety.  For  the  first  time  in  our  history  and  co-eval  with  the 
Philippine  conquest  has  there  been  a  wholesale  departure  from  our  time-honored 
and  approved  system  of  volunteer  organization.  We  denounce  it  as  un-Ameri- 
can, un-Democratic  and  un-Republican,  and  as  a  subversion  of  the  ancient  and 
fixed  principle  of  a  free  people. 
29 


5 TO  PLATFORM  OF  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY 

Private  monopolies  are  indefensible  and  intolerable.  They  destroy  compe- 
tition, control  the  price  of  all  material  and  of  the  finished  product,  thus  rob- 
bing both  producer  and  consumer.  They  lessen  the  employment  of  labor  and 
arbitrarily  fix  the  terms  and  conditions  thereof,  and  deprive  individual  energy 
and  small  capital  of  their  opportunity  for  betterment.  They  are  the  most  effi- 
cient means  yet  devised  for  appropriating  the  fruits  of  industry  to  the  benefit 
of  the  few  at  the  expense  of  the  many,  and  unless  their  insatiate  greed  is 
checked,  all  wealth  will  be  aggregated  in  a  few  hands  and  the  republic  destroyed. 
The  dishonest  paltering  with  the  trust  evil  by  the  Republican  party  in  state  and 
national  platforms  is  conclusive  proof  of  the  truth  of  the  charge  that  trusts  are 
the  legitimate  product  of  Republican  policies  ;  that  they  are  fostered  by  Repub- 
lican laws,  and  that  they  are  protected  by  the  Republican  Administration  in 
return  for  campaign  subscriptions  and  political  support. 

Unceasing  Warfare  Pledged 

We  pledge  the  Democratic  party,  to  an  unceasing  warfare  in  nation,  state 
and  city  against  private  monopoly  in  every  form.  Existing  laws  against  trusts 
must  be  enforced,  and  more  stringent  ones  must  be  enacted,  providing  for  pub- 
licity as  to  the  affairs  of  corporations  engaged  in  interstate  commerce,  and 
requiring  all  corporations  to  show,  before  doing  business  outside  of  the  state  of 
their  origin,  that  they  have  no  water  in  their  stock,  and  that  they  have  not 
attempted  and  are  not  attempting  to  monopolize  any  branch  of  business  or  the 
production  of  any  articles  of  merchandise,  and  the  whole  constitutional  power  of 
Congress  over  interstate  commerce,  the  mails  and  all  modes  of  interstate  com- 
munication shall  be  exercised  by  the  enactment  of  comprehensive  laws  upon  the 
subject  of  trusts.  Tariff  laws  should  be  amended  by  putting  the  products  of 
trusts  upon  the  free  list,  to  prevent  monopoly  under  the  plea  of  protection. 

The  failure  of  the  present  Republican  Administration,  with  an  absolute 
control  over  all  branches  of  the  National  Government,  to  enact  any  legislation 
designing  to  prevent  or  even  curtail  the  absorbing  power  of  trusts  and  illegal 
combinations,  or  to  enforce  the  anti-trust  laws  already  on  the  statute  books, 
prove  the  insincerity  of  the  high  sounding  phrases  of  the  Republican  platform. 

Corporations  should  be  protected  in  all  their  rights,  and  their  legitimate 
interests  should  be  respected,  but  any  attempt  by  corporations  to  interfere  with 
the  public  affairs  of  the  people,  or  to  control  the  sovereignity  which  created 
them,  should  be  forbidden  under  such  penalties  as  will  make  such  attempts 

impossible. 

The  Tariff 

We  condemn  the  Dingley  Tariff  law  as  a  trust  breeding  measure,  skilfully 
devised  to  give  the  few  favors  which  they  do  not  deserve  and  to  place  upon  the 
many  burdens  which  they  should  not  bear. 


PLATFORM  OF  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  5" 

We  favor  such  an  enlargement  of  the  scope  of  the  Interstate  Commerce 
law  as  will  enable  the  Commission  to  protect  individuals  and  communities 
from  discriminations  and  the  public  from  unjust  and  unfair  transportation  rates. 

Frke^  Coinage  at  i6  to  i 
We  reaffirm  and  endorse  the  principles  of  the  national  Democratic  platform 
adopted  at  Chicago  in  1896,  and  we  reiterate  the  demand  of  that  platform  for 
an  American  financial  system  made  by  the  American  people  for  themselves, 
which  shall  restore  and  maintain  a  bimetallic  price  level,  and  as  part  of  such 
system,  the  immediate  restoration  of  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver 
and  gold  at  the  present  legal  ratio  of  16  to  i,  without  waiting  for  the  aid  or 
consent  of  any  other  nation. 

Currency  Bill  Condemned 

We  denounce  the  Currency  bill  enacted  at  the  last  session  of  Congress  as 

a  step  forward  in  the  Republican  policy,  which  aims  to  discredit  the  sovereign 

right  of  the  national  government  to  issue  all  money,  whether  coin  or  paper, 

and  to  bestow  upon  national  banks  the  power  to  issue  and  control  the  volume 

of  paper  money  for  their  own  benefit.     A  permanent  national  bank  currency, 

secured  by   government  bonds,  must  have   a   permanent  debt  to  rest   upon, 

and  if  the  bank  currency  is  to  increase  with  population  and  business  the  debt 

must  also  increase.     The  Republican  currency  scheme  is,  therefore,  a  scheme 

for  fastening  upon  the  tax  payers  a  perpetual  and  growing  debt  for  the  benefit 

of  the  banks.     We  are  opposed  to  this  private  corporation  paper  circulated  as 

money,  but  without  legal  tender  qualities,  and  demand  the  retirement  of  the 

national  bank  notes  as  fast  as  government  paper  and  silver  certificates  can  be 

substituted  for  them. 

Election  op  Senators 

We  favor  an  amendment  to  the  Federal  Constitution  providing  for  the 
election  of  United  States  Senators  by  direct  vote  of  the  people,  and  we  favor 
direct  legislation  wherever  practicable. 

Labor  Questions 

We  are  opposed  to  government  by  injunction  ;  we  denounce  the  blacklist 
and  favor  arbitration  as  a  means  of  settling  disputes  between  corporations  and 
their  employes. 

In  the  interest  of  American  labor  and  the  upbuilding  of  the  working  man  as 
the  corner-stone  of  the  prosperity  of  our  country,  we  recommend  that  Congress 
create  a  Department  of  Labor,  in  charge  of  a  Secretary,  with  a  seat  in  the 
Cabinet,  believing  that  the  elevation  of  the  American  laborer  will  bring  with  it 
increased  production  and  increased  prosperity  to  our  country  at  home  and  to 
our  commerce  abroad. 


5 1 2  PL  A  TFORM  OF  THE  DEMOCRA  TIC  PARTY 

We  are  proud  of  the  courage  and  fidelity  of  the  American  soldiers  and 
sailors  in  all  our  wars ;  we  favor  liberal  pensions  to  them  and  their  de- 
pendants, and  we  reiterate  the  position  taken  in  the  Chicago  platform  in  1896 
that  the  fact  of  enlistment  and  service  shall  be  deemed  conclusive  evidence 
against  disease  and  disability  before  enlistment. 

Nicaragua  Canai. 

We  favor  the  immediate  construction,  ownership  and  control  of  the  Nica- 
ragua Canal  by  the  United  States,  and  we  denounce  the  insincerity  of  the  plank 
in  the  Republican  National  platform  for  an  isthmian  canal  in  the  face  of  the 
failure  of  the  Republican  majority  to  pass  the  bill  pending  in  Congress. 

We  condemn  the  Hay-Pauncefote  treaty  as  a  surrender  of  American  rights 
and  interests,  not  to  be  tolerated  by  the  American  people. 

Statehood  for  the;  Territories 
We  denounce  the  failure  of  the  Republican  party  to  carry  out  its  pledges 
to  grant  statehood  to  the  territories  of  Arizona,  New  Mexico  and  Oklahoma, 
and  we  promise  the  people  of  those  territories  immediate  statehood  and  home 
rule  during  their  condition  as  territories,  and  we  favor  home  rule  and  a  terri- 
torial form  of  government  for  Alaska  and  Porto  Rico. 

Irrigation 

We  favor  an  intelligent  system  of  improving  the  arid  lands  of  the  West, 

storing  the  waters  for  purposes  of  irrigation,  and  the  holding  of  such  lands  for 

actual  settlers. 

Chinese  Exci^usion 

We  favor  the  continuance  and  strict  enforcement  of  the  Chinese  Exclusion 
law  and  its  application  to  the  same  classes  of  all  Asiatic  races. 

No  Foreign  Ai^liances 

Jefferson  said  :  "  Peace,  commerce  and  honest  friendship  with  all  nations  : 
entangling  alliances  with  none." 

We  approve  this  wholesome  doctrine,  and  earnestly  protest  against  the 
Republican  departure,  which  has  involved  us  in  co-called  world  politics,  includ- 
ing the  diplomacy  of  Europe  and  the  intrigue  and  land  grabbing  of  Asia,  and  we 
especially  condemn  the  ill  concealed  Republican  alliance  with  England,  which 
must  mean  discrimination  against  other  friendly  nations,  and  which  has  already 
stifled  the  nation's  voice  while  liberty  is  being  strangled  in  Africa. 

Sympathy  for  the  Boers 

Believing  in  the  principles  of  self-government,  and  rejecting,  as  did  our 
forefathers,  the  claim  of  monarchy,  we  view  with  indignation  the  purpose  of 


PLATFORM  OF  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  513 

England  to  overwhelm  with  force  the  South  African  Republics.  Speaking,  as 
we  do,  for  the  entire  American  nation,  except  its  Republican  ofl&ce  holders, 
and  for  all  free  men  everywhere,  we  extend  our  sympathies  to  the  heroic 
burghers  in  their  unequal  struggle  to  maintain  their  liberty  and  independence. 

Taxes  and  Government  Kxpenditures 

We  denounce  the  large  appropriations  of  recent  Republican  Congresses, 
which  have  kept  taxes  high,  and  which  threaten  the  perpetuation  of  the  oppres- 
sive war  levies.  We  oppose  the  accumulation  of  a  surplus  to  be  squandered  in 
such  bare-faced  frauds  upon  the  taxpayers  as  the  Shipping  Subsidy  bill,  which, 
under  the  false  pretence  of  prospering  American  shipbuilding,  would  put 
unearned  millions  into  the  pockets  of  favorite  contributors  to  the  Republican 
campaign  fund.  We  favor  the  reduction  and  speedy  repeal  of  the  war  taxes 
and  a  return  to  the  time-honored  Democratic  policy  of  strict  economy  in  govern- 
mental expenditures. 

Believing  that  our  most  cherished  institutions  are  in  great  peril,  that  the 
very  existence  of  our  constitutional  Republic  is  at  stake,  and  that  the  decision 
now  to  be  rendered  will  determine  whether  or  not  our  children  are  to  enjoy 
those  blessed  privileges  of  free  government  which  have  made  the  United  States 
great,  prosperous  and  honored,  we  earnestly  ask  for  the  foregoing  declaration  of 
principles  the  hearty  support  of  the  liberty  loving  American  people,  regardless 
of  previous  party  afl&liations. 


CHAPTER  XXX 

Convention  of  Silver  Republicans 

Held  at  Kansas  City,  July  4,  1900 

The    Party    Favors  Free  Unlimited    Coinage  of  Silver — Twenty- 
four  States  Represented — Democratic  Ticket 
Endorsed — Platform  Adopted. 

IT  was  a  matter  of  great  import  that  at  the  St.  Louis  Convention, 
in  1896,  Senator  Teller  and  other  advocates  of  free  silver  with- 
drew from  the  Republican  National  Convention  on  account  of 
their  sincere  belief  that  the  old  party  was  making  a  mistake  in  not 
recognizing  the  white  metal  in  its  platform.  A  new  national  party 
thereupon  came  into  existence,  known  as  the  Silver  Republican  Party. 
This  National  Convention  was  called  to  meet  in  Kansas  City  on  the 
same  date  as  that  of  the  Democratic  Party,  July  4,  1900.  Twenty- 
four  states  were  represented  by  delegates,  as  follows :  Kansas, 
Nebraska,  Minnesota,  Iowa,  Colorado,  Arkansas,  California,  Illinois, 
Indiana,  Indian  Territory,  Idaho,  Michigan,  Montana,  Mississippi, 
Ohio,  Oklahoma,  Oregon,  New  Jersey,  North  Dakota,  Pennsylvania, 
South  Dakota,  Texas,  Utah,  West  Virginia.  The  meeting  was  called 
to  order  by  Chairman  Charles  A.  Towne,  who  introduced  Rev.  Dr. 
Bigelow,  of  Cincinnati,  to  offer  the  invocation.  The  Secretary  of 
the  National  Committee  read  the  call  for  the  convention,  after 
which  Stanley  S.  Parkhill,  of  Minnesota,  read  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  which  was  loudly  applauded.  The  chairman  then 
introduced  Dr.  Howard  S.  Taylor,  of  Chicago,  who  read  his  poem, 
entitled  "The  Liberty  Bell,"  which  was  rendered  with  good  effect 
and  received  with  signs  of  appreciation  by  the  audience.  Chairman 
Towne  delivered  a  short  address,  in  which  he  referred  to  the  rise 
and  progress  of  the  principles  this  convention  represented.  In  an 
514 


CONVENTION  OF  SILVER  REPUBLICANS  515 

impressive  manner  he  spoke  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  as 
embodying  the  principles  essential  to  the  preservation  of  Republi- 
can institutions. 

At  the  close  of  his  speech  he  presented  the  gavel  to  Senator 
Teller,  as  temporary  chairman  of  the  convention.  The  gavel  was 
made  from  the  wood  of  an  elm  tree  planted  by  Abraham  Lincoln. 

Senator  Teller's  address  to  the  convention  was  full  of  force, 
and  was  a  stirring  arraignment  of  the  Republican  party  during  the 
four  years  and  its  attitude  on  the  money  question.  He  also  reviewed 
the  growth  of  the  money  trusts,  and  the  rapid  strides  of  imperial- 
ism and  industrial  trusts  as  attendant  evils. 

The  mention  of  the  names  of  William  Jennings  Bryan  and 
Charles  A.  Towne  by  Mr.  Teller  created  a  perfect  storm  of  applause, 
at  the  end  of  which  Mr.  E.  S.  Corser,  of  Minnesota,  presented  a 
resolution  providing  for  a  committee  of  fifteen,  of  which  Henry  M. 
Teller  should  be  chairman,  to  present  to  the  Democratic  National 
Convention  the  name  of  Charles  A.  Towne  as  a  candidate  for  vice- 
president,  and  that  a  similar  committtee  be  appointed  to  confer 
with  a  like  committee  which  may  be  appointed  by  the  Democratic 
National  Convention. 

Second  Day's  Session 

At  the  meeting  of  the  convention  for  the  second  day,  it  was 
evident  that  William  Jennings  Bryan  would  be  the  nominee  of  the 
Silver  Republican  Party  for  the  presidency.  Before  the  platform 
was  presented,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  invite  the  Ex-Assist- 
ant Secretary  of  the  Interior,  Webster  Davis,  to  address  the  con- 
vention, which  he  did  later  in  the  day,  to  the  great  pleasure  and 
satisfaction  of  the  audience.  The  Committee  on  Resolutions, 
through  Mr.  D.  C.  Tillotson,  of  Kansas,  reported  the  platform  of 
the  party  which  practically  reaffirmed  the  Platform  of  the  Demo- 
cratic Party  adopted  at  Kansas  City.  The  report  was  unanimously 
adopted.  Senator  Teller  then,  in  a  most  eloquent  address,  which 
was  a  fine  tribute  to  the  life  and  character  of  William  Jennings 
Bryan,  put  him  in  nomination,  declaring  that  not  one  Democrat  of 


5i6  CONVENTION  OF  SILVER  REPUBLICANS 

prominence  in  the  party  stood  so  high  in  popular  favor  as  did  Mr, 
Bryan,  who  was  called  the  Lincoln  of  the  Silver  Republican  Party. 
Senator  Teller's  speech  was  seconded  by  H,  S.  Hazzard,  of  Cali- 
fornia, and  by  Senator  Ransom,  of  Nebraska,  by  Lieutenant- 
Governor  Hutchinson,  of  Idaho,  H.  B.  Lason,  of  South  Dakota,  and 
many  others. 

Not  Agreed  on  the  Vice   Presidency 

It  was  the  expectation  of  many  of  the  Silver  Republicans  that 
Charles  A.  Towne  would  receive  the  nomination  of  the  National 
Democratic  Party  for  the  vice  presidency,  and  for  that  reason  the 
convention  was  disposed  to  wait  until  the  Democratic  convention 
had  reached  a  decision.  The  committee  appointed  to  confer  with  a 
like  committee  from  the  Democratic  Convention  accomplished  no 
results,  and  there  seemed  to  be  a  decided  feeling  against  accepting 
Adlai  E.  Stevenson,  the  Democratic  nominee,  as  the  candidate  for 
the  Silver  Republican  Party.  Charles  A.  Towne  was  the  great 
hero  of  the  convention,  and  it  was  with  great  effort  on  his  part  and 
that  of  his  friends  that  the  convention  was  kept  from  nominating 
him  against  his  will.  In  an  eloquent  speech  to  the  convention  he 
declared  that  the  principles  for  which  the  convention  stood  would 
be  better  accomplished  by  the  election  of  William  Jennings  Bryan 
and  by  the  defeat  of  William  McKinley  than  by  the  election  of  any 
other  man,  that  the  prospect  of  success  for  victory  of  the  free  silver 
coinage  principles  should  not  be  sacrificed  by  the  nomination  of  any 
one  who  would  prejudice  the  election  of  Mr.  Bryan.  Therefore, 
he  besought  the  convention  that  they  would  lay  aside  whatever 
feeling  they  might  have  and  place  Mr,  Stevenson  as  their  candidate. 
This  met  with  decided  opposition  in  the  convention,  but  a  compro- 
mise was  effected  by  not  making  a  nomination  and  referring  the 
matter  to  the  National  Committee,  with  plenary  powers  to  fill  the 
place  to  the  best  interests  of  the  party. 

After  the  adjournment  of  the  convention,  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee agreed  to  ratify  the  nominations  made  by  the  National 
Democratic  Convention,  and  placed  Adlai  Stevenson  upon  their 
ticket. 


The  Declaration  of  Independence 

In  Co7tgress,  July  /,  1776 

Thb  Unanimous  Dkci^aration  of  the;  thirteen  United  States 

OF  America 

WHEN  in  the  course  of  human  events,  it  becomes  necessary  for  one  people  to  dis- 
solve the  political  bands  which  have  connected  them  with  another,  and  to  assume 
among  the  Powers  of  the  earth,  the  separate  and  equal  station  to  which  the  Laws 
of  Nature  and  of  Nature's  God  entitle  them,  a  decent  respect  to  the  opinions  of 
mankind  requires  that  they  should  declare  the  causes  which  impel  them  to  the  separation. 

We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self  evident;  that  all  men  are  created  equal,  that  they  are 
endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  unalienable  Rights,  that  among  these  are  Life,  Lib- 
erty and  the  pursuit  of  Happiness.  That  to  secure  these  rights.  Governments  are  instituted 
among  Men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed.  That  whenever 
any  Form  of  Government  becomes  destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is  the  Right  of  the  People 
to  alter  or  to  abolish  it,  and  to  institute  new  Government,  laying  its  foundation  on  such 
principles  and  organizing  its  powers  in  such  form,  as  to  them  shall  seem  most  likely  to 
effect  their  Safety  and  Happiness.  Prudence,  indeed,  will  dictate  that  Governments  long 
established  should  not  be  changed  for  light  and  transient  causes ;  and  accordingly  all 
experience  hath  shown,  that  mankind  are  more  disposed  to  suffer,  while  evils  are  sufferable, 
than  to  right  themselves  by  abolishing  the  forms  to  which  they  are  accustomed.  But  when 
a  long  train  of  abuses  and  usurpations,  pursuing  invariably  the  same  Object  evinces  a  design 
to  reduce  them  under  absolute  Despotism,  it  is  their  right,  it  is  their  duty,  to  throw  off 
such  Government,  and  to  provide  new  Guards  for  their  future  security. — Such  has  been  the 
patient  sufferance  of  these  Colonies  ;  and  such  is  now  the  necessity  which  constrains  them 
to  alter  their  former  Systems  of  Government.  The  history  of  the  present  King  of  Great 
Britain  is  a  history  of  repeated  injuries  and  usurpations,  all  having  in  direct  object  the 
establishment  of  an  absolute  Tyranny  over  these  States.  To  prove  this,  let  Facts  be  sub- 
mitted to  a  candid  world. 

He  has  refused  his  Assent  to  Laws,  the  most  wholesome  and  necessary  to  the  public 
good. 

He  has  forbidden  his  Governors  to  pass  Laws  of  immediate  and  pressing  importance, 
unless  suspended  in  their  operation  till  his  Assent  should  be  obtained  ;  and  when  so  sus- 
pended, he  has  utterly  neglected  to  attend  to  them. 

He  has  refused  to  pass  other  Laws  for  the  accommodation  of  large  districts  of  people, 
unless  those  people  would  relinquish  the  right  of  Representation  in  the  Legislature,  a 
right  inestimable  to  them  and  formidable  to  tyrants  only. 

He  has  called  together  legislative  bodies  at  places  unusual,  uncomfortable,  and 
distant  from  the  depository  of  their  Public  Records,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  fatiguing  them 
into  compliance  with  his  measures. 

He  has  dissolved  Representative  Houses  repeatedly,  for  opposing  with  manly  firm- 
,  ness  his  invasions  on  the  rights  of  the  people. 

He  has  refused  for  a  long  time,  after  such  dissolutions,  to  cause  others  to  be  elected  ; 
whereby  the  Legislative  Powers,  incapable  of  Annihilation,  have  returned  to  the  People  at 
large  for  their  exercise  ;  the  State  remaining  in  the  mean  time  exposed  to  all  the  dangers 
of  invasion  from  without,  and  convulsions  within. 

He  has  endeavored  to  prevent  the  population  of  these  States  ;  for  that  purpose 
obstructing  the  Laws  for  Naturalization  of  Foreignei's  ;  refusing  to  pass  others  to  encourage 
their  migration  hither,  and  raising  the  conditions  of  new  Appropriations  of  Lands. 

He  has  obstructed  the  Administration  of  Justice,  by  refusing  his  Assent  to  Laws  for 
establishing  Judiciary  Powers. 

He  has  made  Judges  dependent  on  his  Will  alone,  for  the  tenure  of  their  offices,  and 
the  amount  and  payment  of  their  salaries. 

517 


5i8  THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE 

He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  New  Offices,  and  sent  hither  swarms  of  Officers  to 
harass  our  People,  and  eat  out  their  substance. 

He  has  kept  among  us,  in  times  of  peace.  Standing  Armies  without  the  Consent  of 
our  legislature. 

He  has  affected  to  render  the  Military  independent  of  and  superior  to  the  Civil  Power. 

He  has  combined  with  others  to  subject  us  to  a  jurisdiction  foreign  to  our  constitu- 
tion, and  unacknowledged  by  our  laws  ;  giving  his  Assent  to  their  Acts  of  pretended  Legis- 
lation : 

For  quartering  large  bodies  of  armed  troops  among  us  : 

For  protecting  them,  by  a  mock  Trial,  from  Punishment  for  any  Murders  which  they 
should  commit  on  the  Inhabitants  of  these  States : 

For  cutting  off  our  Trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world  : 

For  imposing  taxes  on  us  without  our  Consent : 

For  depriving  us  in  many  cases,  of  the  benefits  of  Trial  by  Jury: 

For  transporting  us  beyond  Seas  to  be  tried  for  pretended  offences  : 

For  abolishing  the  free  System  of  English  Laws  in  a  neighboring  Province,  establish- 
ing therein  an  Arbitrary  government,  and  enlarging  its  Boundaries  so  as  to  render  it  at  once 
an  example  and  iit  instrument  for  introducing  the  same  absolute  rule  into  these  Colonies  : 

For  taking  away  our  Charters,  abolishing  our  most  valuable  Laws,  and  altering  fun- 
damentally the  Forms  of  our  Government: 

For  suspending  our  own  Legislatures,  and  declaring  themselves  invested  with  Power 
to  legislate  for  us  in  all  cases  whatsoever. 

He  has  abdicated  Government  here,  by  declaring  us  out  of  his  Protection  and 
waging  War  against  us. 

He  has  plundered  our  seas,  ravaged  our  Coasts,  burnt  our  towns,  and  destroyed  the 
lives  of  our  people. 

He  is  at  this  time  transporting  large  armies  of  foreign  mercenaries  to  compleat  the 
works  of  death,  desolation  and  tyranny,  already  begun  with  circumstances  of  Cruelty  & 
perfidy  scarcely  paralleled  in  the  most  barbarous  ages,  and  totally  unworthy  the  Head  of  a 
civilized  nation. 

He  has  constrained  our  fellow  Citizens  taken  Captive  on  the  high  Seas  to  bear  Arms 
against  their  Country,  to  become  the  executioners  of  their  friends  and  Brethren,  or  to  fall 
themselves  by  their  hands. 

He  has  excited  domestic  insurrections  amongst  us,  and  has  endeavored  to  bring  on 
the  inhabitants  of  our  frontiers,  the  merciless  Indian  Savages,  whose  known  rule  of  war- 
fare, is  an  undistinguished  destruction  of  all  ages,  sexes  and  conditions. 

In  every  stage  of  these  Oppressions  We  have  Petitioned  for  Redress  in  the  most 
humble  terms:  Our  repeated  Petitions  have  been  answered  only  by  repeated  injury.  A 
Prince,  whose  character  is  thus  marked  by  exery  act  which  may  define  a  Tyrant,  is  unfit  to 
be  the  ruler  of  a  free  People. 

Nor  have  We  been  wanting  in  attention  to  our  Brittish  brethren.  We  have  warned 
them  from  time  to  time  of  attempts  by  their  legislature  to  extend  an  unwarrantable  juris- 
diction over  us.  We  have  reminded  them  of  the  circumstances  of  our  emigration  and  set- 
tlement here.  We  have  appealed  to  their  native  justice  and  magnanimity,  and  we  have 
conjured  them  by  the  ties  of  our  common  kindred  to  disavow  these  usurpations,  which 
would  inevitably  interrupt  our  connections  and  correspondence.  They  too  have  been  deaf 
to  the  voice  of  justice  and  of  consanguinity.  We  must,  therefore,  acquiesce  in  the  necessity, 
which  denounces  our  Separation,  and  hold  them,  as  we  hold  the  rest  of  mankind,  Enemies 
in  War,  in  Peace  Friends. 

We,  therefore,  the  Representatives  of  the  United  States  of  America,  in  General 
Congress  Assembled,  appealing  to  the  Supreme  Judge  of  the  world  for  the  rectitude  of  our 
intentions,  do,  in  the  Name,  and  by  Authority  of  the  good  People  of  these  Colonies,  sol- 
emnly publish  and  declare.  That  these  United  Colonies  are,  and  of  Right  ought  to  be  Free 
and  Independent  States;  that  they  are  Absolved  from  all  Allegiance  to  the  British  Crown, 
and  that  all  political  connection  between  them  and  the  State  of  Great  Britain,  is  and  ought 
to  be  totally  dissolved  ;  and  that  as  Free  and  Independent  States,  they  have  fnll  Power  to 
levy  War,  conclude  Peace,  contract  Alliances,  establish  Commerce,  and  to  do  all  other  Acts 
and  Things  which  Independent  States  may  of  right  do.  And  for  the  support  of  this  Decla- 
ration, with  a  firm  reliance  on  the  Protection  of  Divine  Providence,  we  mutually  pledge 
to  each  other  our  Lives,  our  Fortunes  and  our  sacred  Honor. 


The  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

We;,  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  form  a  more  perfect  Union, 
establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide  for  the  common  defence, 
promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and 
our  posterity,  do  ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution  for  the  United  States 

of  America . 

ARTICIvE  I. 
Section  I. — Congress  in  General 

All  legislative  powers  herein  granted  shall  be  vested  in  a  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  which  shall  consist  of  a  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives. 

Section  II. — House  oe  Representatives 

1.  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  be  composed  of  members  chosen  every  second 
year  by  the  people  of  the  several  States,  and  the  electors  in  each  State  shall  have  the 
qualifications  requisite  for  electors  of  the  most  numerous  branch  of  the  State  L,egislature. 

2.  No  person  shall  be  a  Representative  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the  age  of 
twenty-five  years,  and  been  seven  years  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  who  shall  not, 
when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of  that  State  in  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

3.  Representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  aportioned  among  the  several  States  which 
may  be  included  within  this  Union  according  to  their  respective  numbers,  which  shall  be 
determined  by  adding  to  the  whole  number  of  free  persons,  including  those  bound  to  service 
for  a  term  of  years,  and  excluding  Indians  not  taxed,  three-fifths  of  all  other  persons.  The 
actual  enumeration  shall  be  made  within  three  years  after  the  first  meeting  of  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States,  and  within  every  subsequent  term  often  years,  in  such  manner  as  they 
shall  by  law  direct.  The  number  of  Representatives  shall  not  exceed  one  for  every  thirty 
thousand,  but  each  State  shall  have  at  least  one  Representative  ;  and  until  such  enumeration 
shall  be  made,  the  State  of  New  Hampshire  shall  be  entitled  to  choose  3  ;  Massachusetts,  8  ; 
Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantation,  i  ;  Connecticut,  5  ;  New  York,  6  ;  New  Jersey,  4  ; 
Pennsylvania,  8  ;  Delaware,  i ;  Maryland,  6 ;  Virginia,  10  ;  North  Carolina,  5  ;  South  Caro- 
lina, 5,  and  Georgia,  3.* 

4.  When  vacancies  happen  in  the  representation  from  any  State,  the  Executive 
Authority  thereof  shall  issue  writs  of  election  to  fill  such  vacancies. 

5.  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  their  Speaker  and  other  officers,  and 
shall  have  the  sole  power  of  impeachment. 

Section  III.— The  Senate 

1.  The  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall  be  composed  of  two  Senators  from  each  State, 
chosen  by  the  Legislature  thereof,  for  six  years  ;  and  each  Senator  shall  have  one  vote. 

2.  Immediately  after  they  shall  be  assembled  in  consequence  of  the  first  election,  they 
shall  be  divided  as  equally  as  may  be  into  three  classes.  The  seats  of  the  Senators  of  the 
first  class  shall  be  vacated  at  the  expiration  of  the  second  year,  of  the  second  class  at  the 
expiration  of  the  fourth  year,  and  of  the  third  class  at  the  expiration  of  the  sixth  year,  so 
that  one-third  may  be  chosen  every  second  year  :  and  if  vacancies  happen  by  resignation, 
or  otherwise,  during  the  recess  of  the  Legislature  of  any  State,  the  Executive  thereof  may 
make  temporary  appointment  until  the  next  meeting  of  the  Legislature,  which  shall  then 
fill  such  vacancies. 

3.  No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the  age  of  thirty  years, 
and  been  nine  years  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an 
inhabitant  of  that  State  for  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 


*  See  Article  XIV. ,  Amendments. 


520  THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

4.  The  Vice  President  of  the  United  States  shall  be  President  of  the  Senate,  but  shall 
have  no  vote  unless  they  be  equally  divided. 

5.  The  Senate  shall  choose  their  other  officers,  and  also  a  President  pro  tempore,  in 
the  absence  of  the  Vice  President,  or  when  he  shall  exercise  the  office  of  President  of  the 
United  States. 

6.  The  Senate  shall  have  the  sole  power  to  try  all  impeachments.  When  sitting  for 
that  purpose,  they  shall  be  on  oath  or  affirmation.  When  the  President  of  the  United  States 
is  tried,  the  Chief  Justice  shall  preside  ;  and  no  person  shall  be  convicted  without  the  con- 
currence of  two-thirds  of  the  members  present. 

7.  Judgment  in  cases  of  impeachment  shall  not  extend  further  than  to  removal  from 
office,  and  disqualification  to  hold  and  enjoy  any  office  of  honor,  trust,  or  profit  under  the 
United  States  ;  but  the  party  convicted  shall  nevertheless  be  liable  and  subject  to  indictment, 
trial,  judgment,  and  punishment,  according  to  law. 

Section  IV. — Both  Houses 

1.  The  times,  places,  and  manner  of  holding  elections  for  Senators  and  Representatives 
shall  be  prescribed  in  each  State  by  the  Legislature  thereof;  but  the  Congress  may  at  any 
time  by  law  make  or  alter  such  regulations,  except  as  to  the  places  of  choosing  Senators. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  assemble  at  least  once  in  every  year,  and  such  meeting  shall  be 
on  the  first  Monday  in  December,  unless  they  shall  by  law  appoint  a  diflferent  day. 

Section  V. — The  Houses  Separately 

1.  Each  House  shall  bethe  judge  of  the  elections,  returns,  and  qualifications  of  its  own 
members,  and  a  majority  of  each  shall  constitute  a  quorum  to  do  business ;  but  a  smaller 
number  may  adjourn  from  day  to  day,  and  may  be  authorized  to  compel  the  attendance  of 
absent  members  in  such  manner  and  under  such  penalties  as  each  House  may  provide. 

2.  Each  House  may  determine  the  rules  of  its  proceedings,  punish  its  members  for 
disorderly  behavior,  and  with  the  concurrence  of  two-thirds  expel  a  member. 

3.  Each  House  shall  keep  a  journal  of  its  proceedings,  and  from  time  to  time  publish 
the  same,  excepting  such  parts  as  may  in  their  judgment  require  secrecy  ;  and  the  yeas  and 
nays  of  the  members  of  either  House  on  any  question  shall,  at  the  desire  of  one-fifth  of  those 
present,  be  entered  on  the  journal. 

4.  Neither  House,  during  the  session  ot  Congress,  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the 
other,  adjourn  for  more  than  three  days,  nor  to  any  other  place  than  that  in  which  the  two 
Houses  shall  be  sitting. 

Section  VI. — Disabilities  of  Members 

1.  The  Senators  and  Representatives  shall  receive  a  compensation  for  their  services, 
to  be  ascertained  by  law,  and  paid  out  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States.  They  shall  in 
all  cases,  except  treason,  felony,  and  breach  of  the  peace,  be  privileged  from  arrest  during 
their  attendance  at  the  session  of  their  respective  Houses,  and  in  going  to  and  returning  from 
the  same ;  and  for  any  speech  or  debate  in  either  House  they  shall  not  be  questioned  in 
any  other  place. 

2.  No  Senator  or  Representative  shall,  during  the  time  for  which  he  was  elected,  be 
appointed  to  any  civil  office  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States  which  shall  have  been 
created,  or  the  emoluments  whereof  shall  have  been  increased  during  such  time  ;  and  no 
person  holding  any  office  under  the  United  States  shall  be  a  member  of  either  House  during 
his  continuance  in  office. 

Section  VII. — Mode  of  Passing  Laws 

1.  All  bills  for  raising  revenue  shall  originate  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
but  the  Senate  may  propose  or  concur  with  amendments,  as  on  other  bills. 

2.  Every  bill  which  shall  have  passed  the  House  of  Representatives  and  the  Senate 
shall,  before  it  becomes  a  law,  be  presented  to  the  President  of  the  United  States ;  if  he 
approve,  he  shall  sign  it,  but  if  not,  he  shall  return  it,  with  his  objections,  to  that  House  in 
which  it  shall  have  originated,  who  shall  enter  the  objections  at  large  on  their  journal,  and 
proceed  to  reconsider  it.  If,  after  such  reconsideration ,  two-thirds  of  that  House  shall  agree 
to  pass  the  bill,  it  shall  be  sent,  together  with  the  objections,  to  the  other  House,  by  which 
it  shall  likewise  be  reconsidered ;  and  if  approved  by  two-thirds  of  that  House  it  shall 


THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  521 

become  a  law.  But  in  all  such  cases  the  votes  of  both  Houses  shall  be  determined  by  yeas 
and  nays,  and  the  names  of  the  persons  voting  for  and  against  the  bill  shall  be  entered  on  the 
journal  of  each  House  respectively.  If  any  bill  shall  not  be  returned  by  the  President 
within  ten  days  (Sundays  excepted)  after  it  shall  have  been  presented  to  him,  the  same  shall 
be  a  law  in  like  manner  as  if  he  had  signed  it,  unless  the  Congress  by  their  adjournment 
prevent  its  return  ;  in  which  case  it  shall  not  be  a  law. 

3.  Every  order,  resolution,  or  vote  to  which  the  concurrence  of  the  Senate  and  House 
of  Representatives  may  be  necessary  (except  on  a  question  of  adjournment)  shall  be  pre- 
sented to  the  President  of  the  United  States  and  before  the  same  shall  take  effect  shall  be 
approved  by  him,  or  being  disapproved  by  him,  shall  be  repassed  by  two-thirds  of  the 
Senate  and  the  House  of  Representatives,  according  to  the  rules  and  limitations  prescribed 
in  the  case  of  a  bill. 

Sbction  VIII. — Powers  Granted  to  Congress 

The  Congress  shall  have  power. 

1.  To  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises,  to  pay  the  debts  and  provide 
for  the  common  defence  and  general  welfare  of  the  United  States :  but  all  duties,  imposts, 
and  excises  shall  be  uniform  throughout  the  United  States. 

2.  To  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States. 

3.  To  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations,  and  among  the  several  States,  and 
with  the  Indian  tribes. 

4.  To  establish  a  uniform  rule  of  naturalization  and  uniform  laws  on  the  subject  of 
bankruptcies  throughout  the  United  States. 

5.  To  coin  money,  regulate  the  value  thereof,  and  of  foreign  coin,  and  fix  the  standard 
of  weights  and  measures. 

6.  To  provide  for  the  punishment  of  counterfeiting  the  securities  and  current  coin  of 

the  United  States. 

7.  To  establish  post-ofiices  and  post-roads. 

8.  To  promote  the  progress  of  science  and  useful  arts,  by  securing  for  limited  times  to 
authors  and  inventors  the  exclusive  right  to  their  respective  writings  and  discoveries. 

9.  To  constitute  tribunals  inferior  to  the  Supreme  Court. 

10.  To  define  and  punish  piracies  and  felonies  committed  on  the  high  seas,  and 
oflfences  against  the  law  of  nations. 

11.  To  declare  war,  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  and  make  rules  concerning 
captures  on  land  and  water. 

12.  To  raise  and  support  armies,  but  no  appropriation  of  money  to  that  use  shall  be 
for  a  longer  term  than  two  years. 

13.  To  provide  and  maintain  a  navy. 

14.  To  make  rules  for  the  government  and  regulation  of  the  land  and  naval  forces. 
15!  To  provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia  to  execute  the  laws  of  the  Union,  suppress 

insurrections/  and  repel  invasions. 

16.  To  provide  for  organizing,  arming,  and  disciplining  the  militia,  and  for  governing 
such  part  of  them  as  may  be  employed  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  reserving  to  the 
State*  respectively  the  appointment  of  the  officers,  and  the  authority  of  training  the  militia 
according  to  the  discipline  prescribed  by  Congress, 

17.  To  exercise  exclusive  legislation,  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  over  such  district  (not 
exceeding  ten  miles  square)  as  may,  by  cession  of  particular  States  and  the  acceptance  of 
Congress,  become  the  seat  of  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  to  exercise  like  authority 
over  all  places  purchased  by  the  consent  of  the  Legislature  of  the  State  in  which  the  same 
shall  be,  for  theerection  of  forts,  magazines,  arsenals,  dock-yards,  and  other  needful  buildings. 

18.  To  make  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for  carrying  into  execution 
the  foregoing  powers,  and  all  other  powers  vested  by  this  Constitution  in  the  Government 
of  the  United  States,  or  in  any  department  or  officer  thereof. 

Section  IX.— Powers  Denied  to  the  United  States 

1.  The  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  any  of  the  States  now  existing 
shall  think  proper  to  admit  shall  not  be  prohibited  by  the  Congress  prior  to  the  year  one 
thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight,  but  a  tax  or  duty  may  be  imposed  on  such  importation, 
not  exceeding  ten  dollars  for  each  person. 

2.  The  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  shall  not  be  suspended,  unless  when  m 
cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion  the  public  safety  may  require  it. 


522  THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

3.  No  bill  of  attainder  or  ex  post  f ado  law  shall  be  passed. 

4.  No  capitation  or  other  direct  tax  shall  be  laid,  unless  in  proportion  to  the  census 
or  enumeration  hereinbefore  directed  to  be  taken. 

5.  No  tax  or  duty  shall  be  laid  on  articles  exported  from  any  State. 

6.  No  preference  shall  be  given  by  any  regulation  of  commerce  or  revenue  to  the 
ports  of  one  State  over  those  of  another,  nor  shall  vessels  bound  to  or  from  one  State  be 
obliged  to  enter,  clear,  or  pay  duties  in  another. 

7.  No  money  shall  be  dravi'U  from  the  Treasury  but  in  consequence  of  appropriations 
made  by  law;  and  a  regular  statement  and  account  of  the  receipts  and  expenditures  of  all 
public  money  shall  be  published  from  time  to  time. 

8.  No  title  of  nobility  shall  be  granted  by  the  United  States.  And  no  person  holding 
any  office  of  profit  or  trust  under  them  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  Congress,  accept  of 
any  present,  eniolument,  office,  or  title  of  any  kind  whatever  from  any  king,  prince,  or 
foreign  state. 

Section  X. — Powers  Denied  to  the  States 

1.  No  State  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance,  or  confederation,  grant  letters  of 
marque  and  reprisal,  coin  money,  emit  bills  of  credit,  make  anything  but  gold  and  silver  coin 
a  tender  in  payment  of  debts,  pass  any  bill  of  attainder,  ex  post  facto  law,  or  law  Impairing 
the  obligation  of  contracts,  or  grant  any  title  of  nobility. 

2.  No  state  shall,  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  lay  any  impost  or  duties  on 
imports  or  exports,  except  what  may  be  absolutely  necessary  for  executing  its  inspection 
laws  ;  and  the  net  produce  of  all  duties  and  imposts,  laid  by  any  State  on  imports  or 
exports,  shall  be  for  the  use  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States;  and  all  such  laws  shall  be 
subject  to  the  revision  and  control  of  the  Congress. 

3.  No  State  shall >  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  lay  any  duty  of  tonnage,  keep 
troops  or  ships  of  war  in  time  of  peace,  enter  into  any  agreement  or  compact  with  another 
State,  or  with  a  foreign  power,  or  engage  in  war,  unless  actually  invaded,  or  in  such  immi- 
nent danger  as  will  not  admit  of  delay. 

ARTICLE  II. 
Section  I. — President  and  Vice  President 

1.  The  Executive  power  shall  be  vested  in  a  President  of  the  United  States  of 
America.  He  shall  hold  his  office  during  the  term  of  four  years,  and,  together  with  the 
Vice  President,  chosen  for  the  same  term,  be  elected  as  follows  : 

2.  Each  State  shall  appoint,  in  such  manner  as  the  Legislature  thereof  may  direct,  a 
number  of  electors,  equal  to  the  whole  number  of  Senators  and  Representatives  to  which 
the  State  may  be  entitled  in  the  Congress ;  but  no  Senator  or  Representative,  or  person 
holding  an  office  of  trust  or  profit  under  the  United  States,  shall  be  appointed  an  elector. 

3.  [The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States  and  vote  by  ballot  for  two  per- 
sons, of  whom  one  at  least  shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same  State  with  themselves. 
And  they  shall  make  a  list  of  all  the  persons  voted  for,  and  of  the  number  of  votes  for  each, 
which  list  they  shall  sign  and  certify  and  transmit,  sealed,  to  the  seat  of  the  government  of 
the  United  States,  directed  to  the  President  of  the  Senate.  The  President  of  the  Senate 
shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  open  all  the  certificates, 
and  the  votes  shall  then  be  counted.  The  person  having  the  greatest  niamber  of  votes  shall 
be  the  President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed, 
and  if  there  be  more  than  one  who  have  such  majority,  and  have  an  equal  number  of  votes, 
then  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  immediately  choose  by  ballot  one  of  them  for  Presi- 
dent ;  and  if  no  person  have  a  majority,  then,  from  the  five  highest  on  the  list,  the  said 
House  shall  in  like  manner  choose  the  President.  But  in  choosing  the  President,  the  vote 
shall  be  taken  by  States,  the  represention  from  each  State  having  one  vote.  A  quorum,  for 
this  purpose,  shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members  from  two-thirds  of  the  States,  and  a 
mojority  of  all  the  States  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice.  In  every  case,  after  the  choice  of 
the  President,  the  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  of  the  electors  shall  be  the 
Vice  President.  But  if  there  should  remain  two  or  more  who  have  equal  votes,  the  Senate 
shall  choose  from  them  by  ballot  the  Vice  President.]* 


*  This  clause  is  superseded  by  Article  XII.,  Amendments. 


THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  523 

4.  The  Congress  may  determine  the  time  of  choosing  the  electors  and  the  day  on 
which  they  shall  give  their  votes,  which  day  shall  be  the  same  throughout  the  United  States. 

5.  No  person  except  a  natural-born  citizen,  or  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  at  the 
time  of  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution,  shall  be  eligible  to  the  ofBce  of  President;  neither 
shall  any  person  be  eligible  to  that  office  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the  age  of  thirty- 
five  years  and  been  fourteen  years  a  resident  within  the  United  States. 

6.  In  case  of  the  removal  of  the  President  from  office,  or  of  his  death,  resignation, 
or  inability  to  discharge  the  powers  and  duties  of  the  said  office,  the  same  shall  devolve  on 
the  Vice  President,  and  the  Congress  may  by  law  provide  for  the  case  of  removal,  death, 
resignation,  or  inability,  both  of  the  President  and  Vice  President,  declaring  what  officer 
shall  then  act  as  President,  and  such  officer  shall  act  accordingly,  until  the  disability  be 
removed  or  a  President  shall  be  elected. 

7.  The  President  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive  for  his  services  a  compensation,  which 
shall  neither  be  increased  nor  diminished  during  the  period  for  which  he  may  have  been 
elected,  and  he  shall  not  receive  within  that  period  any  other  emolument  from  the  United 
States  or  any  of  them. 

8.  Before  he  enter  on  the  execution  of  his  office  he  shall  take  the  following  oath  or 
affirmation : 

"  I  do  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm)  that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the  office  of  President 
of  the  United  States,  and  will,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  preserve,  protect,  and  defend  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States." 

Section  II. — Powers  of  the  President 

1.  The  President  shall  be  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy  of  the  United 
States,  and  of  the  militia  of  the  several  States  when  called  into  the  actual  service  of  the 
United  States  ;  he  may  require  the  opinion,  in  writing,  of  the  principal  officer  in  each  of  the 
executive  departments  upon  any  subject  relating  to  the  duties  of  their  respective  offices, 
and  he  shall  have  power  to  grant  reprieves  and  pardons  for  offences  against  the  United 
States,  except  in  cases  of  impeachment. 

2.  He  shall  have  power,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  to  make 
treaties,  provided  two-thirds  of  the  Senators  present  concur  ;  and  he  shall  nominate,  and  by 
and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate  shall  appoint  ambassadors,  other  public  min- 
ister, consuls,  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  all  other  officers  of  the  United  States 
whose  appointments  are  not  herein  otherwise  provided  for,  and  which  shall  be  established 
by  law  ;  but  the  Congress  n:ay  by  law  vest  the  appointment  of  such  inferior  officers  as  they 
think  proper  in  the  President  alone,  in  the  courts  of  justice,  or  in  the  heads  of  departments. 

3.  The  President  shall  have  power  to  fill  up  all  vacancies  that  may  happen  during  the 
recess  of  the  Senate  by  granting  commissions,  which  shall  expire  at  the  end  of  their  next 
session . 

Section  III. — Duties  of  the  President 

He  shall  from  time  to  time  give  to  the  Congress  information  of  the  state  of  the 
Union,  and  recommend  to  their  consideration  such  measures  as  he  shall  judge  necessary 
and  expedient ;  he  may,  on  extraordinary  occasions,  convene  both  Houses,  or  either  of 
them,  and  in  case  of  disagreement  between  them,  with  respect  to  the  time  of  adjourn- 
ment, he  may  adjourn  them  to  such  time  as  he  shall  think  proper  ;  he  shall  receive  ambassa- 
dors and  other  public  ministers ;  he  shall  take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed, 
and  shall  commission  all  the  officers  of  the  United  States. 

Section  IV. — Impeachment  of  the  President 

The  President,  Vice  President,  and  all  civil  officers  of  the  United  States  shall  be 
removed  from  office  on  impeachment  for  and  conviction  of  treason,  bribery,  or  other  high 
crimes  and  misdemeanors. 

ARTICLE  HI. 

Section  I. — United  States  Courts 

The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  be  vested  in  one  Supreme  Court,  and 
in  such  inferior  courts  as  the  Congress  may  from  time  to  time  ordain  and  establish.  The 
judges,  both  of  the  Supreme  and  inferior  courts,  shall  hold  their  offices  during  good  behavior, 


524  THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

and  shall  at  stated  times  receive  for  their  services  a  compensation,  which  shall  not  be 
diminished  during  their  continuance  in  office. 

Section  II.— Jurisdiction  of  the;  United  States 

1.  The  judicial  power  shall  extend  to  all  cases  in  law  and  eqi  .ity  arising  under  this 
Constitution,  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  treaties  made,  o.  which  shall  be  made, 
under  their  authority  ;  to  all  cases  afiPecting  ambassadors,  other  publi<  ministers,  and  consuls  ; 
to  all  cases  of  admiralty  and  maritime  jurisdiction  ;  to  controversies  to  which  the  United 
States  shall  be  a  party  ;  to  controversies  between  two  or  more  States,  between  a  State  and 
citizens  of  another  State,  between  citizens  of  different  States,  between  citizens  of  the  same 
State  claiming  lands  under  grants  of  different  States,  and  between  a  State,  or  the  citizens 
thereof,  and  foreign  States,  citizens,  or  subjects.* 

2.  In  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers,  and  consuls,  and  those 
in  which  a  State  shall  be  party,  the  Supreme  Court  shall  have  original  jurisdiction.  In  all 
the  other  cases  before  mentioned  the  Supreme  Court  shall  have  appellate  jurisdiction  both 
as  to  law  and  fact,  with  such  exceptions,  and  under  such  regulations  as  the  Congress  shall 
make. 

3.  The  trial  of  all  crimes,  except  in  cases  of  impeachment,  shall  be  by  jury,  and  such 
trial  shall  be  held  in  the  State  where  the  said  crimes  shall  have  been  committed  ;  but  when 
not  committed  within  any  State  the  trial  shall  be  at  such  place  or  places  as  the  Congress 
may  by  law  have  directed. 

Section  III. — Treason 

1.  Treason  against  the  United  States  shall  consist  only  in  levying  war  against  them, 
or  in  adhering  to  their  enemies,  giving  them  aid  and  comfort.  No  person  shall  be  convicted 
of  treason  unless  on  the  testimony  of  two  witnesses  to  the  same  overt  act,  or  on  confession 
in  open  court. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  declare  the  punishment  of  treason,  but  no  attain- 
der of  treason  shall  work  corruption  of  blood  or  forfeiture  except  during  the  life  of  the  per- 
son attained. 

ARTICLE  IV. 

Section  I. — State  Records 

Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given  in  each  State  to  the  public  acts,  records,  andjudicial 
proceedings  of  every  other  State.  And  the  Congress  may  by  general  laws  prescribe  the 
manner  in  which  such  acts,  records,  and  proceedings  shall  be  proved,  and  the  effect  thereof. 

Section  II. — Privileges  of  Citizens,  etc. 

1.  The  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  privileges  and  immunities  of 
citizens  in  the  several  States. 

2.  A  person  charged  in  any  State  with  treason,  felony,  or  other  crime,  who  shall  flee 
from  justice,  and  be  found  in  another  State,  shall,  on  demand  of  the  Executive  authority 
of  the  State  from  which  he  fled,  be  delivered  up,  to  be  removed  to  the  State  having  juris- 
diction of  the  crime. 

3.  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping 
into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from 
such  service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service 
or  labor  may  be  due. 

Section  III. — New  States  and  Territories 

1.  New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the  Congress  into  this  Union  ;  but  no  new  State 
shall  be  formed  or  erected  within  the  jurisdiction  of  any  other  State,  nor  any  State  be 
formed  by  the  junction  of  two  or  more  States,  or  parts  of  States,  without  the  Consent  of 
the  Legislatures  of  the  States  concerned,  as  well  as  of  the  Congress. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all  needful  rules  and  regu- 
lations respecting  the  territory  or  other  property  belonging    to  the  United  States;   and 


'  Altered  by  the  nth  Amendment. 


THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  525 

nothing  in  this  Constitution  shall  be  so  construed  as  to  prejudice  any  claims  of  the  United 
States,  or  of  any  particular  State. 

Section  IV. — Guaranteb  to  the  States 

The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State  in  this  Union  a  republican  form 
of  government,  and  shall  protect  each  of  them  against  invasion,  and,  on  application  of  the 
Legislature,  or  of  the  executive  (when  the  Legislature  cannot  be  convened),  against  domestic 
violence. 

ARTlCIvB  V. 

The  Congress,  whenever  two-thirds  of  both  Houses  shall  deem  it  necessary,  shall 
propose  amendments  to  this  Constitution,  or,  on  the  application  of  the  Legislatures  of  two- 
thirds  of  the  several  States,  shall  call  a  convention  for  proposing  amendments,  which,  in 
either  case,  shall  be  valid  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  part  of  this  Constitution,  when 
ratified  by  the  Legislatures  of  three-fourths  of  the  several  States,  or  by  conventions  in 
three-fourths  thereof,  as  the  one  or  the  other  mode  of  ratification  may  be  proposed  by 
Congress  ;  provided  that  no  amendment  which  may  be  made  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  eight  shall  in  any  manner  afiFect  the  first  and  fourth  clauses  in  the  Ninth 
Section  of  the  First  Article ;  and  that  no  State,  without  its  consent,  shall  be  deprived  of  its 
equal  suffrage  in  the  Senate. 

ARTICLE  VI. 

1.  All  debts  contracted  and  engagements  entered  into  before  the  adoption  of  this  Con- 
stitution shall  be  as  valid  against  the  United  States  under  this  Constitution  as  under  the 
Confederation. 

2.  This  Constitution,  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States  which  shall  be  made  in  pur- 
suance thereof,  and  all  treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made,  under  the  authority  of  the 
United  States,  shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land,  and  the  judges  in  every  State  shall  be 
bound  thereby,  anything  in  the  Constitution  or  laws  of  any  State  to  the  contrary  notwith- 
standing. 

3.  The  Senators  and  Representatives  before  mentioned,  and  the  members  of  the  sev- 
eral State  Legislatures,  and  all  executive  and  judicial  officers,  both  of  the  United  States 
and  of  the  several  States,  shall  be  bound  by  oath  or  affirmation  to  support  this  Constitution  ; 
but  no  religious  test  shall  ever  be  required  as  a  qualification  to  any  oflSce  or  public  trust 
under  the  United  States. 

ARTICLE  VII. 

The  ratification  of  the  Conventions  of  nine  States  shall  be  suflScient  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  this  Constitution  between  the  States  so  ratifying  the  same. 


AMENDMENTS  TO  THE  CONSTITUTION. 

ARTICLE  I. 

Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  establishment  of  religion,  or  prohibiting 
the  free  exercise  thereof;  or  abridging  the  freedom  of  speech  or  of  the  press  ;  or  the  right 
of  the  people  peaceably  to  assemble,  and  to  petition  the  government  for  a  redress  of 
grievances. 

ARTICLE  II. 

A  well-regulated  militia  being  necessary  to  the  security  of  a  free  State,  the  right  of 
the  people  to  keep  and  bear  arms  shall  not  be  infringed. 

ARTICLE  III. 

No  soldier  shall,  in  time  of  peace,  be  quartered  in  any  house  without  the  consent  of 
the  owner,  nor  in  time  of  war,  but  in  a  manner  to  be  prescribed  by  law. 

ARTICLE  IV. 

The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  persons,  houses,  papers,  and  effects, 
agaiust  yxnrfnsonahle  searches  and  seizures,  shall  not  be  violated,  and  no  warrants  shall 


526  THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

issue  but  upon  probable  cause,  supported  by  oath  or  affirmation,  and  particularly  describing 
the  place  to  be  searched,  and  the  persons  or  things  to  be  seized. 

ARTICLE  V. 

No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital  or  otherwise  infamous  crime,  unless  on  a 
presentment  or  indictment  of  a  grand  jury,  except  in  cases  arising  in  the  land  or  naval 
forces,  or  in  the  militia,  when  in  actual  service,  in  time  of  war  or  public  danger  ;  nor  shall 
any  person  be  subject  for  the  same  offence  to  be  twice  put  in  jeopardy  of  life  or  limb  ;  nor 
shall  be  compelled,  in  any  criminal  case,  to  be  a  witness  against  himself,  nor  be  deprived  of 
life,  lil)erty,  or  property,  without  due  process  of  law;  nor  shall  private  property  be  taken 
for  public  use  without  just  compensation. 

ARTlCIvE  VI. 

In  all  criminal  prosecutions,  the  accused  shall  enjoy  the  right  to  a  speedy  and  public 
trial,  by  an  impartial  jury  of  the  State  and  district  wherein  the  crime  shall  have  been  com- 
mitted, which  district  shall  have  been  previously  ascertained  by  law,  and  to  be  informed  of 
the  nature  and  cause  of  the  accusation  ;  to  be  confronted  with  the  witnesses  against  him  ; 
to  have  compulsory  process  for  obtaining  witnesses  in  his  favor,  and  to  have  the  assistance 
of  counsel  for  his  defence. 

ARTICLE  VII. 

In  suits  at  common  law,  where  the  value  in  controversy  shall  exceed  twenty  dollars, 
the  right  of  trial  by  jury  shall  be  preserved,  and  no  fact  tried  by  a  jury  shall  be  otherwise 
re-examined  in  any  court  of  the  United  States  than  according  to  the  rules  of  the  com- 
mon law. 

ARTICLE  VIII. 

Excessive  bail  shall  not  be  required,  nor  excessive  fines  imposed,  nor  cruel  and 
unusual  punishments  inflicted. 

ARTICLE  IX. 

The  enumeration  in  the  Constitution  of  certain  rights  shall  not  be  construed  to  deny 
or  disparage  others  retained  by  the  people. 

ARTICLE  X. 

The  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitution,  nor  prohibited 
by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the  States  respectively  or  to  the  people. 

ARTICLE  XL 

The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  not  be  construed  to  extend  to  any  suit 
in  law  or  equity,  commenced  or  prosecuted  against  one  of  the  United  States  by  citizens  of 
another  State,  or  by  citizens  or  subjects  of  any  foreign  State. 

ARTICLE  XII. 

The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States,  and  vote  by  ballot  for  President  and 
Vice  President,  one  of  whom  at  least  shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same  State  with 
themselves  ;  they  shall  name  in  their  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  President,  and  in  dis- 
tinct ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  Vice  President ;  and  they  shall  make  distinct  lists  of  all 
persons  voted  for  as  President,  and  of  all  persons  voted  for  as  Vice  President,  and  of  the 
number  of  votes  for  each,  which  lists  they  shall  sign  and  certify,  and  transmit,  sealed,  to 
the  seat  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  directed  to  the  President  of  the  Senate  ; 
the  President  of  the  Senate  shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representa- 
tives, open  all  the  certificates,  and  the  votes  shall  then  be  counted  ;  the  person  having  the 
greatest  number  of  votes  for  President  shall  be  the  President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority 
of  the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed;  and  if  no  person  have  such  majority,  then 
from  the  persons  having  the  highest  numbers,  not  exceeding  three,  on  the  list  of  those 
voted  for  as  President,  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  immediately,  by  ballot, 


THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  527 

the  Presideut.  But  in  choosing  the  President,  the  votes  shall  be  taken  by  States,  the  rep- 
resentation from  each  State  having  one  vote  ;  a  quorum  for  this  purpose  shall  consist  of  a 
member  or  members  from  two-thirds  of  the  States,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  States  shall  be 
necessary  to  a  choice.  And  if  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  not  choose  a  President, 
whenever  the  right  of  choice  shall  devolve  upon  them,  before  the  fourth  day  of  March 
next  following,  then  the  Vice  President  shall  act  as  President,  as  in  the  case  of  the  death  or 
other  constitutional  disability  of  the  President.  The  person  having  the  greatest  number 
of  votes  as  Vice  President  shall  be  the  Vice  President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the 
whole  number  of  electors  appointed,  and  if  no  person  have  a  majority,  then  from  the  two 
highest  numbers  on  the  list  the  Senate  shall  choose  the  Vice  President ;  a  quorum  for  the 
purpose  shall  consist  of  two-thirds  of  the  whole  number  of  Senators,  and  a  majority  of  the 
whole  number  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice.  But  no  person  constitutionally  ineligible  to 
the  office  of  President  shall  be  eligible  to  that  of  Vice  President  of  the  United  States. 

ARTICI.E  XIII. 

1.  Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except  as  a  punishment  for  crime  whereof 
the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted,  shall  exist  within  the  United  States,  or  any  place 
subject  to  their  jurisdiction. 

2.  Congresss  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article  by  appropriate  legislation. 

ARTICIvE:  XIV. 

1.  All  persons  born  or  naturalized  in  the  United  States,  and  subject  to  the  jurisdiction 
thereof,  are  citizens  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  State  wherein  they  reside.  No  State 
shall  make  or  enforce  any  law  which  shall  abridge  the  privileges  or  immunities  of  citizens 
of  the  United  States  ;  nor  shall  any  State  deprive  any  person  of  life,  liberty,  or  property 
without  due  process  of  law,  nor  deny  to  any  person  within  its  jurisdiction  the  equal  protec- 
tion of  the  laws. 

2.  Representatives  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several  States  according  to  their 
respective  numbers,  counting  the  whole  number  of  persons  in  each  State,  excluding  Indians 
not  taxed.  But  when  the  right  to  vote  at  any  election  for  the  choice  of  electors  for  President 
and  Vice  President  of  the  United  States,  Representatives  in  Congress,  the  executive  and 
judicial  officers  of  a  State,  or  the  members  of  the  Legislature  thereof,  is  denied  to  any  of  the 
male  inhabitants  of  such  State,  being  of  twenty-one  years  of  age,  and  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  or  in  any  way  abridged,  except  for  participation  in  rebellion  or  other  crime,  the  basis 
of  representation  therein  shall  be  reduced  in  the  proportion  which  the  number  of  such  male 
citizens  shall  bear  to  the  whole  number  of  male  citizens  twenty-one  years  of  age  in  such 
State. 

3.  No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  or  Representative  in  Congress,  or  elector  of  President 
and  Vice  President,  or  hold  any  office,  civil  or  military,  under  the  United  States,  or 
under  any  State,  who,  having  previously  taken  an  oath,  as  a  member  of  Congress,  or  as  an 
officer  of  the  United  States,  or  as  a  member  of  any  State  Legislattire,  or  as  an  executive  or 
judicial  officer  of  any  State,  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  shall  have 
engaged  in  insurrection  or  rebellion  against  the  same,  or  given  aid  or  comfort  to  the 
enemies  thereof.  But  Congress  may,  by  a  vote  of  two  thirds  of  each  House,  remove  such 
disabilit)'. 

4.  The  validity  of  the  public  debt  of  the  United  States,  authorized  by  law,  including 
debts  incurred  for  payment  of  pensions  and  bounties  for  services  in  suppressing  insurrec- 
tion or  rebellion,  shall  not  be  questioned.  But  neither  the  United  States  nor  any  State  shall 
assume  or  pay  any  debt  or  obligation  incurred  in  aid  of  insurrection  or  rebellion  against  the 
United  States,  or  any  claim  for  the  loss  or  emancipation  of  any  slave  ;  but  all  such  debts, 
obligations,  and  claims  shall  be  held  illegal  and  void. 

5.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  by  appropriate  legislation  the  provisions 
of  this  article. 

ARTICIyK  XV. 

1.  The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote  shall  not  be  denied  or  abridged 
by  the  United  States  or  by  any  State  on  account  of  race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of 
servitude. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce,  by  appropriate  legislation,  the  provisions 
of  this  article. 


